Tag Archives: FIRST STEP Act

Will First Step Task Force Make A Difference? – Update for August 1, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

FIRST STEP TASK FORCE FINDING ITS FOOTING

Rick Stover, Senior Deputy Assistant Director of the Federal Bureau of Prisons’ Designation and Sentence Computation Center (DSCC), says that the BOP’s new First Step Act task force has begun evaluating prisoners now in halfway houses who could be transferred to home confinement if they were to receive the full benefit of “stacking” recommended Second Chance Act placement atop FSA time credits.

Writing in Forbes, Walter Pavlo said the task force – with over 30 DSCC analysts assigned – noted that while the SCA limits home confinement to the final 6 months (or 10%) of a sentence, “the end of the sentence is a moving target for some inmates because they continue to earn FSA credits each month even when they are at the halfway house. The Task Force is manually calculating these dates for inmates in halfway houses, because the BOP’s own computer program currently does not calculate these dates once inmates are released [to] halfway houses.” Mr. Stover said the task force is ensuring that such calculations will occur with the recent application updates.

Once that is done, Mr. Stover told Mr. Pavlo, the Task Force will focus on those currently in prison. Mr. Stover said, “As we… move inmates from the halfway houses to home confinement, we expect this to create a sizable number of open beds in many of our halfway houses across the country. This allows us to then revisit the placement dates for inmates currently in our institutions and increase the number of inmates that we can place in the community, and in many instances, allow inmates to get out of prison quicker to begin their transition to go home.”

Mr. Stover is optimistic, Mr. Pavlo reports. “While the Bureau has made marked improvements in our time credit calculation applications since the onset of the FSA statute, more improvements are needed. We have changes forthcoming that will simplify the data for both staff and inmates.”

The BOP effort to push prisoners out to halfway house and home confinement as early as possible is laudable, especially because some prison consultants think that the BOP has discretion to deny inmates their entitlement to FSA credits. I reported a month ago on the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia’s dismissal of Crowe v. BOP. Former BOP Unit Management Section Chief Susan Giddings (now a private prison consultant), writing for herself and prison consultant Bruce Cameron last week, lauded the dismissal. She said that the Crowe court’s denial of class status

was particularly gratifying for the authors because they have consistently argued that 1) there is nothing in the FSA that eliminated or modified the Bureau’s designation authority, including halfway house and home confinement designations, and 2) the idea that the FSA required the Bureau to transfer an individual solely based their eligibility date regardless of any other compelling issues undermined the requirements of the Second Chance Act (SCA). The SCA required the Bureau to ensure that incarcerated individuals were provided with the same individualized consideration when making prerelease designation decisions as they were when making institution designation decisions. The decision-making process for prerelease placement (i.e., halfway house and home confinement) includes the inmate’s unit team making a prerelease placement recommendation based on a variety of factors, including but not limited to individual release needs, institutional conduct, the current offense, history of success or failure in prior community placement, and criminal history. The completed designation request is then sent to residential reentry staff, who then consider all the information provided by the institution, as well as the community program resources and any community safety issues when making the designation decision.

I disagree with Dr. Giddings and Mr. Cameron that Crowe went as far as they argues it does and that the decision is a good thing. Walt Pavlo may agree with me. He implicitly suggests that keeping inmates in BOP prisons when they are legally eligible for less restrictive incarceration may be due to a BOP mindset as much as anything. Earlier this week, Mr. Pavlo described the problem as being that

the BOP has lacked leadership to lead it into the modern era of incarceration. It is an Agency that prospered during the days of locking up drug offenders that saw the federal prison population top over 220,000 in 2013. Then as buildings became old and decrepit, it failed to keep up and now BOP employees sit in the same rotting, molded facilities that house the inmates they watch.

Dr. Giddings and Mr. Cameron seem confident that BOP decisionmakers will do the right thing by the inmates they oversee, and that they both need and will responsibly use the authority to withhold FSA placement based on SCA factors that they argue that the law provides. Their view is shared by a number of commentators and many US Attorneys’ offices, and is worth noting.

At the same time, Mr. Pavlo’s blunt suggestion that Bureau employees are locked in old thinking is a notion shared by its own cohort of observers.  New BOP Director Marshall so far has made some promising moves, including the Task Force. Now, the Task Force has to perform.

Forbes, Bureau of Prisons Task Force Taking Shape, Challenges Remain (July  23, 2025)

Giddings, Crowe, et al. v Federal Bureau of Prisons, et al: Common Sense for the Win! (July 25, 2025)

LISA, Class Action FSA Credit Lawsuit Against the BOP Case Dismissed (June 16, 2025)

Forbes, Bureau Of Prisons Could Fix First Step Act, If It Had The Will (July 29, 2025)

~ Thomas L. Root

A Short Rocket of BOP News – Update for July 24, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

LAST WEEK AT THE BUREAU OF PRISONS

You’d think that the sole focus of the Federal Bureau of Prisons in the last week had been how to produce celebrity prisoner Ghislaine Maxwell for a Congressional deposition. But from Duluth to Alcatraz, there was a lot else going on as well. Here’s the short rocket…

Marshall Establishes FSA Task Force:   Bureau of Prisons Director William K. Marshall III announced the established of an FSA Task Force at the BOP’s Grand Prairie, Texas, Designation and Sentence Computation Center.

Marshall cited inmate “frustration that their paperwork for home confinement under the First Step Act (FSA) wasn’t being processed by staff despite Director Marshall’s directive to maximize the use of community placement. But at the same time, the staff told [Marshall] that the systems they rely on weren’t always showing the right dates… The majority of staff were doing their best with the information they had, but, unfortunately, they were taking the blame from inmates and families who thought they were dragging their feet. That wasn’t fair to them.”

The task force will identify prisoners in halfway houses who are eligible for home confinement; manually calculate home confinement dates that “stack[] both the FSA and Second Chance Act;” and ‘[r]eview eligible incarcerated individuals inside institutions for additional community placement opportunities.”

Writing in Forbes, Walter Pavlo said, “Having a person serve a portion of their sentence in the community is not something new and has been used for decades by the BOP. However, the Agency has been slow to move inmates after the [First Step Act] was codified… in January 2022. The initiative is part of Director Marshall’s broader strategy of “Leadership in Action,” which has included institutional walk-throughs, direct engagement with frontline staff, and timely operational changes based on what he hears.”

BOP, Director Marshall Launches FSA Task Force (July 14, 2025)

Forbes, Bureau of Prisons Launches First Step Act Task Force (July 14, 2025)

Alcatraz Moves Forward:  Never mind that the price tag has blown through $2 billion to renovate a prison closed for 60 years that only houses 325 prisoners and has no water supply. A visit to Alcatraz Island in San Francisco Bay last week by Attorney General Bondi, Dept of the Interior Secretary Doug Burgum, Marshall, and BOP Deputy Director Joshua J. Smith makes it clear that President Trump’s May musings on social media that he wanted to reopen Alcatraz as a federal prison to “house America’s most ruthless and violent offenders” and remove criminals “who came into our country illegally,” is going to happen.

A BOP press release underscores that reopening Alcatraz is pure symbolism, the fevered dream of President Trump: “Reopening Alcatraz isn’t just about a building, it’s about sending a message: crime doesn’t pay, and justice will be served. If feasible, Alcatraz will stand as a beacon of American resolve, where the most dangerous offenders face accountability. For the public, it’s a promise fulfilled—a stronger, safer America. And for President Trump, it’s a project that will make our nation proud.”

Alcatraz was closed as a maximum-security prison in 1963 after 29 years of operation, because it was too expensive to continue operating. Now managed by the National Park Service, the island is one of San Francisco’s most popular tourist destinations.

BOP, The Rebirth of Alcatraz (July 17, 2025)

NY Times, Trump’s Plan to Reopen Alcatraz Appears to Move Forward With Officials’ Visit (Jul 17)

FPC Duluth to Remain Open: Seven months after the then-BOP Director Colette Peters listed FPC Duluth with six other facilities that would be closed because of “aging and dilapidated infrastructure,” new BOP boss William K. Marshall III announced last week after a site inspection that the minimum-security camp “will not be deactivated.”

Currently, there are only about 258 inmates remaining at the facility, but officials anticipate repopulating the camp to its rated capacity of about 800 prisoners. The camp is located on the grounds of the former Duluth Air Force Base.

Minnesota Public Radio, Duluth prison camp to remain open, reversing earlier decision to ‘deactivate’ the facility (July 16, 2025)

ICE Sending Immigrant Detainees to FDC Honolulu, Proposes Using Fort Dix: Under normal circumstances, scoring an all-expenses-paid trip to Hawaii would be a Wheel of Fortune moment.  But these are not normal circumstances.

It turns out that over 70 immigrant detainees, some from as far east as Florida, are being flown to imprisonment at the Federal Detention Center in Honolulu.

The Honolulu Civil Beat quoted one immigration lawyer as saying that a client “was taken into custody in Florida and went to two detention centers there before he was transferred to Louisiana, Arizona and two facilities in California before finally coming to Hawaiʻi.” Attorneys are complaining that the endless moves and distances make consultation with their clients almost impossible.

Homeland Security Secretary Tom Homan said over the weekend that 60,000 immigrants are currently in custody, with plans for 40,000 more.

Still, air conditioning in the Aloha State may be better than a tent in the South Jersey heat. Last week, Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth approved the use of Joint Base McGuire-Dix-Lakehurst, where FCI Fort Dix is located, to confine immigrants. The Defense Department said detainees would be confined in “temporary soft-sided holding facilities,” suggesting for now that facilities at the aging FCI Fort Dix – located on base grounds – will not be used.

Honolulu Civil Beat, ICE Is Moving Immigrants Arrested On The Mainland To Honolulu (July 16, 2025)

Philadelphia Inquirer, Trump administration plans to hold immigration detainees on South Jersey military base (July 18, 2025)

~ Thomas L. Root

Surprising Support for DOJ Gun Rights Proposal – Update for July 1, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues. 

DEMOCRATS SPLIT ON RESTORING FELON GUN RIGHTS

Jake Fogleman of The Reload, a weekly report on the politics of gun control, reported last weekend that the Dept of Justice’s proposal to reauthorize the long-dormant gun rights restoration process for people convicted of nonviolent felonies appears to be pitting federal and local Democrats against one another.

Last February, President Donald Trump ordered a review of federal gun policy. One of the first proposals to come from that review was a proposed rulemaking to let DOJ use 18 USC § 925 to restore gun rights, essentially waiving 18 USC § 922(g) for those people. The initial recipient of this administrative grace, even before the rulemaking began, was actor and Trump supporter Mel Gibson, disqualified from gun possession by a prior domestic violence conviction.

In the comment period just ended, 16 Democratic state attorneys general – including those representing liberal bastions like California, Hawaii, Illinois, Connecticut and New Jersey – submitted a letter supporting the proposal (subject to what The Reload called “numerous caveats… intended to ensure that no one truly dangerous is able to make it through the process”). But their letter was surprisingly sympathetic to the resurrection of the process.

“While there is no constitutional requirement that mandates any particular form of firearms rights restoration by states or the federal government, as a policy matter, we believe that our residents’ lives should not be defined by the worst mistakes of their pasts,” the letter said.

On the other hand, six Democratic senators and representatives filed comments arguing that the proposed rule is an unlawful exercise of executive power being done to “help violent criminals regain firearms.”

“Given the pervasiveness of gun violence in our nation, this Administration should not be circumventing Congress’s authority to prioritize restoring firearm privileges to individuals convicted of serious or violent crimes,” the Congressional letter said. “Our country is plagued by an epidemic of gun violence.”

The Reload suggested that “part of the driving force behind the rift, at least for those who oppose the new process, [may be] over who is pursuing the new federal policy. Democratic officials, particularly those in Congress, have been under intense pressure from their constituents to demonstrate their resistance to the Trump Administration’s aggressive executive actions in its second term. It’s possible that, under different political circumstances, the lawmakers now vocally opposed to the move might have been more amenable to the idea… In an era in which the Democratic coalition has largely homogenized around a set of hardline gun restrictions, and in which the question of gun rights for felons has primarily been confined to the courts, it is notable to see new differences of opinion on the question emerge in the political arena.”

No doubt, having a rational, consistent means of restoring gun rights to people subject to 922(g) is a good idea. My concern, however, is that adoption of such a plan may make DOJ unwilling to press for a Supreme Court resolution on the constitutionality of 18 USC § 922(g)(1) as applied to nonviolent felons. DOJ already refused to seek certiorari on Range v. Bondi, the 3rd Circuit en banc decision that stands as the best case for limiting § 922(g)(1). That case now binds courts in Pennsylvania, New Jersey and Delaware, but without a SCOTUS decision, it lacks nationwide applicability and, perhaps more important, does not support a 28 USC § 2244 motion to bring a second or successive § 2255 motion.

That procedural fact leaves thousands of prisoners unable to challenge the constitutionality of their convictions in the post-Bruen world.

The Reload, Analysis: Is Rights Restoration for Convicts a New Dividing Line on Guns for Democrats? (June 29, 2025)

DOJ, Withdrawing the Attorney General’s Delegation of Authority (March 20, 2025)

Letter from 16 State Attorneys General (June 18, 2025)

Letter from Rep Rosa DeLauro et al (June 18, 2025)

 – Thomas L. Root

Less than Meets the Eye – Update for June 30, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

A TRULY SHORT STACK

A week ago, I reported that BOP Director William K. Marshall III had announced the dawning of a new day in the use of First Step Act credits (FTCs) and the Second Chance Act. Among his several promises was that his new policy “ensures that FSA Earned Time Credits and SCA eligibility will be treated as cumulative and stackable, allowing qualified individuals to serve meaningful portions of their sentences in home confinement when appropriate.”

It turns out that the new memo doesn’t exactly say “cumulative and stackable”. Instead, it directs that “[i]n addition to FTCs for those individuals who have earned less than 365 days of FTCs, staff must also consider adding up to an additional 12 months of prerelease time under the SCA, based on the five-factor review.”

Under the heading “The Rules Are Clear,” a number of institutions last week issued guidance that doubled down on the memo. The “guidance” stated, “For individuals who have earned less than 365 days of FSA time credits towards supervised release, staff must also consider adding up to an additional 12 months of pre-release time under the SCA based on the five-factor review. The FSA Time Credit Worksheet for time under the SCA defaults to and will remain “zero” until your Unit Team inputs the pre-release time as determined based on the five-factor review. The number will range from zero to 12 months.”

Notwithstanding the heading, the only thing “clear” in all of this is the implication that, despite what the Director said, people who have more than 365 FTCs to be used toward prerelease custody will probably not be getting any SCA time whatsoever.

Practically speaking, no one with a sentence of under 46 months will earn any FTCs that go to prerelease custody. That’s because it is only mathematically possible to earn 365 days in a sentence of that length, after being adjusted for good time granted under 18 USC § 3624(b). All of the 46-monthers’ FTCs will be used up in cutting their sentences by 12 months. It will take a sentence of at least 74 months before a prisoner has accumulated more than 365 additional FTCs to be used toward more halfway house or home confinement. So the people with the most time – more than 74 months – being the ones most likely to benefit from the stacking, who will feel the impact of the non-stacking “stacking.”

Much of the problem arises from the tension between First Step and the SCA. Under the “five-factor review” (set out in 18 USC § 3621(b)), inmates are placed in halfway house not as a reward but rather because they need the prerelease custody time to give them “a reasonable opportunity to adjust to and prepare for the reentry.” 18 USC § 3624(c). First Step, on the other hand, treats halfway house/home confinement as a reward for earning FTCs. There’s nothing wrong with either approach, but the problem comes in mixing the two: despite all the fine talk about time being “cumulative and stackable,” the five-factor review applied to someone who is already entitled to 12 months in a halfway house as an incentive under the FSA is very unlikely to need any more than that amount of time there to have “a reasonable opportunity to adjust to and prepare for the reentry.”

The “five-factor review” will and probably should disqualify anyone with 12 months of prerelease custody under the FSA from any additional SCA prerelease time. If 12 months in a halfway house isn’t enough to prepare an inmate for release into the community, then (1) he or she probably is not rated as having a low chance of recidivism to begin with, and thus is ineligible to use any accumulated FTCs; and (2) will not make it in society once released.

I got email from an inmate last week denouncing the institutional guidance as “a very inmate-unfriendly interpretation of how FSA and SCA interact (despite the FSA saying time limits on SCA don’t apply and that FTCs should be in addition to other incentives).” But SCA halfway house was never meant to be an incentive, but rather was intended to be a tool for people who needed the transition time and services of a halfway house.

For now, the Director’s new policy suggests that we’ll see a lot more FSA prerelease time served on home confinement. That’s probably good for the BOP and prisoner alike. However, despite the “stackable and cumulative” talk, there is little reason to think that the “five-factor review” will result in stacked FSA and SCA prerelease custody time than it did before.

BOP, Bureau of Prisons Issues Directive to Fully Implement First Step Act and Second Chance Act (June 17, 2025)

BOP, Memorandum on Use of Home Confinement as a Release Option (June 17, 2025)

BOP, Home Confinement and Pre-Release Placement Updates (June 25, 2025)

– Thomas L. Root

Grammar Gets the ‘Gold’ at Supreme Court – Updates for June 27, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

A GOLD MEDAL FOR LENITY?

Is “lenity” the word that dare not be uttered? You might think so after yesterday’s Supreme Court decision in Hewitt v. United States.

The issue seems straightforward enough. Among the many changes made by the 2018 First Step Act was a long-overdue modification of 18 USC § 924(c), the penalty statute that mandates a consecutive minimum sentence for carrying a gun during a drug trafficking crime or crime of violence. Before First Step, the initial § 924(c) offense carried a mandatory sentence of at least five years, but every subsequent § 924(c) offense was punished by a 25-year term. Lousy drafting of the statute led to courts concluding that if you sold drugs while carrying a gun on Monday, you’d get time for the drug crime and an extra five years for the gun. If you sold some more drugs the next day while still carrying the gun, you’d probably get no more time for the drugs, but you would get a mandatory 25 years on top of Monday’s five-year term for a second § 924(c) crime, an outcome known as “stacking.”

It wasn’t difficult to figure. A hard-working street corner drug dealer plying his trade for a five-day work week, with a gun in his pocket the whole time, would run up a sentence of maybe 51 months for the drugs he sold but a whopping mandatory consecutive sentence of 105 years for five days of § 924(c) counts.

Congress never meant for this to happen. What it intended was that if you violated § 924(c) with a pistol in your pocket, you’d get an extra five years for carrying the gun (seven years if you “brandished” it). If you did your time and then were stupid enough to pack heat again, you would get a 25-year consecutive sentence. And why not? If five or seven years hadn’t taught you a lesson, you really needed an attitude adjustment.

Congress finally got around to fixing it in the First Step Act, changing § 924(c)(1)(C) to require that you actually be convicted of a § 924(c) offense before being hammered with the 25-year term for a second § 924(c) offense. You could still get stacked five-year terms for a week’s worth of armed drug dealing (25 years total for gun-toting from Monday through Friday), but you would not get the extra 80 years for your poor decision-making.

The usual horse-trading needed to get the Senate to pass First Step in the 11th hours of the 115th Congress resulted in a deal embodied in § 403(b) of the Act that the changes in § 924(c) would apply to “any offense that was committed before the date of enactment of this Act, if a sentence for the offense has not been imposed as of such date of enactment.”

Back in 2007, a gang dubbed the “Scarecrow Bandits” began a crime spree of bank robberies in the Dallas-Fort Worth area that totaled 20 heists. Dubbed the “Scarecrow Bandits” due to the clothing and face coverings they wore during their initial offenses, the gang was finally taken down by 11 months of cell tower analytics that sifted a haystack of data to find phones that had been pinging towers in the vicinity of each target bank only at times around the robbery. When the gang prepared to hit bank number 21 in Garland, Texas, the police arrested them.

Thanks to the § 924(c) in force at the time, the government hung 330 years on the perpetrators. The passage of the First Step Act didn’t help, because the robbers had long since been sentenced. However, after the Supreme Court held in 2019 that the “crime of violence” definition the Government routinely used to support some § 924(c) convictions was unconstitutionally vague, several of the Hewitt defendants successfully petitioned to have their sentences set aside. When they were resentenced, they argued that because the new sentences were being imposed after First Step passed, they were entitled to the benefit of having their subsequent § 924(c) sentences cut from 25 years apiece to seven years apiece or less.

The 5th Circuit (joining the 6th but in opposition to the 3rd and 9th), ruled that § 403(b) excluded any defendant who was sentenced prior to the enactment date of the First Step Act, even if his sentence was later vacated. The 5th argued that First Step applies only “if a sentence for the offense has not been imposed as of” the Act’s enactment date. Even if the Scarecrow sentences were later vacated, they still had “been imposed” upon that defendant prior to the Act “as a matter of historical fact.”

Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson, writing for the 5-4 majority, reminded everyone why all of that tedious junior high school English grammar was consequential after all. She explained that the operative phrase of § 403(b) is “not written in the past-perfect tense, excluding anyone upon whom a sentence “had” been imposed. Rather, Congress employed the present-perfect tense—thereby requiring evaluation of whether “a sentence . . . has . . . been imposed” upon the defendant.” Citing sources including the Chicago Manual of Style and The Cambridge Grammar of the English Language, she argued “the primary focus is on the present” while “the past maintains ‘current relevance.’”

Justice Brown offers this example:

Suppose the U. S. Olympic Committee enacted a rule stating that athletes may call themselves Olympic champions if a gold medal “has been awarded” to them. Pursuant to that rule, a U. S. sprinter who took first place in the 2016 Summer Olympics’ 100-meter finals could validly proclaim—today—that she is “an Olympic champion.” The existence of her win as a historical event triggers the rule’s proper application, because it gives rise to the inference that the athlete remains an Olympic gold medalist at present, thereby justifying her continued use of the “Olympic champion” title…

But now imagine that the Olympic Committee stripped this sprinter of her medal after discovering that she used performance-enhancing drugs during the competition. Can that athlete, under the rule, still call herself an Olympic champion? The answer is no. Yes, she had been awarded such a medal, but it was revoked; the fact that she stood on the podium and was declared the winner in 2016 is inapposite for purposes of establishing whether she qualifies for Olympic-champion bragging rights under the rule today.

When used in this way, the present-perfect tense conveys to a listener that the event in question continues to be true or valid.

Her point was that a sentence once imposed but later vacated is not a sentence at all because it does not remain valid. The law thus denies sentencing relief to only those pre-First Step Act sentences with “continued legal validity, not those that have been vacated,” Jackson wrote.

The decision produced a strong dissent from Justice Samuel Alito Jr., who accused the majority of “disfigur[ing]” the law to “march in the parade of sentencing reform… Animating the court’s atextual interpretation is a thinly veiled desire to march in the parade of sentencing reform. But our role is to interpret the statute before us, not overhaul criminal sentencing,” he wrote in a dissent joined by Justices Clarence Thomas, Brett Kavanaugh and Amy Coney Barrett.

Writing his Sentencing Law and Policy blog, Ohio State University law professor Douglas Berman was as disappointed in the decision as one who supported the result could be. He wrote that “Justice Gorsuch has extolled the rule of lenity in a number of notable recent statutory interpretation cases (e.g., Wooden; Pulsifer), stressing that “lenity has played an important role in realizing a distinctly American version of the rule of law.” The issue in Hewitt may not be a “classic” rule of lenity case, but it clearly is one in which traditional tools of statutory interpretation yield no clear answer and a defendant’s liberty is at stake… [I]t seems notable that this word gets not a single mention in the Hewitt opinions… These opinions function to suggest there is more legislative meaning and purpose in verb choice than in how to redefine just and fair punishments in the enactment of the First Step Act.”

Hewitt v. United States, Case Nos. 23-1002, 23-1150, 2025 U.S. LEXIS 2494 (June 26, 2025)

I2 Group, Catching the Scarecrow Bandits

United States v. Davis, 588 U.S. 445 (2019)

Law.com, Split Supreme Court Allows Lighter Sentences for Bank Robbers Dubbed ‘Scarecrow Bandits’ (June 26, 2025)

Courthouse News Service, Justices side with bank robbers seeking new sentences under reform law (June 26, 2025)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Where are concerns for liberty and lenity and broader constitutional values in Hewitt? (June 26, 2025)

– Thomas L. Root

More About the Cheese – Update for June 23, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

THE DEVIL’S IN THE DETAILS

Last Friday, I wrote about the Federal Bureau of Prisons’ latest pronouncements on how it would implement the “awards” portion of the First Step Act time credits (FTCs) program.

You recall that federal prisoners may earn FTCs for successful completion of evidence-based recidivism reduction programs (EBRRs), classes and vocational programs and therapy shown to reduce their likelihood to again fall into crime after release.

By and large, the EBRR program is good stuff. The Attorney General’s report last June reported that recidivism among people who had completed recidivism assessment and programming was coming in substantially lower than even the rosy assessments made right after First Step passed. (Note: We should be seeing the AG’s June 2025 update any day now).

To entice inmates to earn FTCs, the First Step Act provided that the credits could reduce the sentence of an eligible prisoner by up to a year, and FTCs left after the sentence reduction could be used for more halfway house and home confinement. But the BOP has been all over the map as to how to implement the awards, leaving a lot of prisoners and their families feeling puzzled, frustrated or betrayed.

The other factor in play is the BOP’s authority under the Second Chance Act of 2007 to place an inmate in a halfway house for up to 12 months at the end of his or her term, with 10% of his or her sentence (up to six months) of the final term being served on home confinement.

Last week, I only had the BOP’s press release to work from, but over the weekend, I obtained a copy of the new memo – entitled “Use of Home Confinement As A Release Option.” The 4-page memorandum from BOP Director William K. Marshall III to wardens suggests a bold, new pro-release mindset at the BOP, but – as with everything in this world – the devil’s in the details.

The memo’s highlights:

• The BOP will treat its authorizations under the First Step Act and Second Chance Act as cumulative. BOP staff shall and apply those in sequence to maximize prerelease time in community custody, including home confinement.

• Halfway house “bed availability/capacity shall not be a barrier to home confinement when an individual is statutorily eligible and appropriate for such placement.”

• If a First Step Act or Second Chance Act eligible prisoner does not require the services of a halfway house, the inmate “shall be referred directly from an institution to home confinement.” Halfway house “placement should be prioritized for those in our custody with the most need for services available at a [halfway house].”

• Referrals shall proceed with the understanding that so long as prisoners meet First Step Act and Second Chance Act eligibility requirements, “they shall receive the forecasted credits and ordinarily should not experience delays in prerelease placement based on administrative timing, presumed [halfway house] capacity limits or placement constraints, or pending credit accrual.”

• Under the Second Chance Act, inmates may be placed in prerelease custody for a period of up to 12 months (halfway house) or 6 months or 10 pct of their sentence (home confinement), whichever is less. “The Second Chance Act Conditional Placement Date reflects the window under 18 USC § 3624(c) —up to 12 months (halfway house) or 6 month or 10% of the sentence (home confinement)—for which the individual is expected to qualify, subject to a five-factor review. “There is no restriction concerning how many FTCs may be applied toward home confinement. For individuals only eligible under the Second Chance Act, referrals must comply with 18 USC § 3624(c), including a five-factor review and documentation of eligibility based on sentence length (12 months [halfway house] or 6 month or 10% (home confinement), whichever is less).”

• For prisoners “who have earned less than 365 days of FTCs, staff must also consider adding up to an additional 12 months of prerelease time under the Second Chance Act, based on the five-factor review.”

• Home confinement candidates must be able to show a verified and stable home environment that supports monitoring, appropriate supervision, and safe community reentry and integration, and that they pose no public safety or placement disqualification. Employment history shall not be required. For individuals at or near working age, potential for employment may be considered positively, but is not mandatory.

Note what has not changed: Second Chance Act placement is still based on the BOP’s “five-factor” review, found in 18 USC § 3621(b):

(1) the resources of the halfway house;

(2) the “nature and circumstances of the offense;”

(3) the history and characteristics of the prisoner;

(4) any statement by the court that imposed the sentence about “the purposes for which the sentence to imprisonment was determined to be warranted; or recommending a type of penal or correctional facility as appropriate;” and

(5) any pertinent Sentencing Commission policy statement.

The memo and the “five factor” review contain enough wiggle room to enable the BOP to justify disqualifying Mother Teresa from halfway house or home confinement placement. Home confinement will be allowed for “qualified individuals,” but the memo directs that “placement decisions should prioritize public safety and the overall stability of the release plan.” Second Chance Act halfway house time is subject to review that is broad enough to let the BOP cut or take away halfway house on the basis of the crime or what it thinks of the prisoner.

Those persons who recall that in the late months of CARES Act home confinement placement, the BOP began asking inmates’ prosecutors for their views on sending a prisoner home, may have good cause question what may happen in the latest opaque review process.

BOP, Memorandum on Use of Home Confinement as a Release Option (June 17, 2025)

BOP, Bureau of Prisons Issues Directive to Fully Implement First Step Act and Second Chance Act (June 17, 2025)

– Thomas L. Root

Enticing But Evanescent BOP Cheese – Update for June 20, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

BOP DANGLES THE FIRST STEP CHEESE AGAIN

So, let’s see… the Federal Bureau of Prisons first proposed that a prisoner would have to spend eight hours in one of its program classrooms in order to earn one day of First Step Act time credit (FTC) to reduce her sentence or get an extra day of halfway house. Then it reversed course, holding that an inmate would receive one day of FTC credit for every day she was enrolled in the course.

Then the BOP said that when a prisoner’s FTC credits equaled the number of days left his sentence, he would be sent to a halfway house. But wait, that was only when the halfway house finally said he could come, however long that delay might be.

The BOP said that a prisoner was entitled to as much halfway house or home confinement time as she could earn in FTCs, and on top of that, she could get up to a full year in halfway house under the Second Chance Act. But then the agency said that no one could get more than 60 days in halfway house under the SCA, no matter what the law said. But then, the BOP said that was wrong, and prisoners could get a full year under the SCA. After that, the BOP decided that any prisoner with a full year’s worth of FTCs was ineligible to get any SCA time in a halfway house.

Got it?

Not yet, because in its latest policy reversal/about face/ tweak, the BOP this week decided that its last pronouncement was “inoperative,” as Nixon White House spokesman Ron Ziegler famously said. Now, BOP Director William K. Marshall III has announced “the dawn of a new era,” a restoration of “integrity and fiscal responsibility to the federal prison system.” This of course is a tacit admission that integrity and fiscal responsibility have been wanting at the BOP, akin to the emperor acknowledging that yes, indeed, he is naked as a jaybird.

Marshall said in a press release that henceforth

• FTCs and SCA eligibility will be treated as cumulative and stackable, “allowing qualified individuals to serve meaningful portions of their sentences in home confinement when appropriate.”

• The BOP’s Conditional Placement Dates — “based on projected credit accrual and statutory timelines — will drive timely referrals, not bureaucratic inertia.”

• Stable housing and “community reintegration readiness, not past employment,” will guide placement decisions.

• Halfway house bed capacity will not be a barrier to home confinement placement when a prisoner is statutorily eligible and “appropriate for such placement.”

The press release quotes Marshall as saying the new policies “mark[] a bold shift from years of inaction toward a policy rooted in public safety, fiscal responsibility, and second chances. By empowering the agency to release more people who are ready to return to society, we not only save taxpayer dollars, we strengthen families, ease overcrowding, and build safer communities.”

The latest policy flip-flop comes on the heels of Marshall’s appointment, the week before, that BOP veteran Richard Stover has been appointed “to serve in furthering the implementation of the First Step Act.”

That announcement did not specify Stover’s title, place in the chain of command, or precise duties. Nevertheless, in the six plus years since passage of First Step, the BOP has not designated any management-level employee as being responsible for BOP compliance with the law. Marshall said that appointment of Stover to oversee First Step implementation and Josh Smith as Deputy Director “reflect a critical investment in strengthening our leadership infrastructure to better support staff, improve operations, and fully implement the First Step Act—the cornerstone of our path to safer facilities and stronger outcomes.”

Stover has 28 years with the Bureau, starting as a case manager, rising to Warden and ultimately serving as a Senior Deputy Assistant Director. Most recently, Stover ran the Designation and Sentence Computation Center in Grand Prairie. Marshall said in his announcement of the appointment that Stover’s “work developing the First Step Act Time Credits policy and his leadership at institutions like FCI Danbury demonstrate his deep expertise in executing complex reforms with clarity and precision.”

All of this is great stuff, but like Charlie Brown with Lucy holding the football, we’ve been here before. It has always been baffling to me that the BOP, chronically broke and understaffed, wasn’t hustling people with accumulated FTCs into inexpensive home confinement as quickly as possible under 18 USC 3624(g)(2). Under the SCA, the BOP can only place a prisoner in home confinement for 10% of an inmate’s sentence (up to six months maximum). But 100% of a prisoner’s FTCs can be used for home confinement.

Skeptics (and heaven knows I am one) note that even the press release contains just enough wiggle room to let the BOP take away everything it has given. Home confinement will be allowed for “qualified individuals,” but who is “qualified” and under what criteria (and decided by whom) is opaque. After all, prisoners must be “appropriate for such placement,” whatever that means.

For that matter, promising that statutory eligibility “will drive timely referrals, not bureaucratic inertia,” has a chicken-in-every-pot flavor to it. Just like no one asked where all those chickens were going to come from, the idea that people are going to go to halfway houses that won’t accept them has a delusional quality to it that matches its lofty blandishment.

Walter Pavlo, writing in Forbes, observes:

The memorandum is going to be well received by inmates and their families. However, the BOP has a history of slowly implementing programs that favor inmates but quickly adopting restrictions that keep them in prison longer. The Trump administration continues to be one that looks for results among those appointed to serve and it will be up to BOP leadership to deliver on this one as the directive is clear. It is the implementation of this directive that will be the next challenge.

Challenge, indeed. My take on it is a little less diplomatic: The cheese has been dangled in front of the inmate mice again. Let’s see how soon it is moved this time.

BOP, Bureau of Prisons Issues Directive to Fully Implement First Step Act and Second Chance Act (June 17, 2025)

Forbes, Bureau of Prisons Retracts Rule, Truly Expands Halfway Houses (June 17, 2025)

BOP, Message from the Director (June 5, 2025)

– Thomas L. Root

Things Are Seldom What They Seem – Update for June 2, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

THE OL’ SWITCHEROO

buttercup250602Unless you’re my age (and I am not telling you what that age might be), you’re probably not familiar with Gilbert and Sullivan’s light opera, 19th-century musicals that parodied British life. In H.M.S. Pinafore – perhaps their best-known work – low-class Buttercup pines for the high-born captain of the Royal Navy warship HMS Pinafore. At one point, she tries to hint to the Captain that despite their difference in societal status, they might be able to hook up.

She sings,

Things are seldom what they seem, skim milk masquerades as cream, black sheep dwell in every fold, all that glitters is not gold…

Remember two months ago, when the BOP said no one would get more than 60 days of Second Chance Act halfway house time, only to recant a week or so later? It seemed that the problem had been solved. Unfortunately, as the Bureau of Prisons proved last week, the fix was illusory, as “storks turn out to be but logs” or “Bulls are but inflated frogs.”

A new BOP memorandum issued last week at first seemed to be a wonderful expansion of home confinement, but it in fact strips away SCA rights from prisoners who have been serving the longest sentences.

We have not seen the memo, just a press release. The release provides that home confinement will be “a priority for individuals who are eligible and do not require the structured support of an RRC. RRC placement will be reserved for those with the greatest need.” What’s more, unit teams are directed to “use FSA and SCA Conditional Placement Dates—based on projected Earned Time Credits (FTCs) expected to earn—to guide prerelease planning and ensure accurate and timely referrals.”

More home confinement? Great news, right?

Not really. The new policy does not expand the BOP’s authority to place people on home confinement by even one day. Ever since 2008, the BOP has had the authority to place inmates in home confinement for the final 10% of their sentences (up to a maximum of 6 months) under 18 USC § 3624(c)(2). Six years ago, the First Step Act amended § 3624(c)(2) to direct that the BOP, “to the extent practicable, place prisoners with lower risk levels and lower needs on home confinement for the maximum amount of time permitted under this paragraph.”

Just like Dorothy always had the power to go back to Kansas, the BOP has had the power to send prisoners to home confinement.
Just like Dorothy always had the power to go back to Kansas, the BOP has had the power to send prisoners to home confinement.

However, none of the BOP’s authority meant much up to now. BOP staff largely did not send people directly to home confinement. It was easier to send them to halfway house and then let the halfway house send them on to home confinement and do the monitoring. The halfway houses were glad to do it, because it freed up a bed they could sell for another inmate, and they still got some payment for the inmate they were continuing to monitor.

Suddenly, the BOP has figured out that it can better use the limited number of halfway house beds it has under contract (and save money) by sending low-risk inmates directly to home confinement. It’s the right call, but it doesn’t expand the availability of home confinement one bit. The BOP has no more power to put people on home confinement today than it had a week ago, a month ago, a year ago, or even as of December 21, 2018.

What’s worse is what the memo does NOT say. On Saturday, Walter Pavlo reported in Forbes that “[w]hen asked whether inmates are still eligible for Second Chance Act placement up to 12 months prior to their FSA conditional placement date, as has been the case, the BOP responded, ‘Due to statutory restrictions found in 18 U.S.C. § 3624(c)(1), an individual who has earned 365 days (12 months) of First Step Act credits to be applied to prerelease custody cannot receive additional prerelease time under the Second Chance Act.’”

This means that no one with 730 or more FSA credits will get any SCA halfway house or home confinement. Pavlo wrote, “The BOP’s current stance contradicts its position from just a few months ago, when it stated that stacking First Step Act and Second Chance Act benefits was permissible. Now, without addressing its previous position, the BOP asserts that home confinement under the Second Chance Act is only allowed by law during the final 12 months of a prison sentence.

home210218Additionally, the BOP claims that home confinement under the First Step Act can only be applied when the First Step Act time credits earned are equal to the remaining length of the prison term. This means an inmate cannot apply First Step Act credits to home confinement while also receiving up to 12 months of prerelease custody (6 months in a halfway house and 6 months in home confinement) under the Second Chance Act. For many inmates, this change means they will have to remain in prison for up to a year longer than they had initially expected.”

In the press release, BOP Director William K. Marshall III boasted that “President Trump said he would fight for the forgotten men and women of this country, and the First Step Act proved he meant it. Now, we are ensuring that this reform continues to work—not just as a policy, but as a promise to Americans seeking redemption and a path forward.”

BOP Press Release, Federal Bureau of Prisons Issues Directive to Expand Home Confinement, Advance First Step Act (May 28)

Forbes, Prisoners Set Back By Bureau Of Prisons Home Confinement Expansion (May 31)

– Thomas L. Root

The Short Rocket – Update for April 29, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues. 

Today (and not just because Gayle King and Kate Perry came back to earth after their blasted-into-space celebrity stunt), here’s a short rocket of some stories you might have missed.

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CASE SHORTS

fiore250429Who’s Getting Pardoned? The Associated Press reported last week that President Donald Trump pardoned Michelle Fiore, a Nevada Republican politician who was awaiting sentencing on federal charges that she embezzled $70,000 meant for a statue honoring a slain police officer.

Fiore spent the money on personal expenses, including a facelift. She has been released on her own recognizance ahead of sentencing next month.

AP said, “In a lengthy statement Thursday on Facebook, the loyal Trump supporter expressed gratitude to the president while also accusing the US government and ‘select media outlets’ of a broad, decade-long conspiracy to ‘target and dismantle’ her life.”

She’s right, of course: Such media dismantling is the easily foreseen consequence of stealing charitable contributions to finance one’s own lifestyle.

The White House confirmed the pardon without comment.

Meanwhile, former congressman George Santos, sentenced last week to 87 months for multiple frauds, publicly appealed to Trump to offer him “a chance to prove I’m more than the mistakes I’ve made.” Santos’s lawyers said the legal team would seek a presidential pardon — something that Santos himself had ruled out two days before his sentencing.

The Dept of Justice reports that the last dozen or so clemency grants are all of white-collar defendants, with a lone commutation of a defendant accused of opioid distribution in early March.

Associated Press, Trump pardons Nevada politician who paid for cosmetic surgery with funds to honor a slain officer (April 24, 2025)

The New York Times, George Santos’s Closing Act: A Prison Sentence of More Than 7 Years (April 26, 2025)

DOJ, Clemency Grants by President Donald J. Trump (2025-Present) (April 27, 2025)

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Durbin Ending Senate Career: Senator Richard Durbin (D-IL), a mainstay on the Senate Judiciary Committee, is retiring at the end of his current Senate term in December 2026.

durbin191120Durbin has served on the Judiciary Committee for more than two decades, including as chairman from 2021 through 2024. He wrote the 2010 Fair Sentencing Act, which reduced the federal sentencing disparity for crack/powder cocaine offenses. In 2018, Durbin and Sen. Charles Grassley (R-IA) led bipartisan efforts to enact the First Step Act, the most significant criminal justice reform legislation in a generation. Since then, he and Grassley led efforts–not yet successful–to pass the Safer Detention Act, Prohibiting Punishment of Acquitted Conduct Act, and Smarter Sentencing Act.

Press Release, Durbin Announces He Will Not Seek Re-Election in 2026 (April 23, 2025)

Roll Call, Durbin’s run at Judiciary Committee focused on immigration, judges (April 23, 2025)

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Angelos Meets With Johnson: Pardon recipient Weldon Angelos, founder of the criminal justice non-profit The Weldon Project, met with Pardon Czar Alice Johnson at the White House last Wednesday to discuss future clemency options.

marijuana160818Marijuana Moment reported last week that “[a]s the cannabis community continues to search for signs that the president will proactively engage on the issue after he endorsed [marijuana] rescheduling… the meeting between Weldon Angelos and the White House official signals at least some openness to the idea of acting on marijuana reform.”

Angelos said the meeting left him “feeling incredibly hopeful.”

Marijuana Moment, Marijuana Activist Pardoned By Trump Meets With White House Officials As Pressure Builds For Reform (April 25, 2025)

– Thomas L. Root

 

6th Circuit Holds Sentencing Commission Went Too Far On Compassionate Release – Update for April 28, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

6TH CIRCUIT STRAINS TO INVALIDATE COMPASSIONATE RELEASE CHANGE-IN-THE-LAW CATEGORY

dontthink220919A three-judge 6th Circuit panel took a wrecking ball to the Sentencing Commission’s compassionate release statute last week, joining the 3rd and 7th Circuits in invalidating the “extraordinary and compelling” reason that the defendant was serving years and years more than Congress now believes he deserves.

The compassionate release statute, 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A), allows a court to reduce a prison sentence for “extraordinary and compelling reasons.” Congress authorized the Sentencing Commission to define what constitutes an extraordinary and compelling reason, and the USSC did so in the revised USSG § 1B1.13 adopted in November 2023. The reasons included medical reasons, family circumstances, and prisoner abuse.

The “extraordinary and compelling reason” at issue in last week’s case is set out in USSG § 1B1.13(b)(6). It holds that a nonretroactive change in the law can present a reason warranting a sentence reduction if a prisoner has served at least 10 years of “an unusually long sentence,” and there is a “gross disparity” between the inmate’s sentence and the sentence that would apply if nonretroactive changes in the law since the original sentencing were given retroactive effect. Even then, it’s not automatic. Instead, § 1B1.13(b)(6) directs the court to fully consider “the defendant’s individualized circumstances.”

bunnygun190423The best example of such a sentence is where someone has been convicted of multiple 18 USC § 924(c) sentences for using a gun in drug crimes or crimes of violence. Congress intended that if Donnie Drugseller had been convicted of a § 924(c) and served his mandatory five years, only to get out and do the same thing again, the second § 924(c) would carry a minimum of 25 years. This makes perfect sense: we should learn from our experiences, and that includes Donnie learning that he shouldn’t carry a gun.

Poor drafting, however, resulted in a statute requiring that Donnie, who carried a gun while selling drugs on Monday and did it again on Tuesday, receive two “stacked” § 924(c) counts–one for each day–and be sentenced for 30 years mandatory and consecutive years. That would be five years for Monday’s gun and 25 more years for Tuesday’s.

Congress did not ever intend that, fixing its mistake in a revised § 924(c) included in the First Step Act. Now the statute does what it was always meant to do, applies the 25-year sentence only if Donnie had been convicted of a § 924(c) crime prior to committing the second one. Under the changed law, Donnie’s sentence would have been 10 years (five for Monday and five more for Tuesday).

However, for political reasons, the § 924(c) change was not made retroactive to reach sentences imposed before the First Step Act was passed. In last week’s Bricker decision, the 6th Circuit conceded that this left people like Donnie, who were sentenced before First Step,

serving prison sentences that are much longer than the sentences of new inmates who committed the exact same crimes. Recognizing the unfairness, the Commission decided that the disparity was… a factor worth considering when deciding whether an individual old-timer had an “extraordinary and compelling reason” for early release. That is understandable and even laudable. The question is whether the Commission has the authority to do that under the law, particularly the Constitution.

Back before the 2023 adoption of the new § 1B1.13, the 6th Circuit held in United States v. McCall that “the that the phrase ‘extraordinary and compelling’ in § 3582(c)(1)(A)(i) is clear and unambiguous” and that nonretroactive legal changes in the law could not be considered extraordinary and compelling reasons for a sentence reduction:

The Circuit panel held that under the Constitution’s separation of powers, the Commission lacked the “power to overrule a Circuit Court’s interpretation of a statute” or to adopt a policy statement that contradicts a federal statute: “[T]he Commission cannot overrule McCalls determination about the plain text of the statute by promulgating a contradictory policy statement… we conclude that the Commission overstepped its authority and issued a policy statement that is plainly unreasonable under the statute and in conflict with the separation of powers. We therefore hold that USSG § 1B1.13(b)(6) is invalid.

In her dissent, Judge Stranch vigorously disagreed, arguing that “the majority opinion misapprehends recent Supreme Court precedent on administrative law, misconstrues this court’s opinion in… McCall, and ignores the plain language of several statutes to read constraints into a statutory scheme where none exist.”

badjudge171016Writing in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog, Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman blasted the Bricker decision as “another reminder that courts can and often will ignore textualism principles when it leads to a policy outcome that they dislike.” He notes that “the panel majority in Bricker [is] inventing much broader non-textual limits on compassionate release than did the Third Circuit in United States v. Rutherford… That ruling is the subject of a pending cert petition, and Bricker surely increases the odds that cert on this issue will be eventually granted. But… I am quite unsure whether congressional text or judicial policy preferences would ultimately prevail on this matter at SCOTUS.”

United States v. Bricker, Case No. 24-3286, 2025 U.S.App. LEXIS 9538 (6th Cir. April 22, 2025)

United States v. McCall, 56 F.4th 1048 (6th Cir. 2022)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Deepening circuit splits, divided Sixth Circuit panel decides to “look beyond” statutory text to rewrite compassionate release limits (April 24, 2025)

United States v. Rutherford, 120 F.4th 360 (3d Cir. 2024)

– Thomas L. Root