All posts by lisa-legalinfo

Too Good To Be True? It’s Probably AI – Update for April 17, 2023

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

A CAUTIONARY TALE

You’ve probably heard of artificial intelligence programs – such as ChatGPT – doing all sorts of great things. While inmates can’t get it on their Bureau of Prisons-sold tablets, they might decide to have friends on the street use it for some high-powered legal research.

Last week, I was wrestling with a tough habeas corpus issue. Even with a LEXIS subscription, I wasn’t finding much on the topic. A friend interested in the issue sent me an email with two Federal Reporter 3d case citations that were exactly on point.

AIphony230417I was excited and at the same time embarrassed I had not found those cases in my research. I looked up both cases to read the whole opinions, but the citations led nowhere. So I searched the respective circuits by case name but could find nothing.

I contacted my friend for help. He checked the citations himself, and then sheepishly reported to me that they indeed did not exist. He had used Chat GPT to research the issue but had not independently verified the results.

crazy200306Computer scientists call it ‘hallucinating’. Apparently, when an AI program cannot find the answer someone is seeking, it can make things up. That’s what happened here.

So, a caution: If you run some AI legal research, you may find some really good information. But check every case citation to be sure the case exists and says what the AI is telling you it says.

– Thomas L. Root

Maybe Guns and Drugs Do Mix – Update for April 14, 2023

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

GUNS, DRUGS AND ROCK AND ROLL

Last summer’s Supreme Court decision in New York State Rifle & Pistol Ass’n v. Bruen continues to reverberate.

Last week, a second federal district court ruled that 18 USC § 922(g)(3) – which bans people who consume unlawful controlled substances from possessing guns or ammo – is unconstitutional. The court held that the same legal principle also applies to the sale and transfer of guns to such people.

Smoke enough, and you might see this... but it wouldn't violate § 922(g)
Smoke enough, and you might see this… but it wouldn’t violate § 922(g)

Bruen held that a court must “determine whether ‘the Second Amendment’s plain text covers an individual’s conduct,’” If it does, Constitution “presumptively protects that conduct.” Then, in order to regulate the conduct, the Government “must justify its regulation by demonstrating that it is consistent with the Nation’s historical tradition of firearm regulation,” pointing to “historical precedent from before, during, and even after the founding” of the country that “evinces a comparable tradition of regulation.”

Applying Bruen, courts have found that § 922(g) bans on possession of guns by people subject to domestic protection orders and by people unlawfully using controlled substances violate the Second Amendment. Currently, a Third Circuit en banc court is wrestling with whether the Second Amendment bars the Government from prohibiting the possession of firearms by an individual convicted of the felony of submitting a false application for food stamps over 25 years ago. The Dept of Justice has appealed decisions that the § 922(g)(3) ban on drug users possessing guns is unconstitutional in the 10th Circuit. A group of marijuana users seeking the right to possess guns have appealed an adverse ruling in the 11th Circuit.

In last week’s decision, the U.S. District Court for the Western District of Texas threw out charges that Paola Connelly had violated both 18 USC § 922(g)(3) by possessing a gun as an admitted pot smoker and 18 USC § 922(d)(3) by transferring a gun to her husband, an alleged cokehead.

potscooby180713Neither Paola nor her hubby had been proven to be unlawful drug users. But in the pretrial motion decision, Judge Kathleen Cardone said it didn’t matter if they had been: “[E]ven if Connelly and her husband used controlled substances to the extent alleged by the Government, the Court would find § 922(g)(3) and (d)(3) unconstitutional… Connelly’s alleged drug use more resembles private drinking than public drunkenness, casting doubt on the idea that history supports criminalizing or disarming her for this behavior,” Cardone writes. “And more generally, nothing in § 922(g)(3) limits its applicability to public dangers or active intoxication, putting it out of step with colonial-era attitudes.”

The Judge was clearly troubled that unlike prohibitions on felons possessing guns, § 922(g)(3) does not provide for any pre-deprivation process. The Government need not conduct a hearing or make any offer of proof before it deems someone an “unlawful user” of controlled substances and proceeds to bludgeon the unfortunate stoner with a § 922(g)(3) felony. Citing a prior Western District of Oklahoma case, Judge Cardone complained that “this lack of process makes § 922(g)(3) an ‘outlier in our legal tradition.’”

For “the millions of individuals who use marijuana in states that have legalized the practice,” the Judge observed, “§ 922(g)(3) categorically prevents them from owning a firearm without a hearing or any preliminary showing from the Government. They must choose to either stop their marijuana use, forgo possession of a firearm, or continue both practices and face up to fifteen years in federal prison.”

America’s historical tradition of disarming “unlawful” individuals, the Court held, “appears to mainly involve disarming those convicted of serious crimes after they have been afforded criminal process.” This tradition makes § 922(g)(3) unconstitutional.

Notably, Judge Cardone quoted a 2019 dissent that Supreme Court Justice Amy Coney Barrett wrote as a judge on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 7th Circuit. Barrett argued that the federal ban on gun possession by people with nonviolent felony records sweeps too broadly. In making that case, she took it for granted that a nonviolent misdemeanor is not enough to justify depriving someone of his Second Amendment rights.

marijuana160818Reason observed, “The Biden administration continues to argue that forbidding cannabis consumers to own guns is like telling people not to carry guns when they’re drunk. The Justice Department, meanwhile, is appealing Wyrick’s decision, and it can be expected to appeal Cardone’s as well… For those keeping partisan score, it is notable that all three of these judges were appointed by Republican presidents: Cardone by George W. Bush, Wyrick and Winsor by Donald Trump. Their disagreement seems to reflect evolving conservative views of marijuana as well as the impact of Bruen.

Look for plenty more judicial rock-and-roll on gun issues.

United States v. Connelly, Case No EP-22-CR-229(2)-KC, 2023 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 62495 (W.D. Tex. Apr. 6, 2023)

United States v. Harrison, Case No CR-22-00328-PRW, 2023 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 18397, (W.D. Okla. Feb. 3, 2023)

Kanter v. Barr, 919 F.3d 437 (7th Cir. 2019) (Barrett, J., dissenting)

Reason, Another Federal Judge Rejects the DOJ’s Argument That Cannabis Consumers Have No Second Amendment Rights (April 11, 2023)

– Thomas L. Root

If You Like Your Home Confinement, You Can Keep Your Home Confinement – Update for April 11, 2023

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

CARES ACT UPDATE

Last Friday, I reported on the Dept of Justice’s final rule delegating to the Bureau of Prisons the authority to determine whichtprisoners on home confinement under the CARES Act will remain there and which prisoners will return to a secure facility.

dontcomeback230411A few updates: First, BOP Director Colette Peters has instructed Residential Reentry Managers “that any individual placed on home confinement under the CARES Act will remain on home confinement under the CARES Act for the remainder of their sentence, provided that they are compliant with the rules and regulations of community placement.” A BOP press release said, “While individuals who have successfully adjusted to home confinement should not be returned to secure custody, the Bureau, and its Residential Reentry Centers, will move swiftly in response to any individual on home confinement who poses a public-safety threat to the community.”

The problem with such BOP memos – as those familiar with the Bureau’s moving-target CARES Act eligibility memos know – is they are subject to change without notice. Still, its a bit heartening.

Speaking of the CARES Act, I reported last week that both the House and Senate had passed H.J.Res. 7, bringing an immediate end to the national COVID emergency, and thus moving the end of BOP CARES Act home confinement up from June 10th to early May.

President Joe Biden, while not happy with the Congressional action, said he would not veto it.

time161229The clock is now ticking. The measure got to the President’s desk last Wednesday. He signed it last night (Monday, April 10th).

Thus, the BOP’s CARES Act placement authority will end on May 10th..

Office of the Attorney General, Department of Justice, Home Confinement Under the Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security (CARES) Act (88 FR 19830, April 4, 2023)

BOP, Home Confinement Under the CARES Act (April 5, 2023)

H.J.Res. 7, Congress.gov (April 11, 2023)

Politico, Biden signs bill ending Covid-19 national emergency (April 10, 2023)

– Thomas L. Root

DOJ Kicks Post-CARES Act Can Down the Road (A Little) – Update for April 7, 2023

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

BOP FOX SHOULD GUARD HOME CONFINEMENT HENHOUSE, DOJ SAYS

fox230131Remember when the Trump Administration made that minute-to-midnight announcement that the end of CARES Act home confinement would mean that all those prisoners placed at home would have to return to prison?

Thankfully, the flawed Dept of Justice Office of Legal Counsel opinion was later withdrawn by the Biden Administration. But when a new OLC opinion supplanted the old, the reversal wasn’t total. Rather, DOJ said that some might return, but that would be governed by rules yet to be promulgated.

(Explainer: Under the March 2020 CARES Act, Congress gave the Director of the Federal Bureau of Prisons the authority to send inmates to home confinement at any time, despite the 6-month/10% limitation on home confinement set by 18 USC § 3624(c). The conditions set by the legislation were only two: (1) the national emergency declared because of COVID-19 had to be in effect, and (2) the Attorney General had to determine that COVID-19 was materially affecting BOP operations.)

As an old Administrative Procedure Act hand, I was relieved. “Rules” suggested regulations written after a classic 5 USC § 553 notice-and-comment formal rulemaking. Everyone could argue the merits and demerits of whatever standards were proposed, and the Bureau of Prisons would subsequently be compelled under the Accardi doctrine to follow the rules (something the BOP too often ignores where its own informal rules, policies and program statements are involved).

Last Tuesday, the rulemaking announced last June ended with a detailed report and a new subpart to the BOP’s delegation rule, 28 CFR §0.96.  The new rule, which will affect slightly more than 3,400 people (because the agency is still sending people to CARES Act home confinement for another month), adds a subpart (u), which, alas, contains no substantive limitation on the BOP’s discretion. That, we are promised, is to come.

can230407The can just got kicked down the road.

DOJ says the final rule, reduced to its essence, provides that “the [DOJ] and the [BOP] will work together to develop guidance to explain objective criteria the Bureau will use to make individualized determinations as to whether any inmate placed in home confinement under the CARES Act should be returned to secure custody. Providing the Bureau with discretion to determine whether any inmate placed in home confinement under the CARES Act should return to secure custody will bolster the Bureau’s ability to efficiently manage its resources and nimbly address changing circumstances in the community, in relation to the needs and profiles of individual inmates.”

The BOP? Nimble? If that’s the case, Joe Biden can compete against Simone Biles.

nimble230407Still, DOJ’s report acknowledges that “under typical circumstances, inmates who have made the transition to home confinement would not be returned to a secure facility absent a disciplinary reason. This is because the typical purpose of home confinement is to allow inmates to readjust to life in the community. Removal from the community of those already making progress in home confinement would frustrate this goal, and the widespread return of prisoners to secure custody without a disciplinary reason would be unprecedented and out of step with the reentry-specific goals of home confinement, as mentioned throughout this final rule.”

(My emphasis, not the report’s).

Reuters interpreted the report as directing that “[t]he BOP will still be able to impose ‘proportional and escalating sanctions,’ including a return to prison, on inmates who commit infractions.”  But the report does not exactly say that, and the contents of the report itself do not limit the BOP’s management of CARES Act home confinees at all.  Any such limitations are coming – if at all – in subsequent policy memos and program statements.

Two sets of fun facts are contained in the DOJ report adopting the rule. First, as Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman noted in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog, between March 26, 2020, and January 23, 2023, the BOP placed 52,561 inmates in home confinement. As of January 23, there were 5,597 inmates in home confinement, and 3,434 of those were CARES Act people.

The second has to do with money. Contrary to the oft-repeated inmate trope that the BOP makes money by keeping inmates locked up (something that only be believed if you simultaneously pay your Flat Earth Society dues), keeping people in prison is expensive. The DOJ noted:

Moneyspigot200220Supervision of inmates in home confinement is also significantly less costly for the Bureau than housing inmates in secure custody. In Fiscal Year (“FY”) 2019, the cost of incarceration fee (“COIF”) for a Federal inmate in a Federal facility was $107.85 per day; in FY 2020, it was $120.59 per day. In contrast, according to the Bureau, an inmate in home confinement costs an average of $55.26 per day—less than half the cost of an inmate in secure custody in FY 2020.

Only the government could manage to spend $55.00 a day to keep someone in their own house eating their own food and paying their own bills. Anyone wonder how we have a national debt of over $31 trillion?

Office of the Attorney General, Department of Justice,
Home Confinement Under the Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security (CARES) Act (88 FR 19830, April 4, 2023)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Justice Department formally gives BOP discretion to decide who moved to home confinement during pandemic will be returned to federal prison (April 4, 2023)

Reuters, US rule to allow some inmates to stay home after COVID emergency lifts (April 4, 2023)

– Thomas L. Root

Guideline Amendments Adopted in Contentious USSG Love-fest – Update for April 6, 2023

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

SENTENCING COMMISSION ADOPTS AMENDMENTS

USSC170511The U.S. Sentencing Commission yesterday adopted proposed amendments to the Federal Sentencing Guidelines for the first time in five years, with the new “compassionate release” guidelines consuming much of the meeting and generating sharp (but collegial) disagreement.

The “compassionate release” Guideline, USSG § 1B1.13, was approved on a 4-3 vote. It updates and expands the criteria for what can qualify as “extraordinary and compelling reasons” to grant compassionate release – the language in 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A) – and it will give judges both more discretion and more guidance to determine when a sentence reduction is warranted.

The new categories that could make an inmate eligible for compassionate release include

• if the prisoner is suffering from a medical condition that requires long-term or specialized medical care not being provided by the BOP and without which he or she is at risk of serious deterioration in health or death.

• if the prisoner is housed at a prison affected or at imminent risk of being affected by (an ongoing outbreak of infectious disease or an ongoing public health emergency declared by the appropriate federal, state, or local authority, and due to personal health risk factors and custodial status, he or she is at increased risk of suffering “severe medical complications or death as a result of exposure” to the outbreak.

• if the prisoner’s parent is incapacitated and the prisoner would be the only available caregiver.

• if the prisoner establishes that similar family circumstances exist involving any other immediate family member or someone whose relationship with the prisoner is similar in kind to that of an immediate family member when the prisoner would be the only available caregiver.

• if the prisoner becomes the victim of sexual assault by a corrections officer.

• if a prisoner received an unusually long sentence and has served at least 10 years of the term of imprisonment, changes in the law (other than to the Guidelines) may be considered in determining whether an extraordinary and compelling reason exists, but only where such change would produce a gross disparity between the sentence being served and the sentence likely to be imposed at the time the motion is filed.

The amendments also provide that while rehabilitation is not, by itself, an extraordinary and compelling reason, it may be considered in combination with other circumstances.

compassion160208Three of the seven-member Commission disagreed sharply with the “unusually long sentence” amendment. Commissioner Candice C. Wong said, “Today’s amendment allows compassionate release to be the vehicle for applying retroactively the very reductions that Congress has said by statute should not apply retroactively.”

Commissioner Claira Boom Horn, who is a sitting US District Court Judge in Kentucky, observed that “nothing in the First Step Act – literally nothing, not text, not legislative history – indicates any intention on Congress’s part to expand the substantive criteria for granting compassionate release, much less to fundamentally change the nature of compassionate release to encompass for the first time factors other than the defendant’s personal or family circumstances. The Supreme Court tells us that Congress does not hide elephants in mouseholes and it did not do so here.”

Commissioner Claire McCusker Murray said, “The seismic expansion of compassionate release promulgated today not only saddles judges with the task of interpreting a free will catch-all but also ensures a flood of motions, a flood that will then repeat anytime there is a nonretroactive change in the law. For the past several years, while the Commission lacked a quorum to implement the First Step Act, the country has experienced a natural experiment in what happens when judges have no operative guidance as to the criteria they should apply in deciding release motions. The result has been widespread disparities. In Fiscal Year 2022, for example, the most generous circuit granted 35% of compassionate release motions, the most cautious granted only 2.5%. The disparities within circuits and even within courthouses were often just as stark. We fear that with today’s dramatic vague and ultimately unlawful expansion of compassionate release that we… will expect far more of the same.”

Commissioner John Gleeson, a retired US District Court judge and Wall Street law firm partner, disagreed: “[The amendment’s] common sense guidance is fully consistent with separation of powers principles, our authority as the Sentencing Commission, and with the First Step Act. Most importantly, it will ensure that § 3582(c)(1)(A) of Title 18 of the United States Code serves one of the purposes Congress explicitly intended it to serve when that law is enacted almost 40 years ago: to provide a needed transparent judicial second look at unusually long sentences that in fairness should be reduced.”

noteasycongress221212Congress may veto one or more of the Guidelines proposals between now and November 1, 2023. That has only once before, when Congress voted down a guideline lessening the crack/cocaine disparity in 2005. Congress is pretty busy, and both the Senate and House are pretty evenly split politically, but the extent of the disagreement at the Commission gives cause for concern. If Congress does veto, it is unclear whether would focus solely on the “unusually long sentence” subsection of new § 1B1.13, or whether the entire amended Guideline would be jettisoned.

In other action, the Commission had been considering an amendment that prohibited courts from imposing longer sentences based on alleged crimes of which a defendant had been acquitted. Commission Chairman Carleton Reeves, a federal district judge from the Southern District of Mississippi, said the Commission needs more time before making a final determination on the issue.

Reuters reported that Michael P. Heiskell, President-Elect of the National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers, said he was disappointed by the delay. “Permitting people to be sentenced based on conduct for which a jury has acquitted them is fundamentally unfair because it eviscerates the constitutional right to trial and disrespects the jury’s role,” he said in a statement.

However, the Commission’s delay may rejuvenate the McClinton v. United States petition for certiorari, which the Supreme Court has been sitting on at the suggestion of the Dept of Justice, awaiting Sentencing Commission action on acquitted conduct. A Supreme Court decision that use of acquitted conduct in sentencing is unconstitutional would benefit many more people than would a prospective Guidelines change.

The USSC also adopted a criminal history amendment that eliminates “status points” (sometimes called “recency points”) – additional criminal history points assessed if the defendant committed the current crime within two years of release for a prior crime – and grants a 2-level downward adjustment to a defendant’s offense level if he or she had zero criminal history points and met other criteria.

The Commission also approved an amendment to criminal history commentary advising judges to treat prior marijuana possession offenses more leniently in the criminal history calculus, making downward adjustments for offenses now seen as lawful by many states.

The proposal doesn’t seek to remove marijuana convictions as a criminal history factor entirely, but it would revise commentary within the guidelines to “include sentences resulting from possession of marihuana offenses as an example of when a downward departure from the defendant’s criminal history may be warranted,” according to a synopsis.

usscretro230406None of the Guidelines changes is retroactive without specific Commission determination that they should be. The USSC yesterday issued a notice that it will consider, pursuant to 18 USC § 3582(c)(2) and 28 USC § 994(u), whether Guidelines changes on “status points” and the “zero criminal history points” adjustment should be retroactive, and ask for public comment on the matter.

Although the Guidelines amendments do not become effective until November, most federal circuits have declared that – while the current § 1B1.13 is not binding on district courts because it is pre-First Step – courts should consider it to express the opinion of an agency expert in sentencing. The amended § 1B1.13 has every bit of the authority that the current non-binding § 1B1.13 has, and it has the additional benefit of being evidence of current Sentencing Commission thought.

USSC, Adopted Amendments (Effective November 1, 2023) (April 5, 2023)

USSC, Issue For Comment On Retroactivity Of Criminal History Amendment (April 5, 2023)

Reuters, U.S. panel votes to expand compassionate release for prisoners (April 5, 2023)

Marijuana Moment, Federal Sentencing Commission Approves New Marijuana Guidelines For Judges To Treat Past Convictions More Leniently (April 5, 2023)

– Thomas L. Root

Pollyanna Sees Great Future For EQUAL Act – Update for April 5, 2023

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

HANDICAPPING CRIMINAL JUSTICE REFORM

pollyanna230405There’s not been much good news lately coming from Washington about reform of federal criminal laws, making a Washington Post piece last week noteworthy (if a bit too optimistic).

The Post admitted that the 117th Congress “in this tense partisan atmosphere” is likely to produce anything “along the lines of the First Step Act… some lawmakers and outside advocates say there are still opportunities to pass more limited legislation to make the criminal justice system less punitive.”

Partisan? Really?

The article cited the EQUAL Act (introduced in February in the Senate as S.524 and the House as H.R. 1062) to eliminate the disparity in federal sentencing for trafficking crack and cocaine. The bill passed the House on an overwhelming bipartisan vote in 2021 but was never brought to a vote in the Senate. It also noted the bipartisan task force formed last month to push legislation easing barriers to prisoners reentering society.

The EQUAL Act has broad support. Just last week, the conservative Americans for Tax Relief wrote Congress supporting the two bills, saying that “the sentencing disparity that currently exists between crack and powdered cocaine… has needlessly imposed sentences 100 times longer for possession of crack cocaine than the powdered counterpart, and despite some reform a large difference remains.”

“There’s a ton of Republicans that just want to do the right thing,” David Trone (D-MD) said last Tuesday. “And there’s a minority of Republicans who live on the rhetoric of, ‘Let’s stop everything.’”

Jason Pye, who lobbied for First Step at the conservative FreedomWorks group, said reform legislation might start moving once House Republicans tire of passing bills that stand no chance of clearing the Democratic-controlled Senate. “As far as I’m concerned, this is one of the few areas where there is not only bipartisan consensus, but support [from across the Republican] conference to do something,” the Post quoted Pye as saying.

However, besides being tragedies in their own right, events such as last week’s school shooting in Nashville hobble criminal justice reform efforts, especially in making First Step changes to 18 USC § 924(c) retroactive. Some Democrats want more than incremental progress on remaking the criminal justice system, especially after Monday’s school shooting in Nashville that left six dead.

gun160718Rep Jamie Raskin (D-MD) worked as a state senator on legislation eliminating state-law drug mandatory minimums and abolishing the death penalty. “I’m very open to that,” Raskin told the Post. “The problem is that we are in the midst of a nationwide gun violence crisis where we are losing tens of thousands of people every year, and we need real action there.”

Raskin, who served on the House Jan. 6 committee, also criticized Republicans for bemoaning the conditions of the D.C. jail holding those charged with attacking the Capitol. Rep Marjorie Taylor Greene(R-Ga.) led a visit to the jail last Friday.

But Armstrong and some conservative criminal justice advocates said they thought Republicans’ concerns about the Jan. 6 defendants might spur interest in the bills they’re working to pass. Armstrong, for instance, is working on a bill that would require federal prosecutors to certify that they’ve provided defendants with all exculpatory evidence before judgments are entered against them.

“That would be good for the Jan. 6 defendants, but it would [also] be good for every criminal defendant in federal court,” Armstrong said.

“When you have these highly charged political issues, I think the good side is, we may be calling attention to issues I’ve really cared about for a long time, and I get a new audience that may not have necessarily cared about them before,” Armstrong added.

Highly charged, indeed. Writing in Ringside at the Reckoning, William G. Otis (a former AUSA and DEA advisor) blasted the EQUAL Act: “The Post is hiding the ball by saying that the bill would just “eliminate the disparity” in sentencing between crack and powder cocaine. How exactly would it do that? … The answer, you will have guessed, is not to bring the penalties for each more nearly together, but solely to lower crack penalties.’

Otis, whom President Trump nominated to the Sentencing Commission but (thankfully) was never confirmed by the Senate, wrote that “lowering of penalties for a dangerous drug is exactly what the country needs ‘for its safety’ after two consecutive years in which, for the first time in our history, America suffered more than 100,000 drug overdose deaths — a critical fact nowhere to be found in the Post’s story.’

In fact, nothing is sacred anymore. The New York Times reported last week that Florida governor Ron DeSantis “see[s] the signature criminal-justice law enacted by Mr. Trump in 2018 as an area of weakness with his base, and Mr. DeSantis has indicated that he would highlight it when the two men tussle for the Republican nomination, according to three people with knowledge of Mr. DeSantis’s thinking. That law, known as the First Step Act, reduced the sentences for thousands of prisoners.”

optimism230405A perfect storm of people and events that coalesced to result in First Step – a senior White House official in the conservative Trump Administration whose father had done federal time, a liberal black justice activist who bucked criticism from the left to work with people seen as racist, a bill that disappointed the right for going too far and the left for not going far enough –  is not on the horizon right now. The film The First Step, a 90-minute documentary about the role Jones played in lobbying for prison reform, started streaming yesterday on Amazon Prime and Vudu, describes the improbable personalities and pressures that brought about passage of First Step, and reminds us that “it is important to work for bipartisanship if you want to get anything meaningful done in Congress,” according to San Diego Jewish World.

With crime once again becoming a political football, the odds of a Second Step Act don’t look good.

Washington Post, Is there any chance for criminal justice reform bills? Surprisingly, yes (March 29, 2023)

Americans for Tax Reform, ATR Supports the EQUAL Act (March 29, 2023) 

Ringside at the Reckoning, When the Washington Post Touts “Criminal Justice Reform”… (March 29, 2023)

The New York Times, DeSantis Burnishes Tough-on-Crime Image to Run in ’24 and Take on Trump (March 29, 2023)

San Diego Jewish World, ‘The First Step’ Tells How Prison and Sentencing Reform Were Won (April 3, 2023)

– Thomas L. Root

Congress Moves Up End of CARES Act – Update for April 3, 2023

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

CARES ACT END NEARER THAN WE THOUGHT

Under Congressional pressure, in late January, President Joe Biden announced he would end the national COVID emergency on May 11th. Last week, the Senate made it clear to Biden that the emergency will end when Congress – not Joe – says it does.

endisnear230403In February, the House voted 229-197 to terminate the COVID-19 pandemic national emergency order immediately. Last week, the Senate agreed by a 68-23 vote that the emergency, which Biden extended in January, should end.

An Administration spokesman told Roll Call that “the President strongly opposes H.J. Res. 7, and the administration is planning to wind down the COVID national emergency and public health emergency on May 11….” However, “if this bill comes to [Biden’s] desk… he will sign it.”

Had the emergency expired on May 11, the Bureau of Prisons’ CARES Act authority to place prisoners in home confinement would have ended 30 days later, or on June 10. But with the emergency to expire as soon as today, BOP home confinement authority could end as early as Wednesday, May 3.

BOP CARES Act authority lasts during the “covered emergency period,” which the Act defines as “the period beginning on the date on which the President declared a national emergency under the National Emergencies Act… and ending on the date that is 30 days after the date on which the national emergency declaration terminates.”

The BOP previously promised not to slow CARES Act home confinement placement as the covered emergency period expired. However, there seems to be a marked increase in unexplained denials by Regional Residential Managers, many apparently resulting from the BOP’s current policy of soliciting the opinion of the same US Attorney responsible for convicting the prisoner to begin with.

CARESEnd230131Writing in Forbes, Walter Pavlo said a prisoner told him that the BOP “is responding to inmates completely contrary to how they’ve responded to you.” Pavlo notes that “for all of the CARES Act successes, a review of the program, which will ultimately occur, will assess the equity with which the BOP used its authority. Many prisoners who were approved for CARES Act have told me that they received a denial but no real explanation for that denial. Others, with the support of a case manager and warden, were denied by Central Office, most likely from interference from prosecutors who have a renewed interest in keeping prisoners in institutions for as long as possible.”

The time for a post-mortem will come soon enough, perhaps as soon as 30 days from now. For now, Congress has succeeded in advancing the timetable by maybe 40 days.

The New Testament quotes Jesus as telling Judas, “What thou doest, do quickly.”  Good advice for anyone still in the CARES Act pipeline.

Roll Call, Senate votes to overturn COVID-19 national emergency order (March 29, 2023)

The Hill, Biden declines to veto GOP-led measure to end COVID-19 emergency March 29, 2023)

Forbes, End Of CARES Act Home Confinement Is Near For Many Federal Prisoners (March 29, 2023)

– Thomas L. Root

A Mea Culpa and A Chocolate Bunny – Update for March 31, 2023

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

EASTER BUNNY DROPS OFF ROTTEN EGGS FOR ME, BUT IT’S THE BOP’S RESPONSE THAT REALLY SMELLS

rotteneggs230331In LISA’s February 28th installment, The Easter Bunny’s Working for the BOP, I noted a New York Times report about the Federal Bureau of Prison’s promise, in the wake of sexual abuse of female inmates by BOP staff at FCI Dublin (California) and elsewhere, to favorably consider bringing sentence reduction motions for victimized inmates.

In one of the first tests of that promise, the Times reported the BOP general counsel denied a compassionate release application filed by a middle-aged female inmate who claimed the sexual abuse she suffered from BOP personnel justified the grant of a sentence reduction.

The Times said that BOP officials familiar with the case privately admitted that they did not dispute her allegations and thought her release would not pose a public safety threat.

Somehow, I made it less than clear that the BOP thought the inmate would not pose a danger to the public. In fact, I dropped the word “not” from the reports, making it seem that the BOP saw her as a danger.

(Don’t bother to look at the old post. I fixed it).

gutenberg230331Back in journalism school (around the time Gutenberg invented the press), I learned that when a defendant was acquitted, one should always write that he or she was “found innocent.” Literally, a jury does not find a defendant innocent, but rather “not guilty.” However, the imprecision was deemed acceptable, because to use the more accurate “not guilty” ran the risk that the word “not” might be dropped in error, opening the newspaper to a libel suit.

I always thought that the risk of that was pretty slim. Now I know better, and I am chagrinned at the error.

I’m embarrassed, but not as much as the BOP should be. What the BOP’s decision on this inmate means is that it had absolutely no reason for denying the inmate’s request that it bring a compassionate release motion on her behalf, except for the BOP’s belief that while she suffered at the hands of BOP employees, her suffering just wasn’t bad enough for the BOP to acknowledge.

So exactly how bad does the abuse have to be before the BOP figures some atonement is called for?

Incidentally, last week former FCI Dublin Warden Ray Garcia was sentenced to 70 months on multiple counts of sexual abuse of female inmates, and Jose Viera, a CO at MDC Los Angeles, got 120 months in federal prison for deprivation of rights under color of law arising from his sexual abuse of a female detainee. BOP Director Colette Peters said last Thursday that “to the victims and all negatively impacted by these offenses, be assured, we will continue our commitment to rooting out this criminal behavior and holding those who violate their oath accountable.”

chocobunny230330The BOP has an interest in locking up employees who sexually abuse inmates. Notably, Director Peters mentioned nothing about any BOP concern for the impact of that conduct on the victims.  After all they’re just inmates.  Or, to use Ms. Peters’s expression, “adults in custody.”

I regret my error in the original story, and I owe the inmate the best pickings from my Easter basket (if I get one). Sadly, if I could give her no more than a couple of jelly beans and a chocolate bunny, it would still be more than she can expect from the BOP.

The New York Times, Justice Dept Struggles to Carry Out Early Release Program for Abused Inmates (February 22, 2023)

DOJ, Former Bureau of Prisons Corrections Officer Sentenced to 10 Years in Federal Prison for Sexually Assaulting Inmate in Los Angeles Jail (March 20, 2023)

BOP, Statement regarding the sentencing of Ray J. Garcia (March 23, 2023)

– Thomas L. Root

10th Says ‘No Flogging’ Supervised Release Violators – March 30, 2023

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

‘YOU MUST BE PUNISHED!’

punishment230330My daughter Leslie spent a year as a Fulbright Scholar teaching in Vladivostok, Russia (back in the days when Russia still held promise as a member in good standing of the benevolent world order). One evening, she was struck by a car whose driver jumped a red light.

It was the kind of automotive negligence that happens the world over, and the driver and his wife were appalled and chagrinned by the mishap, even bundling her into the car and driving her to an emergency room (she suffered a broken leg but nothing worse). Still, the next day, as Leslie lay recuperating in the hospital, her Russian friends urged her to file a police report.

Leslie resisted, because it was a cinch that the driver’s insurance – if he had any – would not begin to pay for the treatment she would need back in the USA (she had to fly home for about six weeks for the reconstruction that her knee required). She hardly saw the point in the paperwork a police report would require. But her Russian friends insisted, arguing, “He must be punished!”

Alas, the societal demand for retribution is hardly limited to Putin’s paradise, as the 10th Circuit reminded us last week.

After Donald Joe Booker, Jr. repeatedly violated the terms of his supervised release, the district court revoked his supervision and sentenced him to 24 months in prison, the maximum time he could get under the statute.

badtrack230330To be sure, Donnie was 87 miles of bad track: While on supervised release after serving his sentence for being a felon in possession of a gun, Donnie was caught for speeding, driving without a license or insurance, and refusing to submit to sobriety testing. He tested positive for amphetamine or methamphetamine use on four separate occasions (and had some meth in his pocket when he was arrested on the revocation warrant), left the Eastern District of Oklahoma without permission on three occasions, failed to tell his probation officer about contacts with law enforcement on three occasions, and failed to appear for drug testing on five separate occasions.

When he was sentenced on the supervised release violation, the district court complained that Donnie “has shown repeated disregard for rules and condition of his supervised release. He has continued to commit new law violations and he has illegally possessed controlled substances, which he acknowledges. He has on multiple occasions failed to report to his law enforcement contact as required by the conditions of his supervision and he has also traveled outside the district of supervision without permission of his probation officer. Based upon these factors, a sentence outside the advisory guideline range is necessary to serve as an adequate deterrent to this defendant as well as others, promote respect for the law, and provide just punishment for the offense, and provide protection for the public.”

Last week, the 10th Circuit vacated Donnie’s sentence.

Badlaw200804Hard cases make bad law. The catch is that when sentencing someone for a criminal offense, the judge must consider the sentencing factors listed in 18 USC § 3553(a), which is a weighty list that includes just punishment for the offense, the need to protect the public, deterrence and the promoting respect for the law.

When sentencing someone who screwed up and violated their supervised release – a term which is imposed to run after release from imprisonment – the district court is required to consider only some of the § 3553(a) sentencing factors, not all of them. Under 18 USC § 3583(e), which governs revocation of supervised release , the court must sentence “after considering the factors set forth in section 3553(a)(1), (a)(2)(B), (a)(2)(C), (a)(2)(D), (a)(4), (a)(5), (a)(6), and (a)(7).”

“Notably absent from this list,” the 10th noted, “is § 3553(a)(2)(A), which directs courts to consider… the need for the sentence imposed… to reflect the seriousness of the offense, to promote respect for the law, and to provide just punishment for the offense.”

The Circuit held that “section 3553(a)(2)(A) represents ‘retribution,’ one of the ‘four purposes of sentencing’ that courts must consider when fashioning a sentence during the initial sentencing process.” Here, the district court justified Donnie’s 24-month… “in part as ‘necessary to serve as an adequate deterrent to this defendant as well as others, promote respect for the law, and provide just punishment for the offense, and provide protection for the public.’ By referencing the need to ‘promote respect for the law, and provide just punishment for the offense,’ the district court quoted from § 3553(a)(2)(A), the omitted factor.”

Two weeks ago, the Congressional Research Service issued one of its “Legal Sidebar” reports on supervised release sentencing, in which it noted a deep circuit split on whether retribution may play a role in sentencing on revocation of supervised release. “On one side of the divide,” the report stated, “the U.S. Courts of Appeals for the First, Second, Third, Sixth, and Seventh Circuits have held that federal courts may consider retribution in making revocation decisions. On the other side, the Fourth, Fifth, and Ninth Circuits have concluded that courts either may not consider retribution in these decisions at all or may consider it only to a limited degree.”

To the “nays” you can now add the 10th Circuit.

angels170726We’re not just counting angels on the head of a pin, either. Writing in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog, Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman observed that “given U.S. Sentencing Commission data showing over 20,000 supervised release violation hearings taking place every year, there are on average nearly 100 federal defendants at least potentially impacted by this jurisprudential divide every single day in federal courts. SCOTUS really should resolve this matter sooner rather than later if we think some semblance of equal justice is of importance in our federal criminal sentencing systems.

United States v. Booker, Case No. 22-7000, 2023 U.S. App. LEXIS 7312 (10th Cir. March 28, 2023)

Congressional Research Service, Can Retribution Justify the Revocation of Supervised Release? Courts Disagree (March 13, 2023)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Tenth Circuit deepens split over considering retribution in revocation of federal supervised release (March 29, 2023)

– Thomas L. Root

DOJ Confirms: BOP COVID Numbers Were Wacky – Update for March 29, 2023

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

IG REPORT ON BOP COVID RESPONSE FINDS NUMBERS WERE JUST AS FUNNY AS EVERYONE SAID THEY WERE

numbers180327The Dept of Justice Office of Inspector General released a report last week on the BOP’s COVID response, containing little of any surprise to those who lived through it (especially when it came to the Bureau’s incomplete and misleading daily COVID data).

A common complaint by the media (including this blog) during the pandemic related to the BOP’s manipulation of COVID numbers to make the pandemic look less pervasive in the prison system. The BOP reported on the total number of inmates who had tested positive for COVID at a given institution and system-wide, but sometimes the number actually fell from day to day. It turned out the BOP would deduct from the total inmates who had been released, as though their COVID cases never counted because they had never been there.

Complaints at the time that the BOP was cooking the books fell on deaf ears. But now, the IG has placed its seal of disapproval on the BOP’s voodoo medical accounting:

[BOP COVID] active case counts do not include inmates or staff who recovered or died, and the recovered case counts do not include inmates or staff who die, inmates who have subsequently been released from BOP custody, or staff who have left BOP employment. These omissions mean that the BOP’s publicly posted data does not represent the full extent of cumulative COVID-19 cases among inmates and staff over the course of the pandemic. Further, the BOP website does not mention that the staff and inmate recovery data presented excludes inmates who left BOP custody or staff who left BOP employment, which could lead stakeholders to draw incorrect conclusions about the BOP’s data.

crazynumbers200519The IG noted that “similar issues exist with the BOP’s publicly posted data on testing, which also includes only inmates currently in BOP custody” and which omitted many local tests. BOP vaccination data was also flawed: “BOP does not publish data that allows stakeholders to see the proportion of vaccinated individuals at any of the facilities, as the published data displays only the cumulative number of BOP-administered vaccinations completed at each facility.”

In fact, this blog noted that the BOP’s misleading cumulative numbers had some facilities showing that well more than 100% of the inmate population had been vaccinated. The IG dryly observed that such reporting “could lead stakeholders to draw incorrect conclusions.”

No kidding.

The Inspector General also criticized the BOP’s opaque communications on CARES Act home confinement. The Report “observed that the BOP’s communication with the public regarding home confinement only restated the criteria in the Attorney General’s memoranda without clarifying them in plainer language or describing how the BOP was interpreting or implementing the criteria. For example, while the BOP provided a Frequently Asked Questions section on home confinement on its public website during the pandemic, the section did not mention the additional time-served criteria the BOP was using to determine eligibility for home confinement. Clearly stating to the public how and why the BOP was implementing and prioritizing its expanded home confinement authorities could have helped the BOP be more transparent with inmates and other stakeholders at a time of high stress and uncertainty.”

DOJ Inspector General, Capstone Review of the Federal Bureau of Prisons’ Response to the Coronavirus Disease 2019 Pandemic (March 20, 2023)

Govt Executive, Here’s How the Prisons Agency Fared During the Pandemic (March 21, 2023)

– Thomas L. Root