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Sentencing Commission Announces Slate of Fall Amendments – Update for April 22, 2024

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

SENTENCING COMMISSION TAKES A WHACK AT ACQUITTED CONDUCT

The US Sentencing Commission last week adopted a slate of proposed amendments to the Guidelines, finally addressing the acquitted conduct issue that has bedeviled the Commission and Supreme Court for the past two years.

can230407SCOTUS sidestepped the question last year, sitting on 13 certiorari petitions raising the question of whether sentencing for acquitted conduct – that is, conduct for which a defendant has been found not guilty by a jury – is constitutional. At the prodding of the Dept of Justice – which told the Supremes that they should let the Sentencing Commission handle it only to then tell the Sentencing Commission it lacked the power to do so – SCOTUS finally denied the cert petitions last July, with several justices saying they would wait for the Sentencing Commission to address the issue.

The acquitted conduct Guidelines amendment will redefine “relevant conduct” under USSG § 1B1.3 to exclude conduct for which a defendant was acquitted in federal court. Because judges must rely on “relevant conduct” to set the Guidelines sentencing range, the change is significant.

For example, if a defendant is convicted of distributing cocaine but acquitted of selling heroin, the amount of heroin that the government said he had sold currently be factored into his Guidelines range as long as the judge found it more likely than not that he had actually sold it. The proposed amendment would prohibit counting the heroin regardless of whether the judge thought the defendant had done it or not.

“Not guilty means not guilty,” Sentencing Commission Chairman Judge Carlton W. Reeves, who sits on the Southern District of Mississippi bench, said. “By enshrining this basic fact within the federal sentencing guidelines, the Commission is taking an important step to protect the credibility of our courts and criminal justice system.”

reeves230706Commissioners were divided on whether to consider enforcing the acquitted conduct sentencing amendment retroactively. A majority voted to have the USSC staff prepare a retroactivity impact analysis, which is the initial step toward making an amendment retroactive.

Sen. Richard Durbin (D-IL), chairman of the Judiciary Committee, said in a press release, applauded the Commission’s vote, noting that it came after he and Sen Charles Grassley (R-IA) introduced the Prohibiting Punishment of Acquitted Conduct Act of 2023. The legislation would have prohibited judges from using conduct acquitted by a jury. The measure has not gained consideration the full Senate.

The Commission is allowed to grant retroactivity – which lets people already sentenced according to Guidelines that are now being amended go back to court to secure the benefit of the amendment in the form of a reduced sentence – on new defendant-friendly amendments. Ratroactivity on last fall’s criminal history amendments was vigorously opposed by some commissioners and the DOJ, which has an ex officio representative on the Commission. This time around, the Commission is considering whether to make multiple defendant-friendly changes retroactive:

• the acquitted conduct amendment;

• a change to juvenile sentences that eliminates adding 2 points for prior juvenile incarcerations of more than 60 days;

• a change to §2K2.1(b)(4)(B)(i) to provide that the 4-level enhancement gun serial number obliteration applies only if the serial number has been modified such the original number is “is rendered illegible or unrecognizable to the unaided eye;” and

• a change to Commentary in §2K2.4 to permit grouping of 922(g) gun count with drug trafficking count where the defendant has a separate 18 USC 924(c) conviction based on drug trafficking.

During the retroactivity vote, Commissioner Claire Murray – a former Trump administration DOJ official – made the obvious point that judges may also still rely on acquitted conduct at sentencing when considering the § 3553(a) sentencing factors, including the nature and circumstances of the offense and the history and characteristics of the defendant, which courts must consider at sentencing, regardless of the Guidelines advisory sentencing range.

The bad news in the amendments was pretty much expected. For economic crimes, the recommended sentence under the guidelines increases dramatically as the amount of loss resulting from the offense increases.

shakeitoff240423As it is now written, the loss is defined in the Guidelines commentary as the higher of actual loss or intended loss. If you try to steal the Hope Diamond from the Smithsonian (value $250 million) but only get a rhinestone imitation (value $250) because the real one had been rented out to Taylor Swift for the weekend, the Smithsonian’s actual loss would be just a few bucks, but the intended loss would be a quarter billion.

In 2022, the 3rd Circuit held in United States v. Banks that the Commentary expanded the definition of loss beyond the ordinary meaning of “actual loss,” and thus, “intended loss” could not be used to set a defendant’s Guidelines. The new loss amendment moves the commentary section into the actual guideline, making sure that intended loss is included in setting the Guideline sentencing range and allowing the use of gain from the offense as a substitute for loss.

Whether the changes will become retroactive depends in part on USSC data on how many prisoners would be eligible for a reduction. If the number is too high, the Commission becomes concerned that the courts will be overwhelmed with reduction motions.

Finally, unhappy that the Commission last year adopted a new compassionate release guideline and made the criminal history guidelines retroactive on a 4-3 vote, Sen John Kennedy (R-LA) last week introduced the Consensus in Sentencing Act to require that changes to the Guidelines get at least five votes out of the seven Commissioners.

Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman, writing in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog, said it “cannot be pure coincidence” that Kennedy introduced the bill the day before last week’s USSC meeting. The bill stands little chance of passing before Congress expires at the end of the year.

Reuters, US panel prohibits judges from sentencing for ‘acquitted conduct’ (April 17, 2024)

Law360, Sentencing Commission Limits Acquitted Conduct Sentencing (April 17, 2024) 

Press release, Durbin Applauds Sentencing Commission’s Unanimous Vote To Prohibit Acquitted Conduct From Being Used In Sentencing Guidelines (April 18, 2024)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Senator Kennedy introduces “Consensus in Sentencing Act” to increase USSC votes needed for guideline amendments (April 16, 2024)

– Thomas L. Root

Capitol Follies – Update for April 18, 2024

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

LAST WEEK ON CAPITOL HILL

return161227Although S.J.Res. 47, sponsored by Sen Marsha Blackburn (R-TN) and 28 other Republican senators, has as much chance of passing as an Iranian drone has of surviving over Israel, the measure to force CARES Act home confinement people back to prison got pushback last week from the Law Enforcement Action Coalition, a group of police associations.

The group wrote to Senate Majority Leader Charles Schumer (D-NY) “to strongly oppose Senate Joint Resolution 47… that would reimprison approximately 3,000 nonviolent, low-risk individuals who are currently serving their sentences of home confinement pursuant to the Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security (“CARES”) Act. As current and former members of law enforcement, our priority is public safety. Reincarcerating these individuals is not only counterproductive for public safety but also jeopardizes their prospects for successful reentry into their communities.”

As Majority Leader, Schumer controls what legislation will be brought to a vote. His refusal to bring S.J.Res. 47 to a vote is enough to kill the bill.

Meanwhile, the bipartisan bill to strengthen Federal prison oversight passed the House Committee on Oversight and Reform last week on a bipartisan vote, sending it to the full House for consideration. The bipartisan Federal Prison Oversight Act (S.1401 and HR 3019) would establish new, independent oversight of the Bureau of Prisons, authorize a BOP ombudsman available to prisoners and their families, and require the BOP to audit and rank the condition and safety of its facilities annually.

Sen Jon Ossoff (D-GA) wrote the bill last year after leading multiple bipartisan investigations into corruption, abuse, and misconduct at the BOP. The House version is sponsored by Reps Lucy McBath (D-GA) and Kelly Armstrong (R-ND).

BOPkickme210707The conservative criminal justice group Right on Crime wrote to Congress in advance of the Committee vote, saying, “The BOP employs over 34,000 people and is responsible for over 150,000 inmates. The budget of this agency is over $8 billion. Yet, despite this hefty price tag to the taxpayer and its massive personnel responsibility, BOP is a deeply flawed agency… [F]ederal prisons are understaffed, underfunded, overcrowded, unsafe, in disrepair, and subject to criminal activity (including, but certainly not limited to, smuggling contraband and sexual assault)… Despite this, the BOP has largely functioned without much accountability. As the maxim goes, ‘sunlight is the best disinfectant.’ As such, increased visibility into the BOP will improve this broken system.”

Finally, Senate Democrats are seeking additional co-sponsors ahead of re-introducing legislation that, among other things, would eliminate federal criminal penalties for marijuana possession and establish a regulatory framework for cannabis products.

Last Monday, Schumer, Sen Ron Wyden (D-OR) and Sen Cory Booker (D-NJ) wrote to colleagues seeking co-sponsors for the Cannabis Administration and Opportunity Act, which is expected to be re-introduced by the end of this month.

“The question today is not whether cannabis should be legal—many states have already moved ahead,” the letter states. “The question now is whether cannabis should be subject to the same high regulatory standards, based on preserving public health and safety, that apply to alcohol and tobacco.”

Finally, some House Democrats have filed a bill to rename FCI Miami the “Donald J. Trump Federal Correctional Institution.”

trumpprison240422The move comes just days after House Republicans introduced a bill to rename Washington Dulles International Airport after the former president. The renaming efforts come in an election year when many Republicans seek to honor the presumptive nominee, while Democrats work to undercut him.

“Everyone knows President Trump loves to write his name in gold letters on all his buildings,” Jared Moskowitz (D-FL), one of the sponsors said. “But he’s never had his name on a federal building before, and as a public servant, I just want to help the former president. Help us make that dream a reality.”

Law Enforcement Action Coalition, Letter to Senate Majority Leader Charles Schumer (April 8, 2024)

S.1401, Federal Prison Oversight Act

HR 3019, Federal Prison Oversight Act

Ossoff Press Release, Sen. Ossoff’s Bipartisan Bill to Overhaul Federal Prison Oversight Passes Key U.S. House Committee (April 11, 2024)

Right on Crime, Letter to Rep James Comer (April 8, 2024)

Charles Schumer, Letter to Colleagues (April 8, 2024)

ABC News, House Democrats introduce bill to rename Miami federal prison after Trump (April 5, 2024)

– Thomas L. Root

‘Everything Depends on Your Reasons’ For Compassionate Release, 10th Circuit Says – Update for April 17, 2024

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

10TH CIRCUIT SAYS ‘EXTRAORDINARY AND COMPELLING REASONS’ APPLY TO SENTENCING FACTORS, TOO

compassion160124As a procedure, compassionate release is still fairly new. Courts have only had to develop the standards for judging what constitutes an extraordinary and compelling reason for a sentence reduction and what 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A)’s squishy directive that a court “consider[]the factors set forth in section 3553(a) to the extent that they are applicable” means in the last five years.

A compassionate release motion must begin with the concession that the sentence was “sufficient but not greater than necessary” and thus complied with 18 USC § 3553(a) when it was imposed. But as 4th Circuit Chief Judge Roger Gregory persuasively argued in United States v. Kibble three years ago, if “a district court’s original 3553(a) analysis could always prove that a sentence reduction would intolerably undermine the 3553(a) factors, then 18 USC 3582(c)(1) would, in effect, be a nullity.”

In other words, a prisoner’s reasons for a sentence reduction are relevant to the 3553(a) factor analysis as well as to the “extraordinary and compelling” standard.

The 10th Circuit reminded us of that last week. Jason Bradley filed for compassionate release, arguing that his kids needed a caregiver. The district court turned him down on § 3553(a) factors because Jason’s lengthy record didn’t convince the judge that Eddie would not commit new crimes.

On appeal, Jason complained the district court “analyz[ed] the § 3553(a) factors as frozen at the time of the 2015 sentencing” and “did not consider the significant mitigation” since the original sentencing, such as age, more than eight years of sobriety and exemplary conduct in prison. He acknowledged that the court did not need to make a finding on extraordinary and compelling reasons in order to deny a compassionate release, but by “failing to consider the facts supporting extraordinary and compelling reasons for release’ within its 3553(a) analysis… the district court committed legal error.

compassion240416

The 10th agreed with Jason: a district court may dispose of a motion for compassionate release at any of the three statutory steps – lack of extraordinary and compelling reason, noncompliance with applicable Sentencing Commission policy, or inconsistency with § 3553(a) sentencing factors. However, the Circuit held that “the facts allegedly establishing extraordinary and compelling reasons for release are relevant to the § 3553(a) analysis” and thus, a district court cannot “deny compassionate-release relief on the ground that release is not appropriate under 3553(a) if the court has not considered the… extraordinary and compelling reasons for release.”

Jason still lost because he had not properly preserved his argument. But the 10th’s analysis is important guidance for anyone writing a compassionate release motion. Be sure to explain why the extraordinary and compelling reasons for release impact the § 3553(a) analysis, or, basically, “Why does a sentence that made sense then not make sense now?”

United States v. Bradley, Case No 23-1223, 2024 U.S.App. LEXIS 8367 (10th Cir, April 8, 2024)

– Thomas L. Root

Rahimi Could Be Watershed for § 922(g) Felon In Possession – Update for April 15, 2024

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

CHRISTMAS SEASON AT THE SUPREME COURT


scotusxmas240415We’re entering what I always think of as Christmas season at the Supreme Court, the final 10 weeks of what is anachronistically called “October Term 2023.”  With 75% of the Court’s term done, only about 24% of its opinions have been issued. That’s common: there’s always a flurry of decisions issued in late April, May and June, with the most controversial decisions saved for last.

The most consequential criminal case yet to be decided, I believe, is United States v. Rahimi. In 2022, the Supreme Court in N.Y. State Rifle & Pistol Assn. v. Bruen – relying on the Second Amendment – invalidated a New York law that forbade individuals to carry a gun in public unless they could persuade a government official that they faced some extraordinary threat to their personal safety. Applying “originalism,” the judicial philosophy that legal text should be interpreted based on the original understanding at the time of adoption, SCOTUS reasoned that a right reserved to a tiny subset of the population (the right to carry a gun) was an encroachment on a “right of the people” that the Constitution says “shall not be infringed.”

But Bruen reaches further, holding that when defending a law that deprives an individual of the freedom to keep or bear arms, the government must show that the law “is consistent with the nation’s historical tradition of firearm regulation.” The absence of a historical regulation “distinctly similar” to a modern gun-control law is evidence of the modern regulation’s unconstitutionality.

Laws banning all felons from gun possession were not adopted until the 1960s.

In Rahimi, the 5th Circuit applied the Supreme Court’s Bruen decision, holding that 18 USC § 922(g)(8) – which prohibited people subject to domestic violence protection orders from possessing guns – violated the Second Amendment because, at the time the Second Amendment was adopted, no law keeping people subject to a domestic violence protection order was on anyone’s books.

whataburger230703Writing last week in the New York Times, George Mason University law professor Nelson Lund said, “Under Bruen’s originalist test, Rahimi should be an easy case. The government has not informed the Supreme Court of a single pre-20th-century law that punished American citizens, even those who had been convicted of a violent crime, for possessing a gun in their own homes. Not one.”

The problem is that the subject of the Rahimi case, Zackey Rahimi, is an awful defendant. His ex-girlfriend obtained a domestic violence protection order against him on the ground that he had assaulted her, and he has been charged with several crimes involving the misuse of firearms, including shooting up a What-a-Burger when his friend’s credit card was declined.

“If the court pretends that a historical tradition of such laws existed,” Lund wrote, “it will not be faithful either to Bruen’s holding or to the court’s repeated insistence that the right to keep and bear arms is not ‘a second-class right, subject to an entirely different body of rules than the other Bill of Rights guarantees.’”

But following the Bruen precedent could be tough on the Justices, because the outcry of letting the Zack Rahimis of the nation keep their guns will be fierce. Still, Rahimi may have a silver lining for the § 922(g)(1) felon-in-possession statute. If Zack wins, that just about guarantees that Garland v. Rangein which the 3rd Circuit ruled that Bruen means that a guy convicted 25 years before of a minor food stamp fraud is allowed to possess a gun – will be upheld. If Zack loses, I suspect SCOTUS will write some “dangerousness” exception into the Bruen standard. Even if that happens, many  § 922(g)(1) defendants will easily jump that hurdle.

toomuchguns240416Writing in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog last week, Ohio State University law prof Doug Berman said, “In the votes and voices of a number of Justices (and others), I sometimes notice that affinity for originalism starts running out of steam when the outcomes start running in concerning directions. Rahimi may prove to be another data point on that front in the coming months.”

United States v. Rahimi, Case No. 22-915 (Supreme Ct, argued November 7, 2023)

New York Times, The Fidelity of ‘Originalist’ Justices Is About to Be Tested (April 9, 2023)

Sentencing Law & Policy, Is Rahimi an “easy case” for any true originalist to rule for the criminal defendant and against the prosecution? (April 10, 2024)

– Thomas L. Root

The Short Rocket – Update for April 12, 2024

rocket-312767We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

Today, some short odds to end the week…

Gun Cases Still Being Decided While Rahimi Await SCOTUS Decision: Holding that the government had not satisfied its burden to justify that 18 USC § 922(g)(1)’s prohibition on all felons possessing guns is “consistent with the Nation’s historical tradition of firearm regulation,” an Eastern District of Michigan US District Court judge threw out a § 922(g) indictment against Ron Williams in late February.

Meanwhile, a Northern District of Illinois court has dismissed a § 922(g)(5) case against Heriberto Carbajal-Flores for possessing a gun while illegally or unlawfully being in the United States. Heriberto had had two prior motions denied, but the court reversed itself based on the 3rd Circuit’s Range v. AG and 7th Circuit’s Atkinson v. Garland decisions.

The government has appealed both cases.

United States v. Williams, Case No. 23-cr-20201, 2024 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 30849 (ED Mich., Feb 22, 2024)

United States v. Carbajal-Flores, Case No. 20-cr-00613, 2024U.S. Dist. LEXIS 40974 (N.D.Ill. Mar 8, 2024)

BOP Proposed Social Media Ban Draws Fire: Two civil rights groups blasted the BOP last week for a proposed crackdown on imprisoned peoples’ access to social media—including a possible ban on accounts run by family on the outside. The ACLU and Knight First Amendment Institute at Columbia University said the proposed procedures would violate the Constitution.

socialmedia240412Inmates’ rights advocacy groups say that the rule would restrict the 1st Amendment rights of not only prisoners but also people not in BOP custody. Ebony Underwood, whose nonprofit We Got Us Now works with the children of incarcerated parents, called the social media proposal “archaic and so inhumane.”

Knight wrote in reply comments:

For the nearly 2 million people who are incarcerated in U.S. jails and prisons, maintaining connection with loved ones and communities is associated with better physical and mental health outcomes, reduced recidivism, and successful reentry into society. Social media is increasingly becoming an important part of that connection. As one formerly incarcerated journalist recently recounted, using social media through his wife allowed him to pursue a writing career, stay in touch with his community, and give him hope of reintegration upon release.

The public comment period closed on April 1. The federal register website shows that the proposed rule received 219 comments, though only 22 have been posted online.

The Appeal, Civil Rights Groups Decry Proposed Federal Prison Social Media Crackdown (April 4, 2024)

Techspot, US prison system proposes total social media ban for inmates, sparking First Amendment concerns (April 2, 2024)

Knight 1st Amendment Institute, Comment re: BOP social media rules (April 1, 2024)

BOP Dumps ACA: After being blasted by the DOJ Inspector General last November for its conflict-riddled relationship with the American Correctional Association, the BOP last week announced that it would not renew its $2.75 million contract with the accreditation organization.

ACAaward240307The ACA, which accredits prisons, first started accrediting BOP facilities in 1980. However, the Bureau said on Monday it has decided to part ways. However, a report issued by the Dept of Justice Inspector General found that instead of providing an independent evaluation of BOP facilities, the ACA “instead relied on the prisons’ own internal reports during reaccreditation reviews.” In other words, as the DOJ put it, “it appears the BOP is, in effect, paying ACA to affirm the BOP’s own findings.”

In an announcement last week, the BOP said it “has decided to explore other options to ensure continued improvement and innovation in correctional standards for the well-being of adults in custody and the FBOP’s workforce. The FBOP remains committed to a rigorous assessment of its policies and practices involving all levels of leadership to inform continuous organizational improvement.”

Law360, BOP Drops Accreditation Org After IG, Sens. Raise Concerns (April 1, 2024)

DOJ Office of Inspector General, Audit of the Federal Bureau of Prisons’ Contract Awarded to the American Correctional Association (Nov 2023)

– Thomas L. Root

Biden Gets a Second Chance – Update for April 11, 2024

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

BIDEN’S SECOND CHANCE TO GET SECOND CHANCE MONTH RIGHT

second170119President Biden has again designated April as Second Chance Month, the eighth annual proclamation since Charles Colsen’s Prison Fellowship convinced Congress to recognize April for that purpose in 2017.

Biden used the proclamation as a chance to burnish his Administration’s achievements in promoting second chances for prisoners, including what he called “over 100 concrete actions that my Administration is taking to boost public safety by improving rehabilitation in jails and prisons, helping people rebuild their lives, and reducing unnecessary interactions with the criminal justice system so police officers can focus on fighting crime.”

So far, those “actions” have not included much use of the presidential clemency power. In. The Hill, Rev. Terrence McKinley said that despite Biden’s annual “call to prioritize criminal justice reform and the clemency process in the United States,” he has only exercised his pardon power to grant 13 pardons and 124 commutations, less than one percent of the thousands of pending applications.”

Rev. McKinley, pastor of the Campbell AME Church in Washington, DC, wrote that

A pardon is an act of grace. But such acts of grace should not be so rare…. By exercising his pardon power more robustly, President Biden has the opportunity to paint a stark contrast with his predecessor… [T]here are thousands of people with criminal records whose applications for clemency have been languishing in the federal system—people who are currently in prison serving overly harsh sentences and people who have been released long ago but live with the looming threat of deportation, barriers to employment and housing, and other forms of civil death.

obtaining-clemencyLast April, Biden commuted the sentences of 31 prisoners already on CARES Act home confinement.

Proof of Biden’s commitment to clemency may be reflected in White House response to the DOJ Office of the Pardon Attorney. The OPA recently published its FY 2025 President’s Budget Submission, requesting $12.5 million (a 16% increase) to add to petition processing staff. OPA has 40 employees (including 26 attorneys) now. Its not-especially-ambitious goal is to increase the number of cases on which it makes a recommendation in a year from 30 to 35% and to increase the amount of correspondence answered in one month from 90 to 92%.

There is an undercurrent of unhappiness, even among Biden supporters, over his lukewarm embrace of federal criminal justice reform. Eric Alexander, a formerly incarcerated Black man, who now works for the Campaign for the Fair Sentencing of Youth, was recently asked by a member of the legislature about Biden’s record on criminal justice compared to his predecessor, Donald Trump, who signed the First Step Act into law. Alexander said, “It is my belief that if the last administration was allowed to be in office again, that we wouldn’t be here having this conversation. That administration would have dealt with this…”

promise210805St John University law prof Mark Osler, a clemency expert, said on CNN, “Alexander wasn’t deluded, tricked or unknowledgeable. While Trump promised nothing on criminal justice reform but still did something significant, Biden promised a lot but so far has done nothing of real substance. For those of us who don’t want Trump to be re-elected, this is an uncomfortable truth, but to Biden and his campaign, it should be a call to action.”

White House, A Proclamation on Second Chance Month, 2024 (March 29, 2024)

The Hill, This Easter, I pray for pardons (March 31, 2024)

CNN, Biden’s failures in criminal justice could cost him an election (March 26, 2024)

– Thomas L. Root

‘Here’s How to Dance on This Prisoner’s Head Even More,’ 11th Circuit Helpfully Tells District Court – Update for April 9, 2024

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

11TH CIRCUIT’S NOT GOING TO MAKE COMPASSIONATE RELEASE EASY

Quinton Handlon got a life sentence 11 years ago for coercing minors to produce child pornography. In 2021, he filed for compassionate release on the grounds that his father suffered poor health and needed 24/7 care.

angryjudge190822The district court turned him down because caring for a parent was not defined in the old USSG § 1B1.13 as a basis for compassionate release at the time Quinton applied as an extraordinary and compelling reason for an 18 USC § 3582(c)(1) sentence reduction. The § 1B1.13 that became effective on Nov 1, 2023, however, does recognize parent care as an extraordinary and compelling reason.

Nevertheless, last week, the 11th Circuit turned him down.

In legal gyrations that only the 11th Circuit could love, the Court ruled that it could retroactively apply § 1B1.13 “amendment in this appeal only if it is a ‘clarifying’ amendment, not if it is a ‘substantive’ amendment.” The Circuit ruled that the § 1B1.13 change “altered the text of the guideline itself to allow for compassionate release in a new circumstance,” making it a substantive amendment. The 11th ruled that although Quinton can file a new compassionate release motion, “we cannot give it retroactive effect in this appeal.”

remand240409Of course, the Circuit could just as easily have remanded Quinton’s case to the district court for application of the new § 1B1.13 standard to the factual record. But that would have saved time and paperwork.

The decision is flawed for another more troubling reason. The district court turned Quinton down for lack of an “extraordinary and compelling reason” for compassionate release, not reaching the question of whether grant would be consistent with the 18 USC § 3553(a) sentencing factors and with applicable Sentencing Commission policy. Because all three conditions are necessary for grant of a compassionate release motion, “the absence of even one would foreclose a sentence reduction,” the 11th noted.

Such a decision is hardly uncommon. Only three months ago, the 11th agreed with a district court that a defendant’s “mother’s cancer diagnosis does not fall within the list of family circumstances that justify compassionate release,” footnoting that “[w]e need not reach the issue of whether the court abused its discretion by failing to consider the § 3553(a) factors because the district court’s order was not in error.”

But Quinton’s court was not detained by notions of judicial efficiency and restraint. While conceding that the district court was entitled to focus solely on the lack of an extraordinary and compelling reason, the Circuit was sufficiently offended by Quinton’s offense of conviction that it found it appropriate to lecture the district court on how it ought to decide Quinton’s § 3553 sentencing factors” if his case ever arose again.

pervert160728The Circuit complained that the district court “did not have the opportunity to consider that sex offenders who have sexually abused children are a threat to continue doing so” because of the alleged high recidivism of sex offenders (a myth from 20 years ago that even the DOJ has renounced). Of course the district court did not: Circuit precedent dictated that it need not do so. Nevertheless, the 11th clearly gave the district court marching orders on how to decide this issue if Quinton came back with a new motion.

Whether Quinton is a danger to the community or not is a decision for the district court to make first. The 11th Circuit has in the past been happy to remind litigants that “we are a court of review, and we ordinarily do not decide in the first instance issues not decided below.” Apparently, when the defendant’s past is sufficiently offensive to the appellate panel, no such limitations apply.

United States v. Handlon, Case No. 22-13699, 2024 USAppLEXIS 7915 (11th Cir., April 3, 2024)

Dept of Justice, Recidivism of Sex Offenders Released from State Prison: A 9-Year Follow-Up (2005-14) (May 2019)

United States v. Ivanov-Tolpintsev, Case No. 23-10648, 2024 U.S. App. LEXIS 117  (11th Cir., Jan. 3, 2024)

Griggs v. Kenworth of Montgomery, Inc., 775 F.Appx 608, 613 (11th Cir. 2019)

– Thomas L. Root

BOP Says CARES Act Worked, Suggests Support for New Program – Update for April 8, 2024

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

BOP STUDY SHOWS CARES ACT REDUCED RECIDIVISM

caresbear231116You may remember a Senate effort last fall, S.J.Res. 47, to force those still on CARES Act home confinement back to prison. That measure, sponsored by Senator Marsha Blackburn (R-TN) and co-sponsored by 27 other Republicans, was sent to the Senate Judiciary Committee where it is languishing with no hearings and no prospects for being reported out.

Sen. Tom Cotton (R-AR) declared at the time that extending CARES Act home confinement — especially now that federal inmates have been vaccinated or offered the vaccine for COVID-19 — “betrays victims and law-enforcement agencies that trusted the federal government to keep convicted criminals away from the neighborhoods that the offenders once terrorized.”

cotton190502Good ol’ Tom. Every federal prisoner has an inner rapist/drug dealer just waiting to erupt upon release from prison to terrorize women and children.

The Federal Bureau of Prisons issued a study last week showing that “the CARES Act’s provision for early and extended home confinement did not negatively impact recidivism rates. In fact, it may have contributed to a reduction in post-release recidivism, offering a promising direction for justice-involved stakeholders seeking effective strategies to reduce incarceration and its associated costs, while also promoting public safety and successful reintegration into society.”

The study determined that prisoners with a CARES assignment failed no more or less than comparable persons in home confinement (during the final 6 months/10% of their sentences). The CARES Act and were less likely to recidivate in the year following release from custody (3.7% vs 5.0%) and marginally less likely to be re­arrested for violent offenses (0.9% vs 1.3%). And those with a CARES assignment fail less often than comparable persons after release.

BOP Director Colette Peters said, “This study suggests that reducing incarceration for appropriate people through measures like early and extended home confinement does not compromise public safety and in fact, suggests it may contribute to successful reintegration into society.”

recidivism240408Writing in Forbes, Walter Pavlo said, “The BOP intends to build on the information from this study and others on home confinement. Prisons remain crowded and many inmates are serving longer sentences in expensive institutions than are necessary. Home confinement, which is a major benefit to both inmates and taxpayers, is a big part of the First Step Act. Whether the BOP can fully implement the program to get inmates out of prisons and into the community faster remains a challenge.”

BOP, CARES Act: Analysis of Recidivism (March 29, 2024)

BOP, CARES Act Shows Promise in Reducing Recidivism, Reinforcing the Benefits of Reduced Incarceration (March 29, 2024)

Forbes, Bureau of Prisons Releases Encouraging Study on CARES Act (March 30, 2024)

– Thomas L. Root

The “Hollowayers” Work To Produce Another Hit – Update for April 5, 2024

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

‘HOLLOWAY PROJECT’ BATTLES DOJ ON COMPASSIONATE RELEASE

honeymooner240405Longer ago than I care to recall (I was not yet in kindergarten), Jackie Gleason rocketed to fame as one of the creators and star of “The Honeymooners.” Now, about seven decades later, John Gleeson is the star of his own production – no comedy here – leading what may soon bear a dramatic fight to peel away what he calls the injustice of “stacked” mandatory federal prison sentences.

I was saddened to see Judge Gleeson give up his lifetime appointment on the federal bench eight years ago for white-shoe Wall Street law firm Debevoise & Plimpton. I could hardly blame him: D&P reportedly started him at well above minimum wage (even California minimum wage). But I selfishly wanted him to stay on as an Eastern District of New York judge for no other reason than his cerebral and compassionate approach to federal sentencing. I figured that Debevoise probably didn’t do a lot of court-appointed federal defense work, and we thus had probably seen the last of Judge Gleeson’s fresh and intelligent approach to sentencing.

What did I know? Eight years later, Judge Gleeson not only sits on the U.S. Sentencing Commission, he’s leading a D&P Initiative that could soon face off with the Department of Justice at the Supreme Court.

gleesonB160314Bloomberg Law reports that Judge Gleeson is the driving force behind “The Holloway Project,” a pro bono program that represents prisoners convicted of multiple 18 USC § 924(c) offenses prior to the passage of the First Step Act. The Project’s goal is to reduce the sentences for clients they believe have been rehabilitated after decades in prison.

The project is named for Francois Holloway, who Gleeson himself sentenced to 57 years in a robbery/gun case but later reduced by convincing the U.S. Attorney for EDNY at the time, Loretta Lynch, not to get in the way.

(Parenthetically, the Holloway resentencing spawned a cottage industry of low-brow post-conviction consultants who were hawking “Holloway motions” to prisoners. I heard from a lot of people asking how to file Holloway motions, only to be disappointed when I told them that all they had to do was get the U.S. Attorney and their judge to agree that they should be let out. The universal response: “The prosecutor will never agree to that!”   No kidding. It was hardly Judge Gleeson’s fault that bottom-feeders tried to bilk inmate families on the basis of the Judge’s extraordinary effort on Francois’s behalf, but the Holloway case  was a true Black Swan.)

blackswan170206Back to today: As a Sentencing Commission member, Judge Gleeson championed the adoption of USSG § 1B1.13(b)(6), a subsection of the new Guidelines policy statement on sentence reduction motions (commonly if inaccurately called “compassionate release” motions). which defines overly long sentences where the law has changed as an extraordinary and compelling basis for an 18 USC § 3582(c)(1) sentence reduction. Subsection (b)(6) defines when a nonretroactive change in the law that would reduce a current sentence dramatically if it were retroactive could constitute an “extraordinary and compelling” reason for a sentence reduction under 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A).

Subsection (b)(6) is important to compassionate release for the same reason all of USSG § 1B1.13(b)(6) is important. Section 3582(c)(1)(A) authorizes a judge to grant a sentence reduction when three conditions are met:

•  the reduction must be for “extraordinary and compelling reasons.”

•  the reduction must be consistent with applicable Sentencing Commission policy statements.

•  the reduction must be “consistent” (whatever that means) with the sentencing factors of 18 USC § 3553(a).

When Congress enacted § 3582 as part of the Sentence Reform Act of 1984, it stipulated that rehabilitation alone was not an extraordinary and compelling reason for a sentence reduction. As for what might be, Congress did not say. Instead, it delegated to the Sentencing Commission the authority and duty to define exactly what situations constitute “extraordinary and compelling reasons” under the statute.

Guideline 1B1.13 is the Commission’s response, listing by my count 17 situations that are extraordinary and compelling. Of focus to Judge Gleeson’s team is USSG § 1B1.13(b)(6), which says

Unusually Long Sentence.—If a defendant received an unusually long sentence and has served at least 10 years of the term of imprisonment, a change in the law (other than an amendment to the Guidelines Manual that has not been made retroactive) may be considered in determining whether the defendant presents an extraordinary and compelling reason, but only where such change would produce a gross disparity between the sentence being served and the sentence likely to be imposed at the time the motion is filed, and after full consideration of the defendant’s individualized circumstances.

Before the new 1B1.13 was adopted last year, some Circuits ruled that judges – who remain free to consider other factors as being “extraordinary and compelling” – could consider changes in the law as a basis for compassionate release. Others flatly refused to approve such bases for compassionate release. When the Circuit split reached the Supreme Court a year ago, the DOJ urged SCOTUS to wait to consider the issue until the USSC adopted its new policy statement as Congress required.

Now that the Commission has adopted new rules, DOJ is arguing in multiple cases that the Commission exceeded its authority by making the change.

“What [DOJ] said very early on is that their nationwide litigation position was that they are objecting to this provision as an overstep from the Sentencing Commission,” said University of Chicago law professor Erica Zunkel.

A February Northern District of Georgia court decision complained the DOJ had “contradicted itself” by arguing that the Commission doesn’t have the power to answer questions it once urged the Commission to answer:

The DOJ has previously argued that courts should refrain from addressing the retroactivity question because “it should be addressed first by the Commission.” The Commission has now addressed the issue. How can the Commission have the authority to address the question but exceed that authority by addressing the question? This argument lacks merit.

The issue is currently before other district and appeals courts. Gleeson and others expect it will reach the Supreme Court.

moonalice240405When it does, expect Debevoise to be there. Unfortunately, Judge Gleeson himself will not be: as a member of the Sentencing Commission, he will recuse himself from participating in a case arguing the Commission’s authority.

To the moon, DOJ! To the moon!

Bloomberg Law, Debevoise, DOJ Sentencing Reform Clash Could Hit Supreme Court (March 21, 2024)

United States v. Allen, Case No. 1:09-cr-320, 2024 U.S.Dist. LEXIS 28049 (NDGa, February 12, 2024)

– Thomas L. Root

A Bedtime Story About the Eighth Amendment – Update for April 4, 2024

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

TO SLEEP, PERCHANCE TO DREAM

You think you have it bad…

sleep240404Mike Garrett has been in the Texas prison system for 30 years. For the last ten years, his prison units have afforded him at most 3½ hours of total sleep— and at most 2½ hours of continuous sleep per night. Bedtime is 10:30 pm and wakeup is at 2 am, with a count at 1 am during which inmates must be awake to call out their names.

After his complaints fell on deaf ears, Mike sued, invoking the 8th Amendment’s ban on cruel and unusual punishment. The district court threw out the suit, holding that Mike didn’t prove a substantial risk of serious harm because he didn’t show a cause-and-effect relationship between the sleep deprivation and his health complaints (migraines, seizures, vertigo, a skin condition, edema, hypertension and kidney disease). Second, the district judge said Mike hadn’t established deliberate indifference by prison officials because the schedule was based on a legitimate penological interest.

There’s little doubt that sleep deprivation is hazardous to heart. Last October, Michele Deitch and Alycia Welch with the University of Texas Prison and Jail Innovation Lab gave a presentation to the International Corrections and Prisons Association on the harmful sleeping conditions in prisons, the Texas Observer reports. There, the researchers previewed findings from a forthcoming report entitled, “The Nightmare of Sleep in Prison.” Among their recommendations was an increase in dedicated sleep time. They defined a healthy amount as at least six hours nightly.

sleeptorture240404Last week, the 5th Circuit reversed, holding that to satisfy the objective component of an 8th Amendment claim, “a prisoner need only show a substantial risk of serious harm—not actual harm. Second, the district court held that, because the Dept had “legitimate penological purposes” for implementing the schedule, and because the Department did not engage in conduct designed to intentionally inflict sleep deprivation on inmates, Garrett failed to satisfy the subjective element of his 8th Amendment claim. But the Supreme Court has clarified that a prison’s penological purpose has no bearing on whether an inmate has shown deliberate indifference for purposes of an 8th Amendment claim.”

Garrett v. Lumpkin, Case No 22-40754, 2024 U.S. App. LEXIS 6934 (5th Cir., March 22, 2024)

ABA Journal, 5th Circuit rules for prisoner allowed to sleep no more than 3.5 hours per night (March 26, 2024)

Texas Observer, Some Texas Prisoners Allowed Only Four Hours Of Sleep A Night, Lawsuit Say (April 2, 2024)

– Thomas L. Root