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Grand Jury Master Class – Update for November 26, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

A ‘HOW TO’ MANUAL FOR GETTING GRAND JURY MATERIALS (IT AIN’T EASY)

Watching Eastern District of Virginia US Attorney Lindsey Halligan make a hash of the criminal action against former FBI director James Comey provided a month’s worth of entertainment last week. It’s why a lot of people watch NASCAR – not for the racing but because there may be an awesome wreck at some point.

Last week’s legal festivities culminated in US District Court Judge Cameron McGowen Currie dismissing the Comey and Letitia James indictments this past Monday because crack insurance lawyer Halligan – although eminently qualified to be a United States Attorney – was never properly appointed to her position.

The legal geek in me was somewhat disappointed, because it left some of the meaty, substantive issues – such as did the grand jury ever really see the indictment that was ultimately handed up and is this the queen mother of all vindictive prosecutions – unanswered. But regardless, the litigation has thus far been a master’s course for a defendant seeking access to the records of the grand jury that indicted him.

Previously, a US Magistrate Judge, recognizing that ordering the prosecution to turn over grand jury material was “an extraordinary remedy,” had nonetheless noted that “given the … prospect that government misconduct may have tainted the grand jury proceedings, disclosure of grand jury materials under these unique circumstances is necessary.” The 24-page opinion granted the defense full access to grand jury material, finding evidence that Halligan may have misinformed the grand jurors of the law, violated the defendant’s attorney-client privilege by using materials seized from one of his lawyers at the time of the search, violated the 4th Amendment, and handed up an indictment that was never approved by the grand jury.

The Magistrate Judge found eleven separate, detailed and serious allegations supported release. “The traditional policies underlying grand jury secrecy are only moderately applicable to this case,” the Court said. “Here, the grand jury’s role in this case is over and the statute of limitations has expired so there is no danger that release of grand jury materials could impact future grand jury proceedings. The only person to testify before the grand jury was a single federal agent. There are no other ‘persons who have information with respect to the commission of crimes’ who testified before the grand jury, either voluntarily or pursuant to a subpoena. The government has offered no particularized reason why grand jury materials should be kept from the person the grand jury indicted… On the other hand, as the Court has found, these materials are essential if Mr. Comey is to fully and fairly defend himself in the face of the irregularities that have characterized this investigation from its inception.”

The decision underscores the level of detail required to obtain access to grand jury materials. It should be required reading for defendants who figure that a “pretty please” is all it takes to get access to grand jury materials.

United States v. Comey, Case No 1:25-cr-272, 2025 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 226131 (E.D.Va. November 17, 2025)

~ Thomas L. Root

Bureau of Prisons Slipping on ICE – Update for November 25, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

THAT GIANT SUCKING SOUND…

Remember H. Ross Perot? During his unsuccessful third-party bid for president in 1992, he warned that the “giant sucking sound” we all heard was the sound of jobs going to Mexico.

It turns out that Bureau of Prisons director William K. Marshall III is hearing one of his own, the sound of BOP correctional officers quitting for the gold-plated working conditions of Immigration and Customs Enforcement.

Last week, Pro Publica reported that “ICE has been on a recruiting blitz, offering $50,000 starting bonuses and tuition reimbursement at an agency that has long offered better pay than the federal prison system. For many corrections officers, it’s been an easy sell.”

By the start of November, the BOP had lost at least 1,400 more staff this year than it had hired, according to ProPublica. “We’re broken and we’re being poached by ICE,” one union official told ProPublica. “It’s unbelievable. People are leaving in droves.”

The exodus comes amid shortages of critical supplies. Staffers told Pro Publica that some facilities had even stopped providing basic hygiene items for officers, such as paper towels, soap and toilet paper.

Fewer corrections officers result in more lockdowns, less programming, fewer health care services for inmates, greater risks to staff, and more grueling hours of mandatory overtime. Prison teachers and medical staff are being forced to step in as corrections officers on a regular basis.

In a video posted last Wednesday afternoon, Deputy Director Josh Smith said that the agency was “left in shambles by the previous administration” and would take years to repair. Staffing levels, he said, were “catastrophic,” which, along with crumbling infrastructure and corruption, had made the prisons less safe.

He also frankly appraised the agency’s approach to the First Step Act:

The First Step Act was sabotaged by the Biden DOJ and BOP.  They have mismanaged millions meant for FSA implementation – building a time credit calculator that has never worked right – and FSA programming required by the law never materialized. Instead, they hired an outside contractor that blocked every outside program submitted by some of the most impactful faith-based organizations. They only approved internal BOP classes, and, despite spending hundreds of millions of dollars, the BOP still only added 100 halfway house beds in six years… all while reentry services division lost over 90 critical positions.

They diverted hundreds of millions of First Step Act funding into non-FSA programming and unrelated projects that they just labeled ‘FSA.’ This mismanagement squandered taxpayer money and undermined public safety. Lockdowns and collective punishment have become knee-jerk reactions… BOP has been consistently voted the worst place to work in all the federal government… This is the hand that we’ve been dealt, a Bureau on the brink scarred by decades of failure…

The so-called One Big Beautiful Bill Act, signed into law on July 4th, could offer some financial support for the agency’s staffing woes, as it will route another $5 billion to the BOP over four years — $3 billion of which is specifically earmarked to improve retention, hiring and training. Yet exactly what the effects of that cash infusion will look like remains to be seen: Pro Publica reported that the “Bureau declined to answer questions about when it will receive the money or how it will be spent.”

Pro Publica, “We’re Broken”: As Federal Prisons Run Low on Food and Toilet Paper, Corrections Officers Are Leaving in Droves for ICE (November 20, 2025)

BOP, Video Message from the Deputy Director: A Bureau on the Brink (November 19, 2025)

~ Thomas L. Root

‘Hell’ vs. Truth on Federal Clemency – Update for November 24, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

GIVING ‘HELL’ TO THE CLEMENCY POWER

President Harry S Truman’s supporters liked to shout, “Give ‘em hell, Harry!” at his rallies. However, as Truman explained it, ‘I never did give them hell. I just told the truth, and they thought it was hell’.”

I once again heard from a reader last week that some of the guys at his facility thought I was too negative about President Trump. Seven years ago, I wrote glowingly about his support for the First Step Act, still the most consequential piece of criminal justice reform legislation in the last 30 years. But Trump has done nothing for federal criminal justice reform since then, and that’s the truth. To my critics, it just seems like ‘hell’.

‘Hell’, you ask? Minnesota constitutional lawyer Marshall Tanick last week aptly described the hellscape of Trump clemencies:

In addition to the unconditional pardons issued on the first day of his current term to all 1,500-plus January 6th rioters, as he promised during the campaign, with Floridians comprising the largest state group, and the 77 more recently to white collar election denier operatives, the president has issued more than 1,600 pardons and commutations of sentences this year. Nearly all of them, with a few exceptions like star baseball player Darryl Strawberry, have been given to political supporters and financial donors to his campaign or their relatives or those with business interests aligned with the president and his family. Most of them were charged and many convicted of massive fraudulent schemes.

A transparent theme has been political leanings, as reflected in his explanation for commuting the seven-year sentence of mendacious Republican former Congress member George Santos after serving a puny four months. The president said he released the discredited New Yorker from confinement because he did “ALWAYS VOTE REPUBLICAN,” as if that is the criterion for the exercise of presidential lenity.

Still waiting for your pardon or commutation? You probably don’t fit the criteria. Not like Dan Wilson, a man who – perhaps alone in American history – has received two presidential pardons in a single year. Wilson, a Kentucky militia member who joined the Capitol riot on Jan. 6, 2021, was indicted for that and as a felon-in-possession under 18 USC § 922(g)(1) for the guns agents found when they searched his home on a J6-based search warrant.

Trump had already erased Wilson’s felony conviction for his role in the riot when he issued his Inauguration Day pardon for all of the 1,500 participants in the attack. But Wilson remained in prison because the federal court concluded that the pardon was limited to J6 conduct and did not extend to separate crimes. Dan still had three years to serve for the 922(g)(1).

Last week, Trump quietly pardoned Wilson for the felon-in-possession count, reasoning that “because the search of Mr. Wilson’s home was due to the events of January 6, and they should have never been there in the first place…” according to a White House official.

In a separate action, Trump pardoned Suzanne Ellen Kaye for having threatened to shoot federal agents if they came to her house to question her about January 6th. The White House said her case was “clearly a case of disfavored First Amendment political speech being prosecuted and an excessive sentence.”

Meanwhile, if you were not at the January 6th riot, your clemency application will sit at the Office of Pardon Attorney. As I noted last week, only 1% of Trump’s clemencies this year went through the OPA.

‘But wait,’ you say. ‘You don’t have to be a rioter or election denier to get a pardon.’ Right you are. Just last week, Trump also pardoned Joseph Schwartz, a nursing home magnate who was sentenced last April to 36 months in prison for failing to pay $38 million in payroll taxes withheld from employees’ earnings. Schwartz hired a couple of right-wing lobbyists, paying them $960,000 to secure a pardon. Although Trump’s own interim US Attorney at the time, Alina Habba, said last April the offense deserved prison time (recommending a shocking 12 months and a day sentence), Trump signed off on the pardon. Schwartz walked out of FCI Otisville camp last week after serving three months.

A White House official, asked by the Washington Post whether Trump or others in the White House or Justice Department had met with Schwartz’s lobbyists, responded with a statement:

No one from White House Counsel nor [White House pardon czar] Alice Johnson met with the individuals named. Either way, the President is the final decision-maker on all pardons, and any one spending money to lobby for pardons is foolishly wasting funds.

Uh-huh.

I’m not alone in criticizing Trump’s gross abuse of clemency (at the expense of federal prisoners who deserve thoughtful consideration if not outright grant of commutation or pardon). Law professor Mark Osler, a national clemency expert, wrote last week on Sentencing Matters Substack:

These are hard days for people like me who believe that the pardon power is an essential part of the Constitution and a beautiful machine that embodies one of our primary national virtues: a belief in second chances. While clemency has been subjected to sharp criticism before (most recently, in the wake of Bill Clinton’s shady pardon of fugitive financier Marc Rich), the wave of criticism now — most often turning on President Trump’s grants to loyalists, celebrities, and business associates — has sometimes included outright calls to simply get rid of the federal pardon power.

Conservative writer Jonah Goldberg wrote last week that

[t]he president has some unique powers… including the sole, final authority to grant pardons. Pardons cannot be reviewed or repealed by Congress or the courts. It’s time we changed that—and the only way to do so is by amending the Constitution.

There are two reasons for getting rid of the president’s power to pardon. The first is the grotesque abuses of that power by Presidents Trump and Biden. In his first term, Trump issued a series of egregious pardons for, among others, lackeys, war criminals and political allies.

Biden then issued blanket and preemptive pardons for his family and various political allies… and a raft of other pardons and commutations that Biden allegedly just outsourced to ideologues on his staff.

Back in office in 2025, Trump has outdone Biden and himself. He launched his second term by granting mass pardons to the goons who beat police with flagpoles and stormed the Capitol on his behalf on January 6, 2021. Since then, he’s pardoned a rogues’ gallery of donors, partisan allies, and people with business ties to him or his family…

This coming week, the White House will pardon two turkeys out of the 219 million to be slaughtered in the US over the next 12 months. That puts a turkey’s odds of clemency at about 1:110 million. Sadly, for federal prisoners without money or political ties to the Trump Administration, the odds are not much better.

I’m for any president, regardless of party, who properly uses the clemency power to correct injustice. That has not been Trump in 2025. 

Just truth. Not hell.

Naples News, Presidential pardon process needs to be changed (November 20, 2025)

Washington Post, The case of a felon who paid lobbyists nearly $1 million to seek a Trump pardon (November 22, 2025)

Politico, Trump re-pardons a Jan. 6 defendant to erase unrelated gun conviction (November 15, 2025)

NPR, Trump issues two pardons related to Jan. 6 investigation (November 15, 2025)

Sentencing Matters Substack, A Terrible Use of a Beautiful Machine (November 17, 2025)

Los Angeles Times, Instead of Addressing Injustice, Pardons Only Pervert Justice (November 19, 2025)

USA Today, You can choose the names of turkeys to get a presidential pardon. Here’s how. (November 22, 2025)

~ Thomas L. Root

BOP Union Sues For Its Place At The Table – Update for November 21, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

EMPLOYEES UNION SUES BOP TO REVERSE CANCELLATION

A lawsuit filed in U.S. District Court for the District of Connecticut challenges the BOP’s termination last September of collective bargaining rights with Council of Prison Locals 33, which represents over 85% of all BOP employees.

The lawsuit asks the court to reverse the termination of collective bargaining.

The decision to terminate collective bargaining came after President Trump signed an executive order to end collective bargaining for agencies whose primary functions involve intelligence, counterintelligence, investigative or national security work.

The lawsuit argues the executive order did not require the BOP to cancel collective bargaining, and was “arbitrary and capricious,” retaliation against union speech and advocacy.  The BOP claimed the union as “an obstacle to progress instead of a partner in it” when announcing the decision to terminate the CBA.

WHBF-TV, Federal lawsuit challenges termination of collective bargaining by U.S. Bureau of Prisons (November 14, 2025)

~ Thomas L. Root

Meanwhile, in the Supreme Court Certiorari Petition Pile – Update for November 20, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

MORE FUN WITH SCOTUS

The Supreme Court has relisted a case that asks whether sentencing decisions based on uncharged, acquitted, or dismissed conduct violate the 5th and 6th Amendments.

A “relist” means that the Court could not decide whether to hear the case at its initial conference and has relisted it to consider it again. Cases rarely get picked for review without being relisted one or more times.

In 2023, the Supreme Court relisted a group of about 10 cases asking the same question before denying review to all of them at once at the end of the term in July.

In other news, the Supreme Court will consider Melynda Vincent’s petition for certiorari that asks whether 18 USC § 922(g)(1)’s felon-in-possession provision violates the 2nd Amendment by prohibiting her from acquiring a gun. Vincent was convicted of bank fraud 15 years ago for writing some bad checks while in the throes of drug addiction. Since then, she cleaned up, graduated from a drug treatment program, earned an undergraduate degree and two graduate degrees, and founded the Utah Harm Reduction Coalition – a nonprofit organization for drug treatment and criminal-justice reform – and a mental health counseling service, Life Changes Counseling.

Bartunek v. United States, Case No. 25-5720 (petition for certiorari pending)

Vincent v. United States, Case No. 24-1155 (petition for certiorari pending)

~ Thomas L. Root

The Pardon Power’s a Wreck – Update for November 18, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

PARDON OUR PARDONS

Sobering news on the clemency front. To many, it seems that President Trump has exercised his pardon and commutation pen unlike any of his predecessors. Recent reports from Politico and ProPublica make it clear that the President’s beneficiaries have mostly been people with access to him or his inner circle.  Those petitioners who have followed rules set out by the Dept of Justice have been left out in the cold.

Trump has granted clemency to allies, donors and culture-war figures — as well as to people like him who were convicted of financial wrongdoing. A week ago, he granted pardons to 77 people, including Rudy Giuliani and other allies tied to Trump’s efforts to overturn the 2020 election. Those clemencies came on top of the commutation awarded last month to Republican George Santos, the disgraced former New York congressman found guilty of defrauding donors and lying to Congress. Trump freed Santos after he had served fewer than 3 months of his 87-year sentence

Politico said, “The pardons are the latest attempt by Trump to rewrite the history of his bid to seize a second term he didn’t win in 2020, an effort that culminated in the violent attack on the Capitol by a mob of his supporters who attempted to halt the transfer of power. Trump pardoned more than 1,000 of those who joined the mob within hours of his inauguration in January, including hundreds who assaulted police officers protecting the Capitol.”

For those who followed DOJ protocol, ProPublica reported, “the sense is growing that the process no longer matters; they’ve watched the public database of applicants swell with thousands of pending cases, while Trump grants pardons to people who never entered the system at all.”

In the 10 months since Trump took office, about 10,000 people have filed petitions for pardon or commutation, two-thirds of the total number of clemency applications (14,867) filed during the four years of the Biden presidency.

DOJ rules require that people seeking pardons wait five years after their release before applying, show good conduct and remorse, and file petitions through the Office of the Pardon Attorney. But in his second term, Trump has largely abandoned that process.

“It’s unfair to the little guy,” said Margaret Love, who served as pardon attorney from 1990 to 1997 under Presidents George H.W. Bush and Bill Clinton and now represents people in clemency cases. “I tell people, ‘Sorry, you don’t have a chance.’”

In Trump’s first term, fewer than half of his clemency recipients had applied through the Pardon Attorney. By one estimate, only 1 in 10 had been recommended by the OPA.

This term is worse. Now, only 10 of the roughly 1,600 people granted pardons (under 1%) had filed petitions with the Pardon Attorney, and even within that small group, some did not appear to meet DOJ’s standards and requirements.

St. John’s law professor Mark Osler, a national expert on federal clemency, wrote yesterday in Sentencing Matters Substack:

Imagine a classic Jaguar sedan, perhaps a 1972 XJ in British racing green — elegant, stunningly fast, unusual. It’s a joy to drive, wonderful to look at, and can come to define its owner in a way few cars can.

For those of us who care about federal clemency, watching President Donald Trump’s use of the pardon power in his second term has been like standing by as a driver uses that classic Jag to knock down an old house by slamming it into a wall again and again and again as a crowd gathers, aghast. It is a terrible use of a beautiful machine.

These are challenging times for individuals like me who believe that the pardon power is an integral part of the Constitution and a vital institution that embodies one of our primary national virtues: a belief in second chances. While clemency has been subjected to sharp criticism before (most recently, in the wake of Bill Clinton’s shady pardon of fugitive financier Marc Rich), the wave of criticism now — most often turning on President Trump’s grants to loyalists, celebrities, and business associates — has sometimes included outright calls to simply get rid of the federal pardon power.

I somehow doubt that anything is likely to improve before it worsens. For now, it is harder than ever for a federal prisoner not connected to this President by money, politics or some other transaction deemed beneficial to Trump to get noticed – let alone approved – for federal clemency.

ProPublica, How Trump Has Exploited Pardons and Clemency to Reward Allies and Supporters (November 12, 2025)

Politico, Trump pardons top allies who aided bid to subvert the 2020 election (November 10, 2025)

Sentencing Matters Substack, A Terrible Use of a Beautiful Machine (November 17, 2025)

~ Thomas L. Root

SCOTUS Oral Argument Lacks Compassion for Compassionate Release Cases – Update for November 17, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

ARE YOU DISRESPECTING ME?

An uncomfortable number of Supreme Court justices last Wednesday questioned whether the United States Sentencing Commission overstepped its authority when it amended USSG § 1B1.13(b)(6) to hold that changes in mandatory minimum laws – even when not retroactive – and concerns about actual innocence could be part of a court’s consideration when weighing an 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A) compassionate release motion.

I learned as a young lawyer (many years ago) that trying to predict the outcome of an appellate case based on the oral argument was a fool’s errand. Still, the nearly three hours of argument last Wednesday on what should be or should not be extraordinary and compelling reasons judges must consider in granting § 3582(c) sentence reductions provided little reason for optimism.

The issue was whether extraordinary and compelling reasons include factors like trial errors or nonretroactive changes in the law.  Lawyers for Daniel Rutherford and John Carter, two inmates seeking such sentence reductions, argued that the Commission was within its legal authority to say that courts could consider whether the First Step Act’s nonretroactive changes to gun and drug mandatory minimums would have resulted in lesser sentences in their cases.

In a third case, Fernandez v. United States, a district court had granted Joe Fernandez compassionate release in part because the judge felt “disquiet” about the conviction due to questions about whether the witness who had fingered Joe had lied to save his own skin. The 2nd Circuit Court of Appeals rejected the compassionate release, arguing that Joe’s innocence claim should have been brought up in a 28 USC § 2255 habeas challenge instead.

A § 3582(c)(1) sentence reduction, known a little inaccurately as “compassionate release,” permits courts to reduce criminal sentences in certain cases. Before 2018, the Bureau of Prisons was the only entity that could file a motion for such consideration, but the First Step Act eliminated that requirement. The Sentencing Commission is charged by 28 USC § 994(t) with the responsibility for defining what constitutes an extraordinary and compelling reason, and has expanded such to include medical conditions, family circumstances and age. The compassionate release guideline amendment in November 2023 adopted a broader view of compassionate release factors that included changes in the law that would have made a prisoner’s sentence much shorter if those changes had been in force when he got sentenced.

During Wednesday’s arguments, the only Justice of the nine expressing sympathy for Rutherford, Carter, and Fernandez was Ketanji Brown Jackson. All of the others seemed concerned that the changes in USSG § 1B1.13(b)(6) thwarted Congress’s will, would result in a flood of compassionate release motions, and would permit an end-run on § 2255.

Jackson maintained that the § 2255 and compassionate release considerations were not mutually exclusive. Instead, Jackson said compassionate release was intended to work as a safety valve.

“The question is, ‘safety valve for what?” Justice Elana Kagan countered. “Not every safety valve is a safety valve for everything.”

Justice Sonia Sotomayor said a district judge’s doubts about a jury verdict shouldn’t be used as a factor in compassionate release claims. “It happens to every district court judge,” she said. “There’s a case where you really struggle, but can we, in the facts of this case, denote that that is an extraordinary circumstance?”

Justice Neil Gorsuch contended that the judge’s own feelings, even if reasonable, should have nothing to do with the defendant’s circumstances for compassionate release. “I thought, in our legal system, the jury’s verdict on the facts is not something a court can impeach unless it’s clearly erroneous,” Gorsuch said. He suggested that the Commission had been “disrespectful” by substituting its own position on retroactivity for Congress’s.

In the Fernandez case, the Court appeared uneasy with allowing judges to consider factors that also fall under the federal habeas statute. Kagan said that habeas claims face harsh limitations and questioned whether inmates might use compassionate release as an end-run around those prohibitions.

Justice Samuel Alito observed, “The First Step Act was obviously heavily negotiated… and retroactivity is, of course, always a key element in the negotiations. Congress specifically says this is not going to be retroactive to those cases where sentences have already been imposed. And then the [Sentencing] Commission, though, then comes in and says we’re now going to give a second look for district judges to revisit those sentences…”

Justice Amy Coney Barrett asked whether a judge’s disagreement with the mandatory minimums could be enough justification for a compassionate release grant. David Frederick of Kellogg Hansen Todd Figel & Frederick PLLC, representing Rutherford, replied that even if a judge thinks a sentence is too harsh or if it would have been lower after the sentencing reforms, the Sentencing Commission’s guidelines require other factors, like a prisoner’s age, health and family situation, to be part of the overall picture.

Chief Justice John Roberts worried that the Sentencing Commission was opening the floodgates to applications for compassionate release. Currently, the 3rd, 5th, 6th, 7th, 8th and D.C. circuits have ruled that the Commission’s interpretation exceeds its authority and is wrong, while the 1st, 4th, 9th and 10th circuits have allowed courts to consider the disparity between pre- and post-First Step Act sentences.

Writing in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog, Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman – who filed an amicus brief supporting Rutherford, Carter and Fernandez – was pessimistic about the outcome of the cases:

But the Justices seem poised to concoct some new legal limits on equitable sentence reduction motions, though it remains unclear exactly how they will decide to legislate from the bench in this context. There was some interesting discussion during the Fernandez case about which of various possible restrictions relating to § 2255 that the government wanted the Justices to enact. And in Rutherford/Carter, the Justices expressed in various ways which sentencing statutes they thought might create implicit limits on the bases for sentencing reductions. Just how the Justices decide to act as lawmakers and policymakers in this setting will be interesting to see.

Bloomberg Law observed, “The court’s decisions in the cases could have a chilling or stimulating effect on compassionate release petitions. The Sentencing Commission reports they have increased dramatically since passage of the First Step Act and the pandemic, with more than 3,000 filed across the country last year.”

A decision is not expected until next spring.

Fernandez v. United States, Case No. 24-556 (Supreme Court oral argument November 12, 2025)

Rutherford v. United States, Case No. 24-820 (Supreme Court oral argument November 12, 2025)

Carter v. United States, Case No. 24-860 (Supreme Court oral argument November 12, 2025)

Law360, Justices Hint Early Release Factors ‘Countermand’ Congress (November 12, 2025)

WITN-TV, Supreme Court to weigh limits on compassionate release (November 12, 2025)

Courthouse News Service, Supreme Court disquieted by increased judicial discretion over compassionate release (November 12, 2025)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Justices seem eager to concoct limits on grounds for sentence reductions, but what new policy will they devise?  (November 12, 2025)

Bloomberg Law, Justices Eye Scope of Compassionate Release ‘Safety Valve’  (November 12, 2025)

~ Thomas L. Root

Exclusions From FSA Credits Are Easy To Come By – Update for November 14, 2025

We share news and provide commentary on federal criminal justice issues, mainly focusing on trial and post-conviction topics, legislative efforts, and sentencing debates.

FSA CREDITS FOR AGGREGATE SENTENCES TAKE IT ON THE CHIN

Greg Bonnie is serving a 120-month drug-trafficking sentence and a consecutive 24-month revocation sentence tied to a 2005 conviction that included an 18 USC § 924(c) gun count.

A § 924(c) conviction is one of about 63 different convictions listed in 18 USC § 3632(d) that will disqualify someone from receiving First Step Act credits. Those credits are awarded as an incentive to inmates to complete programs that are proven to make them less likely to commit new crimes once they are released from prison.

A couple of asides here.  First, when the First Step Act programs were developed, experts estimated that they would substantially reduce recidivism. The actual results through June 2024, however, showed that the reduction was far greater than what even the most optimistic projections had anticipated. People whose programming placed them in the “low” recidivism category were estimated to have a repeat-offender incidence of under 25%. Real-world results showed that the repeat-offender incidence for almost 13,000 “low-risk” inmates over four years was 11.4%.

Second aside: The First Step Act directed the Attorney General to issue an annual report on the effectiveness of the Act’s several programs for five years, ending with June 2025, including review of the FSA credits and recidivism. Unfortunately, the current Administration’s Attorney General has been too preoccupied with pardoning people on the President’s preferred list, prosecuting sandwich throwers, purging the disloyal, and pursuing the President’s enemies to honor its obligation. We are thus six months overdue for the final 2025 report, and thus we’re having to make do with what old data we have.

Back to FSA credits: The list of convictions excluded from FSA credit makes sense only in a very political way. If your co-defendant possessed a gun while selling the marijuana you two raised, your § 924(c) disqualifies you. If you rob a bank and beat up a teller, you’re qualified. If you download child porn, you are disqualified. If you hire a hit man (who turns out to be an undercover cop) to kill your spouse, you’re OK.

The exemption of the § 924(c) offense from FSA credit was an 11th-hour deal Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell made with Sen. Ted Cruz (R-TX) and Sen. Tom Cotton (R-AR) in order to corral their support for the First Step Act. As you may recall, § 924(c) requires that a court impose a mandatory consecutive sentence of at least five years on anyone convicted of possessing, using or carrying a gun during a crime of violence or drug offense. Stick a Glock in your waistband while selling a guy a 20-lb bale of marijuana you and your cousin grew back in the woods? The Guidelines will score you at a base 14 for that sale, barely worth 15 months in federal prison. But the gun in your waistband will add another five years to the sentence.

And now for Greg: In 2005, Greg was sentenced to 120 months for his bad judgment to engage in a drug trafficking offense and a consecutive 60 months for having the even worse judgment to possess a gun while doing it. In 2017, he completed the sentence in began an 8-year term of supervised release.

When it came to dealing drugs, Greg was learning-challenged (or his time in BOP custody was so much fun he wanted to repeat it). Whatever the reason, Greg resumed the drug trade while on supervised release. In 2021, he was again convicted of drug trafficking and received another 120-month sentence. Because the new crime also violated his supervised release, Greg received a consecutive 24-month sentence, for a total of 144 months.

The Bureau of Prisons is authorized by law to aggregate sentences, meaning that multiple sentences are blended into a single aggregate term for administrative purposes. That worked against Greg here: the BOP decided that because one-third of the Greg’s prior sentence was for a § 924(c) violation, and because one-sixth of his current sentence (24 months of a total 144 months) was for a supervised release violation stemming from the prior sentence, Greg was serving a sentence for a violation of § 924(c) and was ineligible for FSA credits.

The math is interesting. About one-eighteenth of his current sentence can be attributed to the § 924(c) violation. Presumedly, if the court had sentenced him to one day additional incarceration for the supervised release violation – making the § 924(c) share of the current sentence less than 1/9000th of the total sentence – Greg would still be considered ineligible for FSA credits.

Notwithstanding the intellectual force of my reductio ad absurdum argument, not to mention the serious question of whether serving a prison term for violating a term of supervised release can fairly be considered to be serving a prison term for any of the counts of conviction that led to the original prison term), the BOP denied him FSA-credit eligibility for the entire 144-month sentence. Under 18 USC § 3584(c), multiple terms of imprisonment are to be treated “as a single, aggregate term of imprisonment” for administrative purposes. Thus, the BOP took the view that Greg’s 24-month supervised release revocation term disqualified him from earning FSA credits for his entire 144-month sentence.

This was no mean matter: Greg’s maximum FSA credits would have been about 50 months, entitling him to a year off of his sentence and the right to spend the remaining 38 months’ worth of credit or so on home confinement or in a halfway house.

Greg filed a 28 USC § 2241 petition for habeas corpus, arguing that the BOP could deny him FSA credits only for the 24-month supervised release revocation. The district court denied his petition, and last week, the 4th Circuit denied his appeal.

The issue was whether a federal prisoner serving multiple terms of imprisonment, some of which qualify for FSA credits and at least one tied to a conviction that is deemed disqualifying by 18 USC § 3632(d)(4)(D), may earn FSA credits during the non-disqualifying portion of the sentence.

In a 2-1 decision, the 4th held that because 18 USC § 3584(c) requires aggregation for administrative purposes, and because administering FSA credits is an administrative function, any prisoner serving an aggregate term that includes any disqualifying conviction is ineligible for FSA time credits for the entire aggregate term. The aggregate term is evaluated as a whole, and because the aggregate includes a disqualifying § 924(c)-based revocation sentence, Greg is ineligible for credits for the entire aggregate term.

The dissenting judge argued that the text “is serving a sentence for” naturally means ineligibility only while the disqualifying sentence is actually being served; once that period ends, eligibility resumes for the remaining eligible term.

The Circuit’s decision aligns with other circuits and mechanically emphasizes the statute’s categorical prisoner-level disqualification in a blunt-force kind of way.

Bonnie v. Dunbar, Case No 24-6665, 2025 U.S.App. LEXIS 28978 (4th Cir. Nov 5, 2025)

~ Thomas L. Root

Congress May Again Try for Supervised Release Reform – Update for November 13, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

SUPERVISED RELEASE BILL INTRODUCED IN SENATE AND HOUSE

The government may only now be reopening, but the business of Congress has ground on nonetheless. Last week, the Safer Supervision Act – intended to clean up supervised release – was introduced simultaneously in the Senate (S. 3077) and the House (H.R. 5883).

The bills would lock in some changes to the Guidelines that just became effective at the beginning of this month – such as guiding the courts to impose supervised release only on defendants who need it – and creating a presumption that supervised release should terminate early unless there’s a compelling reason to continue it. Beyond that, the bill would make appointed counsel available to people seeking early termination and let courts overlook minor supervised release R violations such as drug possession and use.

Sen Mike Lee (R-UT) introduced the Senate version and Representative Laurel Lee (R-FL) – no relation to the Senator – introduced the House bill. Both bills have Democrat co-sponsors.

About 110,000 people are currently on federal supervised release, about 70% of the total BOP population. Probation officers can have caseloads of over 100 people. The Administrative Office of U.S. Courts has explained that “excessive correctional intervention for low-risk defendants may increase the probability of recidivism by disrupting prosocial activities and exposing defendants to antisocial associates.”

This is not the Safer Supervision Act’s first rodeo. The same bill was introduced in the Senate in 2022 (117th Congress) and in both the Senate and House in 2023 (118th Congress), but did not come up for a vote before those Congresses ended.

The current version is supported by both law enforcement and prison reform groups, including the Conservative Political Action Conference, Federal Law Enforcement Officers Association, Major Cities Chiefs Association, National District Attorneys Association, Right on Crime, Americans for Prosperity, Faith and Freedom, Prison Fellowship, R Street Institute, Texas Public Policy Foundation, and REFORM. The measure has been introduced early enough in the life of the current Congress, which does not end until January 2, 2027, that it may stand a chance of passage.

S. 3077, Safer Supervision Act

H.R. 5883, Safer Supervision Act

Reason, Federal Supervised Release Is a Wasteful Mess. A Bipartisan Bill in Congress Is Trying To Fix That. (June 4, 2024)

~ Thomas L. Root

Innocence, Disparity, and Judge-Made Law on Tap at SCOTUS – Update for November 11, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

COMPASSIONATE RELEASE WEEK

Tomorrow, federal compassionate release takes center stage as the Supreme Court hears oral argument in Fernandez v. United States and Rutherford v. United States.

What Does Compassion Have to Do With Innocence?      Fernandez asks whether a combination of “extraordinary and compelling reasons” that may warrant a discretionary sentence reduction under 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A) can include reasons that might also be a basis for a 28 USC § 2255 motion to vacate a conviction or sentence (such as a complaint that defense counsel failed to raise an obvious Guidelines mistake at sentencing).

I wrote about the Fernandez case when the 2nd Circuit sent the guy back to prison in 2024, and the lengthy fact pattern is worth revisiting. Suffice it to say here that Joe’s district court acknowledged the validity of the jury’s verdict and Joe’s sentence, while nevertheless holding that “jury verdicts, despite being legal, also may be unjust” and concluding that questions about Joe’s innocence, together with the stark disparity between Joe’s sentence and those of his co-defendants, constituted extraordinary and compelling circumstances under § 3582(c)(1)(A) warranting as sentence reduction to time served.

The 2nd Circuit reversed, holding that Joe’s sentencing disparity was not an extraordinary and compelling reason to reduce his sentence “under the plain meaning of the statute,” and that concerns that Joe might be innocent had to bow to the fact that the post-conviction remedy afforded by 28 USC § 2255 “places explicit restrictions on the timing of a habeas petition and the permissibility of serial petitions… Neither of these restrictions appl[ies] to a § 3582 motion.”

The 5th and 10th Circuits agree with the 2nd  Circuit. The 1st and 9th do not.

That Was Then, This is Now:         Rutherford asks an even more basic question: whether the Sentencing Commission – which was delegated the authority by Congress to define what circumstances are “extraordinary and compelling” reasons for compassionate release under 18 USC § 3582(c)(1) – can hold that a nonretroactive change in the law (such the First Step Act’s change in 18 USC § 924(c) to eliminate stacking can be a reason for a compassionate release.

Section 403 of the First Step Act of 2018 reduced penalties for some mandatory minimum sentences for using guns in some crimes. The change, however, was not retroactive. Because of the changes, someone sentenced on December 20, 2018, for two counts of carrying a gun while selling marijuana on two different days got a minimum sentence of 30 years. The same sentence imposed two days later would have resulted in a minimum sentence of 10 years.

Under 28 USC § 994(t), the Sentencing Commission is charged by Congress with defining what constitutes an “extraordinary and compelling reason” for compassionate release. Congress placed only one limit on the Commission’s authority: “Rehabilitation of the defendant alone shall not be considered an extraordinary and compelling reason.”

In its 2023 revamping of the compassionate release guideline, the Commission adopted subsection 1B1.13(b)(6), stating that if a defendant had received an unusually long sentence and had served at least 10 years, a change in the law may be considered in determining whether he or she has an extraordinary and compelling reason for a § 3582(c)(1)(A) sentence reduction.

The Rutherford issue, simply enough, is whether the Commission exceeded its authority in making a nonretroactive change in the law a factor to be considered (along with others) in a § 3582(c)(1)(A) sentence reduction.

A RICO Claim?:   Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman noted in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog that an argument in last week’s Supreme Court argument on supervised release (Rico v. United States) goes to the heart of the issues at stake in Rutherford and Fernandez. During the argument, Justice Gorsuch observed that Congress appears to be better situated to resolve the conflict by amending the law, because “the alternative is for us to create a fugitive tolling doctrine pretty whole cloth… And so we’re going to have to come up with a whole common law doctrine here to supplement what the [law] already says.”

   xxxxxxxxxxxxxxNot that RICO…

Berman observed that the Fernandez and Rutherford circuit courts “have been inventing limits on compassionate release motions pretty much out of ‘whole cloth’ and are in the (messy) process of coming up ‘with a whole common law doctrine here to supplement what the [applicable statute] already says.’” Berman argues, “I understand why circuit courts are inclined to invent judge-made limits on compassionate release motions, but that’s not their role in this statutory sentencing context. Congress makes sentencing law based on its policy judgments, and it has also expressly tasked the expert U.S. Sentencing Commission with ‘promulgating general policy statements… [describing] reasons for sentence reduction.’ 28 USC § 994(t). If the government does not like how this law is written or gets applied, it should be making its case for legal change to Congress and/or the Sentencing Commission, not to the Supreme Court.”

Berman noted that in Koon v. United States, the Supreme Court 30 years ago said that “it is inappropriate for circuit judges to be developing a “common law” of sentencing restrictions when that’s a job only for Congress and the Sentencing Commission. That Justice Gorsuch is focused on similar concerns in another statutory sentencing context seems significant.”

Fernandez v. United States, Case No. 24-556 (oral argument Nov 12, 2025)

Rutherford v. United States, Case No. 24-820 (oral argument Nov 12, 2025)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Do Justice Gorsuch’s concerns about judge-made law foreshadow big issue in compassionate release cases? (November 5, 2025)

Koon v. United States, 518 US 81 (1996)

~ Thomas L. Root