Continuing Our Santa Gift Review: A Lump of Coal for a Pro Se Defendant – Update for December 28, 2023

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

‘I AIN’T NO SNITCH – I’M JUST AN IDIOT’

Henry Underwood chose to represent himself at trial on a felon in possession of a firearm charge. After all, what do those lawyers know that Hank doesn’t?

snitchin200309Well, for starters, try this one on for size. Hank took the stand to testify in his own defense to the 18 USC § 922(g) felon-in-possession count. He explained to the jury that the gun found under his car seat belonged to someone else, not to him.

OK, so far, so good. But on cross-examination, the prosecutor asked the obvious question: if not Hank, exactly to whom did the gun belong? Hank tried to plead the 5th Amendment, saying he did not want to name the owner because he was no “snitch.”

You see, Hank, that dumb lawyer you didn’t want would have told you that by testifying, you were waiving your 5th Amendment rights. But Hank had jettisoned his mouthpiece as unnecessary. For his continued refusal to answer the prosecutor’s question, Hank found himself on the receiving end of a criminal contempt finding. Oh, yeah, and the jury found his testimony not credible and thus voted him guilty of the charged offense.

On appeal, Henry (now represented by counsel, a classic “too little, too late” decision if ever there was one, argued that his pretrial waiver of the right to counsel was not knowing and voluntary.

lumpofcoal221215Last week, the 7th Circuit gave Henry a lump of coal. The Circuit reviewed the four factors considered in determining whether a waiver is knowing and voluntary. The first is whether the court had made a formal inquiry into the defendant’s decision to represent himself. Hank argued that the court should have advised him of what his defenses were (and that he’d better be ready to answer questions on cross-examination if he took the stand). The 7th rejected that notion out of hand. The judge is not there to counsel the defendant.

The appellate panel also held that Henry’s “active participation at trial and regular consultation with standby counsel indicate that he knew the choice he was making when he elected to proceed pro se. Reliance on standby counsel reflects an appreciation for the difficulties of self-representation,” the Circuit held.

Besides, the Circuit said, Henry was no virgin. He had two prior felony convictions and one murder acquittal by a jury, “indicat[ing] he possessed knowledge of the complexities of procedure and trial sufficient to make him aware of the task she was undertaking.”

argueidiot180215Finally, the Court said, Hank “chose to proceed pro se after a disagreement with his appointed counsel over his defense and trial strategy. A defendant who waives his right to counsel for strategic reasons, including the decision to proceed without counsel due to differences in opinion regarding defense strategy, tends to do so knowingly… We therefore presume Underwood’s choice in this instance to have been strategic and intentional.”

If Henry thought that he could select which questions he was going to answer when he took the stand, he did not understand the 5th Amendment right against self-incrimination and thus had no business firing his lawyer.

 United States v. Underwood, Case No 23-1303, 2023 U.S.App. LEXIS 33404 (7th Cir., Dec 18, 2023)

– Thomas L. Root

The Santa Report: A Lump of Coal for Congress – Update for December 26, 2023

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

A LUMP OF COAL FOR CONGRESS

The House of Representatives held 700 votes in 2023, but managed to pass only 27 bills, a “dramatic productivity decline relative to previous years, even when compared to other eras of divided government,” NPR reported last week.

grid160229Yeah, it’s true that generally speaking, “[n]o man’s life, liberty or property are safe while the Legislature is in session.” (It is not true that Mark Twain originated that chestnut: it really belonged to  Surrogate Judge Gideon J. Tucker, writing in Final Accounting in the Estate of A.B. back in 18660. But “do-nothing” Congresses have been derided before, despite the fact that Truman’s original “do-nothing” Congress was more productive than many and beat the hell out of the 118th.

clowncar231226The New York Times reported that “some Republican lawmakers have expressed frustration at their inability to get things done. ‘If we don’t change the foundational problems within our conference, it’s just going to be the same stupid clown car with a different driver,’ Representative Dusty Johnson of South Dakota vented to reporters in October after Mr. McCarthy’s ouster. But those foundational problems remain.”

For all of those who regularly ask where the EQUAL Act stands, when Congress is going to “fix” 18 USC § 924(c), reinstate the elderly offender home detention program, “do something for sex offenders,” or pass the mythical “65% law” (yeah, I was once again asked about that rumor last Friday), there’s your answer.

NPR, Congress passed so few laws this year that we explained them all in 1,000 words (December 22, 2023)

New York Times, House Dysfunction by the Numbers: 724 Votes, Only 27 Laws Enacted (December 19, 2023)

– Thomas L. Root

Uncle Joe Goes Light on Clemency Gifts This Christmas – Update for December 22, 2023

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

CLEMENCY FOR CHRISTMAS

clemencyjack161229I had a post prepared wondering whether we would see any clemency from President Biden this year. As I was putting it up this morning, the President announced one mass pardon and commutations of sentences for “11 fellow Americans who are serving unduly long sentences for non-violent drug offenses.”

First, the mass marijuana pardon. The President granted a pardon 

to all current United States citizens and lawful permanent residents who, on or before the date of this proclamation, committed or were convicted of the offense of simple possession of marijuana, attempted simple possession of marijuana, or use of marijuana, regardless of whether they have been charged with or prosecuted for these offenses on or before the date of this proclamation.” The pardon covers people violating 21 USC § 844 (simple possession on federal property), 21 USC § 846 (attempts to possess pot), DC Code sections prohibiting simple possession of marijuana, and any of a thundering herd of Federal regulations that prohibit “only the simple possession or use of marijuana on Federal properties or installations, or in other locales, as currently or previously codified.

numbersBeyond that, the President commuted the sentences of 11 people convicted of drug offenses. His clemency picks by the numbers:

• Two of the recipients had trafficked in methamphetamines and nine in cocaine or crack;

• Four of the recipients were serving life terms, five were serving 20-year sentences, one a 22-year sentence, and one a 15-1/2 year sentence;

• For the non-life sentence people, the average sentence was 235 months. The commutations cut those sentences by an average of 19%;

• One life sentence recipient had served 15 years, the other three had served from 25-27 years;

• Two of the life-sentence inmates still have substantial time left to serve, one 8 years and the other 12 years; and

• Nine of the recipients were in prison, two were already on home confinement or in halfway house;

Any clemency is good clemency, but President Biden’s production is a little paltry. Last year, Biden issued pardons to six people on December 28, four for various low-level drug offenses, one for the illegal sale of whiskey, and one to an 80-year-old woman who killed her husband 47 years ago. All of the people were convicted for crimes that occurred at least 20 years before. No one had served more than two years.

At the time, the White House said the pardoned people had served sentences and “demonstrated a commitment to improving their communities and the lives of those around them.” This time around, the President said that the commutation serves “to uphold the values of redemption and rehabilitation.”

President Biden’s clemency performance to date is tepid. Law professor Mark Osler, one of a handful of clemency scholars in the US, wrote in The Atlantic:

Obama granted more than 1,700 commutations, which, unlike a pardon, shorten a sentence while leaving the conviction standing. But he accomplished this by cranking the broken system hard; he never changed the process. The news since then has been depressing. Donald Trump used clemency largely to reward tough guys, fraudsters, and others he knew or admired, and only a couple hundred of them at that. Joe Biden is the most lackluster user of the pardon power in memory. He has done little beyond granting commutations to people who are already out of prison and pardons to minor marijuana offenders. He has yet to even deny any petitioners by presidential action. An enormous backlog of petitions languishes, ignored.

clemency231222The politically safe but meaningless blanket pardon for simple marijuana possession will likely garner the headlines. Remember, when the President announced a mass pardon in October 2021, none of the eligible recipients was even in prison. President Biden’s action today has cut the number of pending petitions for clemency by an estimated six-one hundredths of a percent. There’s a reason I tell people wanting a federal clemency to use the $1.00 it will cost to mail it for a lottery ticket instead: the odds of winning big in Powerball are so much better.

White House, A Proclamation on Granting Pardon for the Offense of Simple Possession of Marijuana, Attempted Simple Possession of Marijuana, or Use of Marijuana (December 22, 2023)

White House, Clemency Recipient List (December 22, 2023)

Reuters, Biden reduces sentences of 11 facing non-violent drug charges (December 22, 2023)

The Atlantic, The Forgotten Tradition of Clemency (December 16, 2023)

AP, Biden pardons 6 convicted of murder, drug, alcohol crimes (December 30, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

An “AIC” Would Get More Prison Time For Doing What the BOP and ACA Did – Update for December 21, 2023

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

INSPECTOR GENERAL UNMASKS BOP-ACA INSPECTION SCAM

Adults in Custody (that’s “prisoners” in normal-speak and so far, the new label is about all the progress BOP Director Colette Peters has made in 17 months at the helm) are fortunate that the institutions in which they’re housed are regularly audited by the American Correctional Association to ensure that they continue to meet that organization’s uncompromising high standards.

badcheck231221Of course. And the check’s in the mail, too…

A report issued by the Dept of Justice Inspector General last month found that instead of providing an independent evaluation of Federal Bureau of Prisons facilities, the ACA “instead relied on the prisons’ own internal reports during reaccreditation reviews.” In other words, as the DOJ put it, “it appears the BOP is, in effect, paying ACA to affirm the BOP’s own findings.”

The BOP awarded a $2.75 million contract to the ACA in 2018 to obtain accreditation and reaccreditation for BOP facilities. Five years into the agreement, the DOJ audit was intended to evaluate “the value the BOP receives through ACA accreditation for its prisons” and “how the BOP uses ACA’s accreditation to improve BOP standards for health, safety, and security of inmates and staff; and (3) the BOP’s contract administration and ACA’s performance and compliance with terms, conditions, laws, and regulations applicable to the contract.

nothingtosee230313The IG’s report found that “[a]lthough the contract requires ACA to perform its accreditation and reaccreditation in accordance with ACA’s policies, manuals, and procedures, current BOP and ACA officials… agreed that ACA would only perform independent reviews of BOP facilities as provided for in ACA policy during initial accreditation. For reaccreditation reviews, which was most of ACA’s work under the contract, the BOP and ACA agreed that ACA would rely on the BOP’s internal program review reports. As a result, it appears the BOP is, in effect, paying ACA to affirm the BOP’s own findings.”

The auditors also wrote they “did not identify instances where the BOP used ACA’s accreditation process to improve BOP standards for health, safety, and security of inmates and staff.” Of course not. If the BOP did a self-audit that the ACA signed off on, why bother to improve? Remember that only three months ago, NPR reported that the BOP claimed on its website that its medical centers were accredited by the Joint Commission, which accredits the vast majority of US hospitals, when in fact the certification had lapsed two years before.

NPR’s investigation – showing that federal prisoners die from treatable conditions that the BOP does not diagnose or treat in a timely way – was behind a call last week from Sens Richard Durbin (D-IL) and Charles Grassley (R-IA) for better BOP healthcare.

drquack191111“It is deeply upsetting that families are mourning the loss of their loved ones because they were not afforded the proper medical care they deserved while incarcerated,” Durbin, who is chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, told NPR. “BOP must immediately prioritize correcting the ineffective, harmful standards and procedures used to determine when an incarcerated person will be seen by medical professionals.”

Grassley, also a member of the Judiciary Committee, agreed. “BOP needs to be held responsible for this failure and take action to raise its standards.”

In response, a BOP spokesperson told NPR the Bureau “‘appreciates the Senators’ focus on this important issue’ and is committed to continue working with them on oversight.”

DOJ Office of Inspector General, Audit of the Federal Bureau of Prisons’ Contract Awarded to the American Correctional Association (November 16, 2023)

Lincoln, Nebraska, Journal-Star, Federal audit blasts nonprofit responsible for accrediting Nebraska’s prisons (December 10, 2023)

NPR, Lawmakers push for federal prison oversight after reports of inadequate medical care (December 12, 2023)

– Thomas L. Root

Supremes Will Review Four More Criminal Cases – Update for December 19, 2023

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

SUPREME COURT ENDS YEAR WITH CRIMINAL-CASE CERTIORARI BLOWOUT

In what was probably its last certiorari grant order for 2023, the Supreme Court issued probably added four criminal cases last week.

blowout231219The highest profile case is Fischer v. United States, which arises from a defendant convicted of obstruction of Congress for the January 6th Capitol riot. He was convicted of an 18 USC § 1512(c) offense, which prohibits corruptly obstructing, influencing, or impeding “any official proceeding.” The district court dismissed the § 1512(c) charge, holding that Congress only intended it to apply to evidence tampering that obstructs an official proceeding. The D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals reversed that decision in a 2-1 opinion, ruling that “[u]nder the most natural reading of the statute,” the law “applies to all forms of corrupt obstruction of an official proceeding, other than the conduct that is already covered by” the evidence-tampering language of § 1512(b). One judge dissented that the government’s interpretation of the statute would render it “both improbably broad and unconstitutional in many of its applications.”

SCOTUS also will review a 9th Circuit ruling in favor of Danny Lee Jones, sentenced to death for two murders. A federal district court in Arizona rejected Jones’s claims that his lawyer had provided inadequate assistance, but the 9th reversed that decision, upholding its position in an order denying an en banc rehearing with ten judges dissenting.

The issue is how evidence not presented by a defense attorney because of failure to investigate should be weighed in determining Strickland v. Washington prejudice in a post-conviction proceeding. Although the issue relates to an Arizona death penalty case, the outcome could provide the first new ruling on Strickland prejudice in well over a decade.

goodpros170330In Chiaverini v. City of Napoleon, the high court will consider whether a claim for malicious prosecution can proceed for a baseless criminal charge, even if there was probable cause for prosecutors to bring other criminal charges. In Snyder v. United States, the Supremes will consider whether the federal bribery statute – 18 USC § 666(a)(1)(B) – makes it a crime to accept “gratuities” — that is, payment for something a government official has already done, without any prior agreement to take those actions in exchange for payment.

The Court will rule on the cases by the end of its current term on June 30, 2024.

Sentencing Law and Policy, Four criminal cases of note in latest SCOTUS cert grants (December 13, 2023)

Fischer v. United States, Case No. 23-5572 (certiorari granted December 13, 2023)

Thornell v. Jones, Case No. 22-982 (certiorari granted December 13, 2023)

Chiaverini v. Napoleon, Case No. 23-50 (certiorari granted December 13, 2023)

Snyder v. United States, Case No. 23-108 (certiorari granted December 13, 2023)

– Thomas L. Root

Sentencing Commission Proposes Acquitted Conduct Sentencing Change – Update for December 18, 2023

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

MOVING RIGHT ALONG…

USSC170511Last Thursday the U.S. Sentencing Commission acted with uncharacteristic alacrity, adopting proposed amendments for the 2024 amendment cycle about a month earlier than has been typical over the past 30 years.

The Commission proposes seven changes in Guideline policy in a 755-page release, the most anticipated of which is the use of acquitted conduct at sentencing.

The Commission proposes adopting one of three acquitted conduct options:

Option 1 would amend § 1B1.3, the “relevant conduct” Guideline, to provide that acquitted conduct is not relevant conduct for determining the guideline range. It would define “acquitted conduct” as conduct constituting an element of a charge of which the defendant has been acquitted by the court, except for conduct establishing the instant offense that was “found by the trier of fact beyond a reasonable doubt.”

Option 2 would amend the § 1B1.3 Commentary to provide that a downward departure may be warranted if the use of acquitted conduct has a “disproportionate impact” on the guideline range.

Option 3 would amend USSG § 6A1.3 (which addresses the standard of proof required to resolve Guidelines disputes) to provide that while a “preponderance of the evidence” standard generally is sufficient, acquitted conduct should not be considered unless it is established by clear and convincing evidence.

acquitted230106The Supreme Court last June denied 13 petitions for writ of certiorari related to use of acquitted conduct in sentencing. Four Justices felt the Commission should first address the issue. US District Judge Carlton W. Reeves, chairman of the USSC, said, “When the Supreme Court tells us to address an issue, the Commission listens… [A]ll options are on the table.”

The USSC proposal also addresses counting juvenile convictions for criminal history. The Commission proposed changes that would limit the impact of those convictions on criminal history scoring and expand consideration of a defendant’s youth at sentencing.

One piece of bad news is the Commission’s proposal to undo the effects of the 2019 Supreme Court Kisor v. Willkie decision. A year ago, the 3rd Circuit relied on Kisor in United States v. Banks to hold that the loss enhancement under USSG § 2B1.1(b)(1) includes only what was actually lost. The Circuit reasoned that the word “intended” appears only in the 2B1.1 commentary and not in the Guideline itself, and thus “the loss enhancement in the Guideline’s application notes impermissibly expands the word ‘loss’ to include both intended loss and actual loss.”

Sentencing for “intended loss” is the fraud equivalent of “ghost dope“:  Often, “intended loss” is what the government says it is, and that figure shoots the Guidelines sentencing range to the moon.

Banks sparked a debate on how much deference to give the Sentencing Commission’s interpretation of its own Guidelines. The 3rd said the USSC lacked authority to use its commentary – which is not subject to Congressional approval before adoption – to expand the meaning of “loss” to include what was intended but did not happen.

loss210312The USSC now intends to short-circuit the Kisor v. Willkie debate (and to kneecap the Banks decision) by moving “intended loss” from the commentary into the text of 2B1.1. Because that amendment will be subject to a possible (but improbable) veto by Congress veto, the Kisor v. Willkie problem with 2B1.1 will melt as fast as snowflakes on a hot stove.

The USSC drew its proposed amendment from policy priorities adopted last August. Not making the final cut were policy priorities on career offender (and not for the first time) and methamphetamine.

The proposed amendments will be open for public comment period until February 22, 2024. A public hearing will occur after that. Final proposed amendments will be sent to Congress by May 1 to become effective next November 1, 2024.

USSC, Proposed Amendments to the Sentencing Guidelines (Preliminary) (December 14, 2023)

USSC, US Sentencing Commission seeks comment on proposals addressing the impact of acquitted conduct, youthful convictions, and other issues (December 14, 2023)

USSC, Public Hearing (December 14, 2023)

USSC, Federal Register Notice of Final 2023-2024 Priorities (August 24, 2023)

United States v. Banks, 55 F.4th 246 (3d Cir. 2022)

Bloomberg Law, Wall Street Fraudsters Rush to Cut Prison Terms With New Ruling (November 1, 2023)

– Thomas L. Root

Whose Motion Did You Just Deny, Judge? – Update for December 15, 2023

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

I NEVER SAID THAT

Neversaidthat231215Ever feel like the court was reading something other than your motion when it denied you relief?

Robin Sims filed for compassionate release under 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A), arguing that COVID had wrecked his health and the Federal Bureau of Prisons was not giving him adequate care. The government agreed that at least one of Robin’s chronic medical conditions was an “extraordinary and compelling” reason for a compassionate release, but it opposed Robin’s motion because the 18 USC § 3553(a) sentencing factors failed to support letting Robin out at this time.

The district court, however, released an opinion smacking of alternate reality. It first held that Robin’s argument for release “due to the increased risk of contracting COVID and changes in the law arguments [did] not amount to an extraordinary and compelling reason warranting a sentence reduction.” The court also noted the government’s opposition claim that there were no extraordinary and compelling reasons for granting compassionate release. Finally, the district court concluded, the § 3553(a) factors weighed against grant. The court denied the compassionate release on those bases.

twooutofthree231214Last week the 9th Circuit reversed the district court denial, holding that “the government and the district court misread Sims’s pro se motion.”

The district court and government were unforgivably sloppy. First, the government summarized Robin’s argument as being that “extraordinary and compelling reasons exist because the coronavirus (COVID-19) places him at risk if he remains in the custody of BOP.”

Robin never said that. Rather, he argued that he was experiencing ongoing medical complications because of the COVID he had had. He challenged the adequacy of the BOP medical care. Robin relied on these reasons, in addition to intervening changes in the law, to show extraordinary and compelling reasons in support of a reduced sentence.

The 9th also ruled that the district court’s order misstated the government’s position by mistakenly saying that the government opposed Robin’s motion because he had failed to show extraordinary and compelling reasons.  The government had said just the opposite.

mistake170417Doesn’t matter, the government told the 9th Circuit. The district court errors were harmless, the government contended, because the judge had also found that the § 3553(a) factors disfavored Robin’s motion. The Circuit disagreed. “[M]otions for compassionate release require an individualized inquiry,” the Circuit held, and “here, we see no indication that the district court considered Sims’s argument that his health and medical care needs were ‘extraordinary and compelling,’ or that it reviewed the medical records [he] submitted in support of his motion.

The case now goes back to the district court to consider the 18 USC § 3553 factors in light of the extraordinary and compelling reasons Robin had shown.

United States v. Sims, Case No 22-3430, 2023 U.S.App. LEXIS 32310 (8th Cir., December 7, 2023)

– Thomas L. Root

A Few More Short Takes – Update for December 14, 2023

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

SPIRIT OF THE SEASON

The Romans had a saying, “De mortuis nil nisi bonum dicendum est,” or – as my sainted Latin teacher Emily Bernges would have translated, “Of the dead, nothing but good shall be said.”

This sentiment is enshrined in federal law as the “abatement ad initio” doctrine, which holds that a trial conviction is vacated when a defendant dies before he or she can exhaust the direct appeal process. The doctrine is followed by every federal court in the country.

In a Scrooge-worthy appeal in the 1st Circuit, however, the government argued last week that the Circuit should “break new ground by holding that a defendant’s conviction outlasts his death and does not get wiped away just because he died before his appeal could be heard,” according to Reuters.

grinch151213Former biotech chief executive Frank Reynolds was convicted of securities fraud in 2020 and sentenced to 84 months. He died a year ago with his appeal still pending. In its argument, the government admitted that every appellate circuit in America would vacate Frank’s conviction, but it argued that those courts’ opinions should not matter. Vacating the conviction and “restitution order when a defendant dies while his or her direct appeal is pending would flout [a] clear Congressional directive,” the government contends, that when a defendant subject to a restitution order dies “the individual’s estate will be held responsible for any unpaid balance of the restitution amount” under 18 USC § 3613(b).

At oral argument, one skeptical judge told the government that it needed “a pretty good argument to upset an apple cart that is going uniformly across the country without any sign of being a big problem.” Another member of the panel noted that the DOJ could always bring a civil case against a defendant’s estate for restitution.

United States v. Reynolds, Case No 20-1268 (1st Cir, argued Dec 4, 2023)

Reuters, Convictions should outlive defendants’ deaths, US tells appeals court (December 4, 2023)

CONSERVATIVE SUPPORT FOR CARES ACT HOME CONFINEES

The Senate has yet to take up S.J.Res. 47, the Republican effort to force 3,000 CARES Act home confinees back to prison. Last week, officials of the Conservative Political Action Coalition and the Faith and Freedom Coalition – wrote in The Hill that “the CARES Acts home confinement provision slowed the virus, saved millions of taxpayer dollars, and maintained public safety. By all measures, it has been a success.”

recidivism231214
The authors challenged Republican arguments that CARES Act prisoners were committing new crimes and terrorizing communities. “Of the people moved to home confinement, 521 were returned to custody. This equates to a 4 percent recidivism rate, less than one-tenth of the BOP average. But looking at the numbers more closely, the CARES Act recidivism rate is much more impressive than that. Of the 521 returned to prison, 296 were sent back for positive drug or alcohol tests, 90 for leaving their homes, and 113 for technical violations. That means that only 22 people were re-incarcerated for committing new crimes.”

The recidivism rate for new crimes works out to 0.2%, about 1/200th of the BOP average.

The Hill, There’s no reason to send these 3,000 people in home confinement back to federal prison (December 3, 2023)

S.J.Res. 47, A joint resolution providing for congressional disapproval under… the rule submitted by the Department of Justice relating to “Office of the Attorney General; Home Confinement Under the Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security (CARES) Act

JOBS FOR ALL!

A bipartisan group of Representatives last week introduced the BOP Direct-Hire Authority Act, H.R. ____ (no bill number yet) intended to alleviate BOP staffing shortages by letting the agency hire personnel directly instead of the standard federal employment process that goes through the federal Office of Personnel Management and takes up to six months.

understaffed220929Reps Glenn Grothman (R-WI) and Matt Cartwright (D-PA) are spearheading the effort to try to turn around staffing losses of 20% in the last 7 years. The bill is supported by 11 co-sponsors and the Council of Prison Locals C-33, the largest nationwide BOP employees union. union for BOP employees nationwide.

The bill would provide direct-hire authority for a BOP facility until it reaches a level of 96% staffing level.

H.R. ___(no bill number yet), BOP Direct Hire Authority Act

Press release, Grothman, Cartwright Introduce Bipartisan Bill to Address Staffing Shortage in Bureau of Prisons (December 6, 2023)

– Thomas L. Root

A Couple of Short Takes – Update for December 12, 2023

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

LONELY, I’M MR. LONELY…

Democratic senators introduced legislation last Tuesday that would largely ban the Federal Bureau of Prisons from using solitary confinement.

solitary170721The End Solitary Confinement Act, a companion to a bill, H.R. 4972, introduced last July, would prevent inmates and detainees from being segregated alone for more than four hours to de-escalate emergency situations and, even then, require staff members to meet with them at least once an hour.

Similar to the House bill, the Senate version entitles incarcerated people to at least 14 hours of daily time out of their cells, including access to seven hours of programming meant to address topics such as mental health, substance abuse and violence prevention.

The Senate legislation was introduced by Senators Elizabeth Warren and Ed Markey, both D-MA; Bernie Sanders, I-VT; and Peter Welch, D-VT.

S.____ [no number yet], End Solitary Confinement Act

H.R. 4972, End Solitary Confinement Act

NBC, Bill to ‘end solitary confinement’ in federal institutions introduced in Senate (December 5, 2023)

VOTING IN PRISON

Rep. Ayanna Pressley (D-MA) and Sen Peter Welch (D-VT) introduced bills in their respective chambers last week that, if passed, would grant people the right to vote in federal elections while in prison.

vote160726The Inclusive Democracy Act is unlikely to advance in the divided Congress, where Republicans narrowly control the House of Representatives and Democrats control the Senate.

The lawmakers acknowledged the headwinds to the legislation, their concession that passage in this Congress is very unlikely.

Reuters, Democratic lawmakers unveil bill to give people in US prisons right to vote (December 6, 2023)

HR 4852, The Inclusive Democracy Act

– Thomas L. Root

Government Seeks to Bushwhack Disparate-Sentence Compassionate Release Guideline – Update for December 11, 2023

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

TIGER TRIES TO EAT ITS YOUNG

Traditionally, the Department of Justice defends federal statutes and regulations from constitutional attack. In fact, DOJ’s role as watchdog over the sanctity of its statutes and rules is so established that the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure require a private litigant to serve the Attorney General in a lawsuit against another private party if the litigant is claiming that any federal statute is unconstitutional.

tigers231211I have seen cases in the past where the government conceded that the application of a statute was unconstitutional – but usually after the Supreme Court has found the statute itself to violate the Constitution. Good examples abound, such as United States v. Brown, a 2nd Circuit summary order noting that where “the underlying crime of violence was a racketeering conspiracy… [t]he Government concedes that the Supreme Court’s recent decision in United States v. Davis… requires vacatur of those counts of conviction [under 18 USC 924(c)]”).

But I don’t recall a case where the government has mounted a defense based on the argument that the federal agency rule applicable to the private party’s claim was void as contrary to federal statute. Until now.

To channel Rodney Dangerfield, this is a case of a tiger eating its young.

The new USSG § 1B1.13(b)(6) – the Guideline that sets out binding Sentencing Commission policy on 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A) “compassionate release” sentencing reductions – holds that where a prisoner has

an unusually long sentence and has served at least 10 years of the term of imprisonment, a change in the law… may be considered in determining whether the defendant presents an extraordinary and compelling reason, but only where such change would produce a gross disparity between the sentence being served and the sentence likely to be imposed at the time the motion is filed…

You may recall that when this provision was adopted by the Commission last April, it generated vigorous debate and passed on a whisker-thin 4-3 vote.

retro160110Now, in United States v. Brand, a compassionate release case in the Northern District of Florida, the government has opposed a prisoner’s request for relief from a sentence of stacked 18 USC § 924(c) convictions by arguing that USSG § 1B1.13(b)(6) is an unconstitutional expansion of Sentencing Commission authority because it effectively makes nonretroactive changes in the law retroactive. The thrust of the government’s defense is that Congress did not make changes in 18 USC § 924(c) retroactive when it passed the First Step Act five years ago, that this was a deliberate choice made by Congress, and that the Sentencing Commission’s decision to define the sentence disparity resulting from people sentenced before First Step have dramatically higher stacked 924(c) sentences than people sentenced after First Step as “extraordinary and compelling” is unlawful: “Although Congress has delegated broad authority to the Sentencing Commission, subsection (b)(6) is contrary to the text, structure, and purpose of 18 U.S.C. § 3582(c)(1)(A) and 28 U.S.C. § 994(a), and is therefore invalid.”

I think the argument is strained. Besides trying essentially to engraft Administrative Procedure Act standards (see 5 USC § 706, for instance) onto a judicial agency that is not subject to the APA, I think that the biggest hole in the government’s argument is that – unlike other agency rules – under 28 USC § 994(p), Guideline amendments (and an explanation of why they are being proposed) must be submitted to Congress 180 days before effectiveness to give Congress a chance to modify or disapprove the amendments. Congress’s right to modify or disapprove makes it tough to argue, as the government does, that the Commission’s reading of the compassionate release statute “exceeds the gap left by Congress.” If Congress had thought the new § 1B1.13(b)(6) was overreaching, outside the Commission’s authority, or contrary to the non-retroactivity of First Step, it had six months to say so.

The government relies on Mayo Foundation for Med. Educ. & Research v. United States, but in that case, the court notes that “the ultimate question is whether Congress would have intended, and expected, courts to treat [the regulation] as within, or outside, its delegation to the agency of ‘gap-filling’ authority.” Here, I think, the existence of the six-month review period and Congress’s election not to modify or veto during that period is more than ample evidence of Congress’s intent.

lincolnfool161125But the real danger in Brand is this: The court denied the prisoner appointment of counsel right about the time the government lodged its novel constitutional claim that Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 5.1 requires a party contesting the constitutionality of a federal statute to serve the Attorney General of the United States with notice of the action. Under 28 USC § 2403(a), a court ruling on such a challenge is required to do the same. Upon receiving notice, the Attorney General has a right to intervene as a party in the case and present evidence. Both of these requirements suggest that the government has a compelling interest in defending the sanctity of its rules and statutes.

So what happens when the Attorney General himself contests the lawfulness of a federal regulation, especially where it is a quasi-statute as is a sentencing guideline? Expecting a pro se prisoner to competently defend the lawfulness of a federal rule against the government puts a lot of weight on the shoulders of the inmate. What is more, it is almost certain to result in steamrolling the government’s position into the final order, resulting in the making of a bad ruling out of an unbalanced contest.

Sentencing Commission guideline 1B1.13(b)(6) has the tacit approval of Congress. If any compassionate release defense calls for the appointment of counsel, defending the lawfulness of a properly adopted guideline does.

United States v. Brown, 797 Fed.Appx 52, 54 (2d Cir. 2019)

United States v. Davis, 588 U.S. —, 139 S.Ct. 2319, 204 L.Ed.2d 757 (2019)

Gvt Response to Motion for Compassionate Release (ECF 108), United States v. Brand, Case 8:11-cr-380 (N.D.Fl., filed November 17, 2023)

Mayo Foundation for Med. Educ. & Research v. United States, 562 US 44 (2011)

– Thomas L. Root