Tag Archives: BOP

Fill Out This Form (In Triplicate) – Update for October 1, 2026

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

THE CURE FOR BUREAUCRACY IS… MORE BUREAUCRACY?

Writing in the early 1860s, political scientist John Stuart Mill theorized that bureaucracy is a distinct form of government that had certain advantages, the most important being the accumulation of experience in those who actually conduct the affairs. Nevertheless, he wrote that ultimately bureaucracy stifles the mind, and that “a bureaucracy always tends to become a pedantocracy,” that, a system run by people who “annoy others by overly focusing on minor details, trivial errors, and formal rules rather than common sense or the main point.”

The BOP’s management of its First Step Act obligations is hardly bureaucracy at its finest. A Dept of Justice Inspector General’s report issued last May found that the BOP wasted nearly all of the $400 million or so it was given in 2022 to implement the Act. It gave the Dept of Labor $120 million for a grant program the agencies were supposed to implement together, to award money to grantees who developed vocational and skills-building programs for inmates. After transferring the money, the BOP paid no attention to what was going on, with the result that the program proceeded at a snail’s pace.

A better example of BOP incompetence (although it has tinges of actual fraud) is that the Bureau decided, without authorization, to spend $250 million of the FSA budget to reimburse itself for free inmate phone calls offered during the pandemic. The icing on the cake: the money the BOP claimed for the free phone program was $100 more than what it actually cost the agency. The BOP has custody of white-collar inmates whose offenses pale by comparison.

The Inspector General found that underlaying a lot of the BOP’s problem was that unreliable data impaired the Bureau’s ability to determine whether the First Step Act was accomplishing its objectives or even to accurately communicate its implementation progress to Congress.

In July 2025, BOP Director William K. Marshall III established a First Step Act Task Force to address inmate complaints that FSA home-confinement paperwork was not being processed and staff complaints that the software systems they relied upon were not always displaying accurate dates. 

The Task Force was charged with manually identifying and correcting community-placement dates, moving eligible inmates to cheaper home confinement, manually calculating placement dates that combined FSA and Second Chance Act prerelease custody authority, and reviewing prisoners still inside institutions for additional community-placement opportunities. 

Writing in Forbes, Walter Pavlo said, “The Task Force was an intervention designed to solve immediate problems. The new First Step Act Office appears intended to make that intervention permanent.”

The office, starting with a staff of 15, will oversee the administration and calculation of FSA credits, implement programming, develop policy guidance and training materials nationwide, and manage resources and budget allocation for FSA initiatives.

Marshall told Spectrum News last week that the office will also provide answers about FSA and correcting issues with earned time credits and other program factors. Up to now, Marshall said, FSA Task Force staffers were working on FSA issues in addition to other responsibilities. “This is their main focus [now].”

Marshall acknowledged there are some issues that will take long-term planning to fix. “The lack of [halfway house] beds is… a real issue that we have to face,” Marshall explained. “We don’t control the RRC beds, and we don’t control those staffs – the procurement process takes too long. We’re working on the procurement process as far as trying to obtain some of these contracts and get some of these beds, but it does take a lot of money. It takes a lot of money to do those things, but that’s not the reason to not do it…so we still have to push through and get it done.”

The BOP is an agency that tends toward window dressing. Just last week, it trumpeted that its Program Review Division had been named the “Division of Compliance and Oversight (DCO)” and the Program Review Branch of the Program Review Division (did you follow that?) as the Internal Auditing Branch.  These new names, “effective immediately,” are intended “[t]o more accurately reflect” the offices’ mission,” the BOP said.

Like changing Twitter to “X.” Same messy service by a different name.

If inmates cannot easily bring FSA issues to the new office, which will be physically located in Washington DC and Grand Prairie, Texas, the First Step Act Office could just become another layer of underperforming bureaucracy.

BOP Office of Inspector General, Evaluation of the Federal Bureau of Prisons’ Use of First Step Act Funding and Implementation of First Step Act Programs at Its Institutions (Report 26-057, May 2026)

Forbes, Bureau of Prisons Creates Dedicated First Step Act Office (Sept 24, 2026)

Spectrum News, Bureau of Prisons launches First Step Act office (Sept 24, 2026)

BOP, Introducing the Division of Compliance and Oversight (Sept 22, 2026)

~ Thomas L. Root

BOP Trumpets New Rule It Was Forced To Adopt – Update for September 22, 2026

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

MAKING A VIRTUE OUT OF FSA NECESSITY

The Bureau of Prisons has announced a change in 28 CFR § 523.42(a), effective September 30, 2026. The change makes an inmate eligible to earn First Step Act credits “after the inmate’s term of imprisonment commences.”  Currently, the rule says that eligibility begins on “the date the inmate arrives or voluntarily surrenders at the designated Bureau facility where the sentence will be served…”

This should be a small but welcome deal for FSA-eligible inmates, who on average spend 60 days from their sentencing date (when their BOP imprisonment begins) to the date they arrive at their prison. That 60 days will net them an additional 20 days of FSA credit.

Writing in Forbes, Walter Pavlo (whose work I admire) was effusive in his praise for the “significant” progress made in FSA implementation under BOP Director William Marshall III.

Marshall deserves kudos for advancing FSA implementation more than his predecessors, but praising him for this rule change makes a virtue of necessity.  

Pavlo notes in passing that “[t]he change followed a series of court decisions finding that the BOP’s previous regulation conflicted with the First Step Act. The BOP specifically cited decisions including Miles v. Bowers and Sharma v. Peters in explaining why it was removing the restriction….”

No fooling. It was almost two years ago that Sharma v. Peters depantsed the BOP’s § 523.41, which denied FSA credit to inmates while out on writ or in administrative detention (the SHU)  but not in disciplinary segregation. Last April, both the 1st Circuit and 4thCircuit ruled that the BOP’s rule denying FSA credits until arrival at the designated prison and completion of an initial review was contrary to the FSA. The Miles v. Bowers court ruled:

[T]he statutory obligation to provide prisoners “with the opportunity to actively participate in” EBRR programs during “their entire term of incarceration,” 18 USC § 3621(h)(6), is incompatible with the BOP’s claim that it can refuse to credit prisoners’ participation in programming that it later determines meets the prisoners’ “specific criminogenic needs” simply because that participation preceded the assessment that identifies those needs.

Pavlo argues that “[t]he BOP did something unusual and useful in announcing this change. It calculated the expected financial impact. The agency estimates that expanding the period during which prisoners can earn Time Credits will save approximately $54.1 million annually.”

In fact, the BOP – which only a few months ago was resisting cleaning up its rule – did what it had to do. It deserves no pats on the head for fighting the clear disconnect between its rule and the law for two years before finally surrendering to common sense and the courts.

Forbes, Bureau of Prisons Upgrades First Step Act With More Credits (Sept 18, 2026)

Federal Register, First Step Time Credits – Revision, 91 FR 55740 (Aug 31, 2026)

Miles v. Bowers, Case No. 25-1291, 2026 U.S. App. LEXIS 11998 (1st Cir. Apr 27, 2026)

Benson v. Warden, Case No. 24-6713, 2026 U.S. App. LEXIS 11454 (4th Cir. Apr 22, 2026)

~ Thomas L. Root

Disabled Prisoner Allowed to Use ADA To Pursue Prison Indifference to Medical Needs – Update for September 14, 2026

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

9TH CIRCUIT LETS PRISONER ADA SUIT GO FORWARD

Ignore, Deny, Dissemble.  The Federal Bureau of Prisons’ (and state prison systems’ as well) approach to inmate medicine seems to follow this formula.  First, ignore the inmate’s medical problem for as long as possible. Then, when it’s no longer possible to pretend the problem isn’t there, deny treatment without a stated basis, let alone justification. Finally, when the inmate is out of options and must sue, dissemble: tell the court that the inmate never complained about the problem, that the problem is no longer there, and that anyway, you are treating the problem so the case is moot.

Last week, beleaguered inmates seeking basic medical care were heartened by a procedural victory in the 9th Circuit, where a state prisoner won the right to a trial under a seldom-used tool in the prisoner’s medical-care toolbox, the Americans with Disabilities Act. The ADA, found at 42 USC § 12101,  prohibits discrimination based on disability. It affords much the same protections against discrimination to Americans with disabilities as the Civil Rights Act of 1964 does based on race, religion, sex, national origin, and other characteristics. In addition, unlike the Civil Rights Act, the ADA also requires covered employers to provide reasonable accommodations to employees with disabilities, and imposes accessibility requirements on public institutions (including prisons) to make reasonable accommodations for people with disabilities.

The 9th Circuit’s decision reminds us of both how miserable living with a disability in prison can be and how the ADA can be used for relief.

Bilal Adom is a California state prisoner who has a spinal condition that causes him chronic, severe pain and severely limits his mobility. He underwent spinal surgery in 2008 and has an active recommendation pending for a second surgery. He is also a stroke survivor. Adom uses a wheelchair to get around and wears a prison-issued vest that signals he is mobility impaired.

Because of his condition, Adom suffers from incontinence. For nearly a year after Adom’s incontinence symptoms emerged, prison staff provided him with adult diapers through the prison system’s Durable Medical Equipment program. After Adom was transferred to a different housing unit, prison staff cut off his access to the supplies without explanation. As the Court drily put it, “Without these supplies, Adom would soil himself and his surrounding environment, including his bed and wheelchair.”

Adom asked the prison to restore his access.  His requests were ignored. Following a medical appointment in which a doctor’s “forceful” examination led to Adom’s involuntary urination in his wheelchair seat, he asked the physician to help him get his diapers.  She did nothing. Adom subsequently made multiple written requests for incontinence supplies.

On September 13, 2022, he filed a healthcare services request notifying the prison that he had run out of diapers and that his supplies were not refilled on the normal schedule. In one request, he explained that “he was unable to control his evacuations, that he was using makeshift diapers made of torn towels, trash bags, tissues, and plastic, and that he was ‘humiliated and dehumanized.” On September 18, 2022, Adom submitted a Reasonable Accommodation Request, notifying the prison that he suffered from both urinary and fecal incontinence, that his incontinence supplies were not issued the prior week, that he was soiling his linens, and that he was unable to get new linens or diapers. Between written requests, he informally asked “several building officers” to retrieve, or allow him to retrieve, his incontinence supplies.

A month after his blizzard of requests, the prison formally denied Adom’s request for diapers, telling him instead that staff would “provide [him] a shower as soon as safety and security permits,” and ensure that his soiled clothing was properly washed. The prison denial falsely ruled that “there was no indication found for incontinence supplies.”

Finally, after five months of the worst sort of misery, Adom’s incontinence supplies were restored. Nevertheless, he sued, raising a variety of claims, including an 8th Amendment deliberate indifference count and an ADA count. He sought money damages and an injunction requiring the prison to provide adult diapers. 

The district court was unimpressed and granted summary judgment to the prison system. It held that Adom’s request for injunctive relief was moot because in January 2022, the prison had reinstated his incontinence supplies. The district court further held that Adom was not entitled to money damages under the ADA because he failed to establish that the prison discriminated against him because of his incontinence. Instead, the court said that because the prison provided testing and some alternative accommodations, the district court held that Adom’s evidence “most reasonably indicated a disagreement about medical treatment, rather than disability discrimination.”

Last week, the 9th Circuit reversed the summary judgment decision and sent the case back for trial.

The 9th held that Adom satisfied the three primary elements of his ADA claim and therefore was entitled to declaratory relief where a reasonable jury could conclude that (1) he is disabled within the meaning of the ADA by virtue of his spinal condition, incontinence, or both; (2) he was denied meaningful access to the prison’s toileting and hygiene services because he needed the accommodation of adult diapers to relieve himself hygienically and with dignity; and (3) the denial was by reason of Adom’s disabilities, because it is his disabilities that make it harder for him use the prison’s toileting and hygiene services.

The panel also held that Adom provided enough evidence to earn the right to a trial on whether the prison acted with deliberate indifference when it denied him the benefits of its services (which he must show to get money damages). Rejecting the prison’s contention that a jury could not find deliberate indifference because its staff determined that incontinence supplies were not medically necessary, the panel held that “a public entity is not excused from its obligation to provide a reasonable accommodation solely because it determined the accommodation is not medically necessary or indicated.”

The Circuit remanded the case to the district court.

Adom v. California Dept of Corrections & Rehab, Case No. 24-4756, 2026 U.S. App. LEXIS 27530 (9th Cir. Sept. 8, 2026)

~ Thomas L. Root

SHFTy Business at the BOP – Update for September 11, 2026

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

CBS REPORTS ON ‘SHFTY’ DEAL ON BOP NICOTINE POUCHES

Nice deal if you can get it. CBS News reported last Friday that a Florida company that was established only three months ago won what CBS called “an unusual and potentially lucrative deal to be the only business permitted to stock the commissaries of the Bureau of Prisons’ 118 institutions with flavored nicotine pouches.”

The brand of 6-mg pouches, called “mindSHFT,” is not authorized by the Food and Drug Administration for sale in the US, according to a review of FDA data.

The BOP never formally issued a request for bids on a provider for nicotine pouches (which would have been a public document).  In fact, CBS reported, the agency does not even have a signed contract with mindSHFT. Despite this, BOP trust fund chief, Adam Morrow, informed all federal prison commissaries on July 21 that the sale of nicotine pouches “has been authorized,” and the sole approved vendor would be SHFT Holdings Enterprise LLC, the company providing the pouches.

After an anonymous federal employee emailed the DOJ IG and AG Blanche last week to raise concerns, a senior BOP official last Thursday ordered all prisons to stop buying and stocking mindSHFT, according to a Sept 3 internal memo reviewed by CBS News. Federal law prohibits the sale and marketing of nicotine and tobacco-related products that are not authorized by the FDA.

SHFT Holdings Enterprise LLC was incorporated in Florida one week after the BOP published a nationwide “request for information” on May 15 that asked about vendors who could produce “FDA-authorized nicotine pouch products” to sell to federal prisoners. A company spokesman said the company was formed in response to the BOP public notice, but it registered its domain name – https://shftholdings.com — on May 7, the same day the BOP amended its Trust Fund manual to permit the sale of nicotine pouches in commissaries. 

The BOP recommended that commissaries buy three tins of mindSHFT for every inmate, which would have amounted to 459,000 units, or about $3.24 million. The BOP was buying tins at $6.99 per tin and selling them to inmates for $9.10.  One source told CBS News the tins had been “selling like hotcakes.”

BOP accused SHFT Holdings of telling it the pouches were FDA-approved. SHFT denies having said that.  No one has yet determined how SHFT got the contract to the exclusion of other vendors.

A ZYN 10-pack of 6 mg nicotine pouches (150 pouches) is advertised online for $44.90, or about 30 cents a pouch. The SHFT pouches cost inmates about 45 cents a unit.

CBS News, Bureau of Prisons faces scrutiny over startup’s exclusive deal to sell non-FDA-authorized nicotine pouches to prisoners (September 4, 2026)

BOP, PS 4500.12, Trust Fund Manual (May 7, 2026)

~ Thomas L. Root

They Pardoned Him, But Only After A Little Medical Neglect – Update for September 1, 2026

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

J6 BOP PRISONER GETS PARDON, THEN SUES FCI ELKTON FOR LOUSY MEDICAL CARE

A retired Pennsylvania firefighter who threw a fire extinguisher that hit two police officers during the Jan 6, 2021, attack on the US Capitol has sued FCI Elkton for failing to treat his numerous medical ailments. The BOP’s medical nonfeasance, according to the plaintiff, eventually led to surgery and chronic pain.

Robert Sanford was one of more than 1,500 people President Trump pardoned for crimes committed during the Jan 6 attack.

Sanford was sentenced in 2023 to four years and four months in prison for throwing the fire extinguisher at officers defending the Capitol while calling them “traitors.” He was released in October 2024 after the BOP filed a compassionate release motion asking his sentencing judge to release him about 19 months early on a 52-month sentence because of Sanford’s undisclosed “terminal medical condition.” The court filing redacted the medical condition.

After his release, Trump pardoned him and 1,499 of his closest friends, all fellow rioters.

Sanford’s lawsuit says Sanford was physically fine when he arrived at the prison. In early 2024, he developed worsening back pain that went untreated despite multiple requests for medical care, the lawsuit says. He filed the suit in the Eastern District of Pennsylvania, but it was transferred to Cleveland.

A doctor prescribed a steroid in May 2024, but it did not help, according to the lawsuit. In July, Sanford reported that the pain was so severe that he struggled to walk. Later that month, he returned to the doctor in a wheelchair and was again prescribed steroids. The wheelchair was replaced with a cane, the lawsuit says.

He returned to the doctor, who accused him of faking his illness. Sanford was then thrown into the SHU, according to the lawsuit.

After an X-ray on Aug 1, he was diagnosed with arthritis in his hip and hip impingement syndrome, the lawsuit says. He fell while using a walker the next day. Despite his pleas for help, he was not seen by prison doctors for four days.

Doctors then sent him to a nearby hospital, where they found that he had serious blood clots, a badly fractured hip and lung cancer, according to the lawsuit.

Seriously hurting but accused of faking it?  Who’s ever heard of such a thing happening at the BOP?

Sanford v, FCI Elkton, Case No 4:26-cv-02034-S (ND Ohio, filed May 18, 2026)

~ Thomas L. Root

Smith Takes BOP Job and Shoves It – Update for August 31, 2026

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

SMITH PACKS IT IN AFTER A YEAR AT THE BOP

Bureau of Prisons Deputy Director Joshua Smith, pardoned for a drug offense that happened 30 years ago, abruptly announced last Monday he was leaving the agency without giving a reason.

After his release from prison a quarter century ago, Smith built a Knoxville-based service company into a multimillion business while using it and a foundation he started to give recently released inmates employment and support in staying out of trouble.

In a post from his personal X account, Smith thanked President Trump for the chance to serve as BOP’s second in command, an opportunity available because Trump pardoned him for in 2021:

Three decades ago, I walked through the gates of a federal prison as an inmate. Years later, after receiving a presidential pardon, I was given the opportunity to walk back through those gates as Deputy Director of the Federal Bureau of Prisons, serving the very President that gave me that pardon. For that, I will always be grateful to President Donald J. Trump.

By all accounts, Smith’s leadership at the BOP was unconventional. He became part of BOP Director William K. Marshall III’s leadership team that pushed an agency Walter Pavlo described last week as “known for incremental change” toward a different management philosophy. “During their time together,” Pavlo said of Marshall and Smith, “the Bureau changed how it selected leaders, challenged its longstanding relationship with the union representing BOP employees, began rewriting decades-old policies, secured significant funding to address deteriorating prisons, created teams to attack infrastructure and operational problems and announced the closure or restructuring of several institutions.”

Smith traveled across the country to dozens of prisons – some visits being unannounced – and hosted a BOP-centric podcast called “Transparency Talks.” Smith helped transfer or replace about 70 pct of BOP executive staff — including several top wardens — and focus on leadership development. “At the end of the day,” he said, “bureaucracy is bureaucracy. I hope what I was able to do was at least start a fire there.”

Smith had a tense relationship with some of BOP employees. A BOP employee union rep at FCI Hazelton said, “The deputy director of the Federal Bureau of Prisons, with a criminal history of his own, has stepped down from the post.” American Federation of Government Employees Local 420 Steward Jason Shaffer said Smith’s appointment was “a slap in our face. To have an inmate who was once housed in our prison who was running the U.S. Bureau of Prisons has devastated our country and greatly affected the staff who have worked hard for the BOP.”

Smith would not say why he resigned, but he said he didn’t need the job.

CBS News, Bureau of Prisons No. 2 official who was pardoned for drug crimes abruptly departs (August 25, 2026)

Forbes, Josh Smith Abruptly Leaves Bureau Of Prisons After Year Of Changes (August 25, 2026)

WV Metro News, FCI Hazelton workers applaud resignation of BOP deputy director, former inmate (August 25, 2026)

~ Thomas L. Root

Wheels on the Bus – Update for August 28, 2026

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

ALONG FOR THE RIDE

Writing in Forbes last week, prison consultant Walter Pavlo argued that courts’ expanded use of ordering self-surrender after federal sentencing rather than remanding prisoners into custody for delivery to prison would benefit both prisoners and the government.

The federal government operates the Justice Prisoner and Alien Transportation System, which moves inmates from jail to prison and between prisons, among other duties, with annual operating costs of up to $80 million. “When a low-risk defendant who could have voluntarily surrendered is instead remanded at sentencing,” Pavlo wrote, “the government assumes responsibility for housing, healthcare, guarding and transporting that person through this system until he reaches his designated BOP institution.

Until the prisoner is actually moved, his or her detention cost is borne by the U.S. Marshals Service, which spent about $2.2 billion on housing prisoners in 2025, with an average daily detention cost of $121 per prisoner

Beyond that, Pavlo contends, a designated BOP institution is built around serving a sentence. There can be work assignments, education, vocational training, recreation, treatment and, depending upon eligibility and location, programs such as the Residential Drug Abuse Program and release preparation. A detention center or county jail usually lacks meaningful programming because prisoners come and go randomly.

Pavlo, as usual, makes good sense. Nevertheless, too many judges who remand do so even when the prisoner has been on presentence release without problem. Without any incentive to make a remand decision with efficiency and economy in mind, courts’ remand orders often seem to be capricious rather than reasoned.

Forbes, Federal Judges Waste Taxpayer Money By Remanding At Sentencing (August 18, 2026)

~ Thomas L. Root

Prisons, Prisoners, and Money – Update for August 20, 2026

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

SPENDING MORE ON LESS

USA Facts last week issued a fact sheet on the BOP, reporting that the agency spent a net total of $9.13 billion in fiscal year (FY) 2025, a full 20% of the Dept of Justice’s budget. Only the FBI ($11.2 billion) spent more.

Since 1980, BOP spending has increased about 550% while overall Federal spending has increased 200%. Meanwhile, the number of federal employees working for the Bureau of Prisons has decreased 10.6% since 2012.

In a Substack article, former DOJ official Jonathan Wroblewski argued in favor of the BOP’s decision to close FCC Beaumont Low, FCI Big Spring, FCI La Tuna, the women’s satellite camp at FMC Lexington in Kentucky, FCC Petersburg Low in Virginia, and already-vacant FCI Taft in California (with camps at Morgantown and Duluth being converted into low-security prisons). The BOP has said the decision is borne of necessity due to “longstanding infrastructure and staffing challenges” and a deferred-maintenance backlog that now exceeds $4 billion.

Wroblewski argues that it’s more than that. The Government’s “Smart on Crime” policy adopted in 2013, aimed at reducing the number of BOP prisoners, has reduced the BOP population by about 30%. Yet,

[d]espite the success of the initiative, there is one thing I have found disturbing. Even with 65,000 fewer prisoners than back in 2013, the Bureau of Prisons operates more prisons today than it did when Smart on Crime was announced — roughly 126 institutions now, against about 120 then. Fewer prisoners, more prisons. The system shed nearly a third of its population and somehow expanded its physical footprint. Part of the explanation is timing; facilities authorized and financed during the long boom kept opening after the population had already begun to fall. But most of it is plain institutional inertia. A prison, once built and staffed, becomes a constituency unto itself — jobs, contracts, a fixture of the local economy, a web of interests that does not dissolve simply because the beds have emptied. So the BOP did what bureaucracies do: it spread a shrinking population thinner and thinner across a growing, aging inventory of buildings.

The $4 billion maintenance backlog is, in part, the bill for keeping all of them open. This is why closing prisons is not a betrayal of the reform. It is its completion. The argument we made in 2013 was that money sunk into unnecessary incarceration is money stolen from more effective public safety… Every dollar BOP spends heating, patching, and minimally staffing an institution it no longer needs is a dollar it cannot spend on the officers it is desperate to hire, on the treatment and reentry programming the First Step Act promised, or on the upkeep that keeps its remaining prisons safe and decent.

In Real Clear Politics, Mark Levin and Khalil Cumberbatch of the Council on Criminal Justice echoed the sentiment: “Closing these facilities is the fiscally conservative move, and the real prize is not just the savings. It is what those savings can buy: stronger staffing and better programming at the prisons that remain… Every dollar not spent maintaining an empty 90-year-old prison is a dollar available to recruit and retain officers, while thousands of correctional posts sit vacant, and to expand the programs that can’t accommodate all prisoners striving to earn credits toward release.”

Of course, the BOP is proceeding with plans for a new prison in Letcher County, Kentucky, and President Trump has not publicly abandoned his billion-dollar plan to reopen Alcatraz Island as federal maximum-security prison (although, mercifully, there have been no rumblings about it since last spring). How those plans square with the BOP’s need for less and to repair what it has is unclear. But then, clarity in spending is not something this government is known for.

USA Facts, What does the Bureau of Prisons do? (Aug 6, 2026)

Substack, The Prisons We No Longer Need (Aug 2, 2026)

Real Clear Politics, Closing Federal Prisons: A Winning Hand (Aug 15, 2026)

~ Thomas L. Root

DOJ Continues To Circle the Drain – Update for July 23, 2026

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

TOUGH TIMES FOR PROSECUTORS

The Dept of Justice is now requiring all Criminal Division Assistant U.S. Attorneys to maintain at least 25 open cases, “tightening the Trump administration’s grip on operational decisions previously left to US attorneys,” according to Bloomberg Law.

Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche’s office communicated the informal “25 open matters” threshold to all 93 U.S. attorneys in recent weeks, with an emphasis on driving up public safety and fraud statistics, four people familiar with the new policy told Bloomberg Law. A formal policy change is still under development, they said.

The new policy comes as DOJ brass try to dispel criticism over personnel departures by purporting to show that the Department is doing more with less.

DOJ has hemorrhaged thousands of veteran attorneys since Trump returned to office due to the President’s revenge campaigns, immigration crackdown, and increasingly overwhelming workloads, Daily Beast reported last week.

The government has lowered hiring standards and offered signing bonuses, despite historically being deluged with applications from lawyers who were happy to take a pay cut in exchange for the prestige of DOJ service.

“A one-size-fits-all policy is unworkable,” said Mark Yancey, a former senior official in the DOJ’s Executive Office for US Attorneys. “These things need to be worked at the district level by the US attorney.”

The quota runs the risk of prosecutors feeling pressured to bring cases with insufficient evidence just to hit their targets, Yancey told Bloomberg Law.

Last week, Blanche appeared before the Senate Judiciary Committee for a hearing on his nomination to be the next Attorney General.  In the runup to the hearing, a letter signed by 2,649 lawyers and legal professionals was delivered to the Senate urging rejection of Blanche as AG.

“No one in the history of the Justice Department has moved directly from representing a president in criminal proceedings to running the institution that prosecuted those cases,” said Traci Feit Love, Executive Director of Lawyers for Good Government. “Todd Blanche isn’t America’s Attorney General. He is Donald Trump’s personal fixer with a federal badge. The Senate has a constitutional obligation to say no.”

During his confirmation hearing, Blanche was braced by Sen. Cory Booker (D-NJ) over BOP’s decision to place Ghislaine Maxwell (convicted of helping Jeffrey Epstrein commit sex and trafficking offenses) in a camp, a move some have alleged was in exchange for her testifying that President Trump committed no sex offenses with Epstein. Blanche told Booker that Maxwell was “receiving threats,” which merited the transfer.

Booker argued that under BOP policies, an inmate who receives threats is moved to solitary confinement, not to a minimum-security prison camp.

Blanche countered: “That’s not always true,” but Booker rejected that claim. “What is true is that someone who is accused of child sex trafficking under the Bureau of Prisons’ own policies is not put in a facility like this that seems clearly like a reward,” he said.

What the exchange failed to note that a May 2026 change in BOP designation policy I reported on last month grants the Attorney General the right to make any designation decision he or she pleases regardless of BOP policy. The unheralded change in designation policy that has been in place for 135 years provides ex post facto authority for the  Maxwell placement in a camp, as well as a tool that can be abused in years to come to benefit the Administration’s friends and punish its foes.

Questions over Blanche’s role in the DOJ “anti-weaponization” fund and in handling the Epstein files have left at least two Republican senators on the Judiciary Committee undecided. If just one votes ‘no,’ that could block the acting attorney general’s nomination from moving forward. A vote is likely later this month.

US Law Week, DOJ Sets Case Quotas for Line Prosecutors in Push to Boost Stats (July 13, 2026)

Daily Beast, Trump Justice Department Scrambles as Lawyers Flee in Droves (July 14, 2026)

Letter to Senators Grassley and Durbin, Senate Judiciary Committee (July 10, 2026)

The Hill, Booker: ‘Absurdity’ for Blanche to be concerned about Maxwell safety (July 16, 2026)

Christian Science Monitor, Blanche’s nomination for attorney general uncertain after hearing (July 17, 2026)

~ Thomas L. Root

A Complaint? I’ll Give You Something To Complain About… – Update for July 22, 2026

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

RETALIATION? NOT US…

The Marshall Project and NPR published the second report in their investigation of the Federal Bureau of Prisons grievance procedures last week, this one focused on alleged BOP retaliation against prisoners filing grievances complaining of BOP staff violence and sexual abuse.

A previous report found that only 1.75% of grievances filed in 2023 were granted. A majority were rejected for procedural errors or “administratively closed” for other reasons. The findings were based on a massive federal database, published by the Data Liberation Project, containing nearly 1 million federal prison grievance cases dating back to 2000.

Last week’s report observed that the dataset “only includes instances where incarcerated people were able to file a complaint at all. An unknown number of cases, especially those involving physical and sexual violence, go unreported, as the same officers accused of abuse can silence those trying to seek help, according to court records, lawsuits, and interviews with attorneys, incarcerated people, advocates and former bureau officials.”

A report by the Government Accountability Office last May found that fear of retaliation was a major impediment to reporting sexual abuse in federal prisons. Can’t be, BOP spokeswoman Randilee Giamusso said in response: Bureau policy prohibits retaliation of any kind, and the BOP reviews and investigates all allegations of abuse. She told NPR that the administrative remedy system – despite its under 2 pct approval rate – is “a safeguard intended to foster resolution within the system, not a barrier to court access.” She noted that “remedies related to sexual abuse can be submitted in other ways, such as “third-party reporting and [Prison Rape Elimination Act]-specific channels,” NPR reported.

The report also quoted current and former BOP prisoners with a different view. “The grievance system is a joke,” said ex-inmate Jimmy Hodge. “If you’re grieving over abuse, they’re going to harass you, they’re going to assault you, but you’re never going to get relief.”

It’s the same dilemma presented to anyone who faces violence in federal prison, the Report found: Try to file an administrative grievance and risk opening yourself up to retaliation — or stay quiet, endure the abuse, and forgo your chance to someday bring your case to court.

The fact that inmates must exhaust the grievance process before they can attempt to sue, NPR reported, gives prison staff a “chokehold over access to the courts,” according to former federal defender Colin Prince, now a civil rights attorney. “The guards functionally have power over whether a prisoner can sue them for their own misconduct,” he said. “The entire system is layer upon layer of bureaucratic insulation against accountability. It simply prevents prisoners from getting access to the courts.”

NPR, A guard punched him on camera. It was still nearly impossible for him to sue (July 13, 2026)

Data Liberation Project, Federal Inmate Complaints (July 6, 2024)

GAO, Improvements Needed to Prevent, Detect, and Address Sexual Abuse (Report No 26-107343, May 5, 2026)

~ Thomas L. Root