The Supremes Finally Take The 2255(e) Debate! – Update for May 16, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

LATE-BREAKING NEWS…

The Supreme Court granted certiorari in Jones v. Hendrix by order issued at 9:30 am on Monday, May 16.  

Could the Justices be reading my blog? Doubtful, but the certiorari may be good news for thousands of federal inmates trapped in the 10th and 11th Circuits (depending, of course, on the outcome of this case sometime next year).

SCOTUS MAY FINALLY SETTLE THE 2241 DEBATE
... but a 2255(e) ain't, depending on where you are.
… but a 2255(e) ain’t, depending on where you are.

Let’s say you were standing in front of Sunny’s Cigars with a gun and two prior convictions, one for selling drugs and the other for manslaughter. If the Feds picked you up, you would have been sentenced to a minimum 15 years under 18 U.S.C. § 924(e), the Armed Career Criminal Act.

After the U.S. Supreme Court (generally known by the shorthand “SCOTUS“) ruled in Borden v. United States that a crime committed through recklessness was not a “crime of violence” predicate for ACCA, you would want to file with your sentencing court to get the ACCA sentencing enhancement thrown out.

The Borden ruling was not a constitutional ruling, but instead just an interpretation of a statute. That meant that you could not file a second-or-successive 28 U.S.C. § 2255 motion, because 28 U.S.C.  § 2244(b) limits successive § 2255s to newly discovered evidence or decisions on constitutionality. However, 28 U.S.C. § 2255(e) – known as the “saving clause,” lets you file a traditional 28 U.S.C. § 2241 habeas corpus motion attacking the ACCA sentence where a § 2255 would be inadequate to address the issue.

Or at least it would let you file a § 2241 petition if you’re locked up in, say, Kentucky (in the 6th Circuit). A § 2241 habeas corpus petition is filed in the federal district in which you’re located at the time you file. If you were at FCI Manchester, you’d file in the Eastern District of Kentucky. Go a few miles east of there to do your time in Beckley, West Virginia, for example, and you’d be filing in the Southern District of West Virginia (4th Circuit). Fourth Circuit precedent forecloses you from using a § 2241 petition as a workaround.

gunknot181009Writing in SCOTUSBlog last week, John Elwood noted that Ham v. Breckon, a 4th Circuit decision, and Jones v. Hendrix, an 8th Circuit decision, both asked the same question, and both have been “relisted” by the Supreme Court.

A “relist” is a petition for certiorari that is scheduled to be decided at the Supreme Court’s regular Friday conference, but is “relisted” to be considered further at a subsequent conference. A “relisted” petition is statistically more likely to have review granted by the Court, and that is even more likely where there are two relisted petitions asking the same question.

This is important, because two circuits – the 10th and 11th – don’t permit § 2241 petitions even where the movant is challenging guilt or innocence. A SCOTUS decision on Ham or Jones would not only settle whether a movant could challenge a statutory sentencing enhancement using a § 2241 petition under the “saving clause,” but would address the circuit split between the two outlier circuits (the 10th and 11th) and everyone else on whether guilt and innocence could be challenged as well.

circuitsplit220516Elwood thinks that, while the Court has ducked the issue in the past, it will grant review this time. He wrote, “The government — which generally is a pretty successful respondent as well as a successful petitioner — admits that there is a circuit split on the issue. It would have a hard time saying otherwise, since the government itself petitioned for Supreme Court review on this very issue a couple years back in the much-relisted United States v. Wheeler, before a vehicle problem arose (the prisoner… was released from prison) that apparently persuaded the Supreme Court to deny review in that case.”

Ham v. Breckon, Case No 21-763 (pending certiorari)

Jones v. Hendrix, Case No 21-857 (certiorari granted)

SCOTUSBlog, Challenges to administrative action and retroactive relief for prisoners (May 11, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

President Packs USSC With Some Good Picks – Update for May 12, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

SENTENCING COMMISSION DROUGHT IS LIFTING

noquorum191016President Biden yesterday nominated a bipartisan slate of seven candidates to serve as commissioners on the U.S. Sentencing Commission. If confirmed, the nominees will revitalize the USSC, giving it its first quorum in almost four years.

The list includes U.S. District Judge Carlton W. Reeves (Southern District of Mississippi). If confirmed by the Senate, he will be the first black jurist to chair the 33-year-old commission’s history.

By statute, the Commission must be bipartisan and consist of at least three federal judges and no more than four members of each political party.

Biden’s planned nominees include three active judges and four attorneys. Of those nominees, two have experience as public defenders. Nominees also include

• Laura Mate, a former assistant federal public defender in the Western District of Washington, serves as Sentencing Resource Counsel for the Federal Public and Community Defenders in Arizona;

• Judge Luis Felipe Restrepo, appointed by President Obama to serve on the US Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit and a former assistant federal public defender in the Eastern District of Pennsylvania;

• Claire McCusker Murray, formerly principal deputy associate attorney general in the Dept. of Justice during the Trump Administration;

• Judge Claria Horn Boom, appointed by President Trump to the U.S. District Courts for both the Eastern and Western Districts of Kentucky;

• Former U.S. District Judge John Gleeson (EDNY), a partner at Debevoise and Plimpton LLP, who enjoys close to rock-star status as a forward-thinking sentence reformer;

• Candice Wong, Assistant United States Attorney and Chief of the Violence Reduction and Trafficking Offenses Section in the United States Attorney’s Office for the District of Columbia.

USSC170511The Sentencing Commission has lacked a full slate of commissioners for the entirety of the Trump Administration, and has not had a quorum since the First Step Act passed in December 2018. That is why no guideline has been amended since the November 2018 amendments went into force.

Trump nominated four commissioners in August 2020, two of whom – Judges Restrepo and Boom – were renominated yesterday. Their nominations expired when the Senate did not act on them prior to the end of the 116th Congress in January 2021.

The Commission has a stack of work waiting for its attention, chief among the issues being compassionate release. Last November, the sole remaining member of the Commission at the time, Senior Judge Charles Breyer (N.D. Cal.) complained to Reuters that the lack of quorum meant the Commission could not provide guidance on how to implement compassionate release, creating a “vacuum” in which judges inconsistently decide whether inmates under the measure can secure a sentence reduction under 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A)(i) amid the COVID-19 pandemic.

“Some people were granted compassionate release for reasons that other judges found insufficient,” he said. “There was no standard. That’s a problem when you try to implement a policy on a nationwide basis.” The Commission’s outdated Guideline 1B1.13, ignored by most circuits but used as a bludgeon by others, was perhaps the primary mischief-maker, but with no quorum, the USSC has been powerless to fix things.

Don’t expect immediate miracles. The Commission normally works on a 12-month cycle, with proposed topics for amendments to the Sentencing Guidelines issued late in the year, followed by the actual amendments early in the following year, and a final slate of amendments by May 1. Under the law, the amendments take effect on November 1, unless Congress votes to veto one or all of them.

This means that the most anyone can hope for would be amendments to take effect on November 1, 2023.

progress220512Still, the slate of new commissioners would be the most defendant-friendly bunch to ever run the USSC. Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman wrote in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog yesterday, “Because these selections have surely been made in consultation with Senate leadership, I am reasonably hopeful that hearings and a confirmation of these nominees could proceed swiftly. (But that may be wishful thinking, as was my thinking that these needed nominees would come a lot sooner.) There is lots of work ahead for these nominees (and lots of blog posts to follow about them and their likely agenda), but for now I will be content with just a ‘Huzzah!’”

He’s right.  Its progress, however slow in coming.

Bloomberg Law, Biden Names Seven to Restock US Sentencing Commission (May 11, 2022)

The White House, President Biden Nominates Bipartisan Slate for the United States Sentencing Commission (May 11, 2022)

The White House, President Donald J. Trump Announces Intent to Nominate and Appoint Individuals to Key Administration Posts (August 12, 2021)

Reuters, U.S. sentencing panel’s last member Breyer urges Biden to revive commission (November 11, 2021)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Prez Biden finally announces a full slate of nominees to the US Sentencing Commission (May 11, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

Home Confinement Removal Without Hearing Challenged – Update for May 11, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

CONNECTICUT SUIT ARGUES HOME CONFINEMENT REVOCATION VIOLATED DUE PROCESS


homeconfinement220511Under the CARES Act, the Federal Bureau of Prisons was authorized to place inmates in extended home confinement as a means of getting medically vulnerable people out of the path of the coronavirus. Under this authority, the BOP has sent about 9,000 inmates to home confinement, where they remain in their residences except for work and a very few tightly-controlled exceptions (weekly groceries, medical appointments, church services and the such).

BOP Director Michael Carvajal has touted the success of the program. He told the Senate Judiciary Committee that only 289 inmates had been returned to prison after being on CARES Act home confinement, and only three of those were returned because of new criminal conduct.

The flip side of that coin is that the BOP sees home confinement as just another prison designation, meaning that the BOP can pull someone at home back to prison for the flimsiest of reasons, or for no reason at all. The government has argued that because inmates have no due process right to placement in any particular prison facility, they have no grounds to challenge a decision to revoke home confinement.

Now, three FCI Danbury inmates have filed a habeas corpus action in U.S. District Court in Connecticut claiming their release to home confinement under the CARES Act was revoked without due process.

“There’s no due process for resolving these cases or real consideration whether the person should be pulled back to prison,” said their attorney Sarah Russell, director of the Legal Clinic at Quinnipiac University School of Law. “There is no opportunity for a hearing or an argument even when children are being impacted.”

On home confinement for over a year, the lead petitioner, Nordia Tompkins, had been able to regain custody of her daughter, enroll in vocational classes and hold down a job. She was sent back to prison after the halfway house supervising her could not reach her by phone because she was in class at an approved time.

The government has argued that because the inmates remained in BOP custody, they had no “protected liberty interest” in remaining on home confinement. Such an interest is necessary in order to trigger a right to procedural due process.

home190109However, the inmates – represented by Yale and Quinnipiac University law school professors – argue that other factors, “such as whether one can form close family and community ties, seek and obtain employment”, are “markers of a liberty interest. It does not matter that someone is serving sentence or is technically in the ‘custody’ of prison authorities. Because Ms. Tompkins has been able to reside with her children and take care of them, attend a community school to further her education, and seek employment, she has a liberty interest in remaining on home confinement under the Due Process Clause [and] was entitled to basic due process protections…”

Danbury News-Times, Danbury prison inmates file lawsuit over home confinement getting revoked (May 5, 2022)

Tompkins v. Pullen, Case No. 3:22cv339 (D.Conn, filed Mar 2, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

Ratting Out the Federal Bureau of Prisons – Update for May 10, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

AP WANTS TIPS ON BOP MISMANAGEMENT

About three summers ago, Associated Press reporters Michael Balsamo and Michael Sisak wondered how Jeffrey Epstein, at the time probably the highest-profile federal inmate in America, was able to commit suicide while in constantly-monitored single-cell lockdown.

lazyguard191127They found that “the dysfunction surrounding Epstein’s suicide — guards sleeping and browsing the internet, one of them pulled from a different prison job to watch inmates, both working overtime shifts — wasn’t a one-off but a symptom of a federal prison system in deep crisis.”

Since then, Balsamo and Sisak have reported on sexual abuse at FCI Dublin, crumbling infrastructure and chronic staffing shortages, pervasive criminal misconduct among BOP employees, and management fiascos like the December 2020 executions at USP Terre Haute that turned into COVID superspreader events.

Finally, in January, they broke the surprise resignation of BOP Director Michael Carvajal, a Trump administration holdover, and his top deputy.

snitchin200309Last week, AP published a retrospective that included a surprising invitation to “whistleblowers, inmates and their families, and anyone else who suspects wrongdoing or knows what’s going on and tells us about it” to contact AP online or the reporters by email with tips about the BOP.

What might there be to tell? Congressman Randy Weber (R-Texas) may have a suggestion. After another inmate died at USP Beaumont in a fight with a fellow prisoner on May 1st, Weber – a member of the BOP Reform Caucus – wrote Carvajal to express his “dismay[] that, time and time again, the especially dire situation at FCC Beaumont remains neglected by the BOP… I have been informed by COs at USP Beaumont that BOP has used the emergency recall system several times to fill vacant posts. Actions like this only serve as a band-aid to the underlying problems.”

Weber told Carvajal that he “want[s] to be part of the solution, especially at FCC Beaumont, but first, these problems need to be acknowledged soberly by BOP leadership.”

The latest killing happened the same week that AP’s Balsamo and Sisak reported that Carvajal’s March visit to FCI Dublin – site of rampant sexual abuse of female inmates by staff (including the prior warden) – was sabotaged by Dublin employees.

charliebrownfootball220510“Officials moved inmates out of the special housing unit so it wouldn’t look as full when the task force got there,” AP reported, “and they lied to Carvajal about COVID-19 contamination so inmates in a certain unit couldn’t speak to him about abuse.”

One inmate did manage to confront Carvajal on the rec yard, and spent 15 minutes describing in graphic detail of her alleged abuse. She “grew increasingly upset,” the story said, “calming down only after prison officials brought her tissues. She was eventually taken out of the room and brought to a prison psychologist, where she was offered immediate release to a halfway house. She objected. She wanted to wait so she could tell her story publicly to congressional leaders expected at the prison.”

However, “Bureau of Prisons and Justice Department officials told the woman that because she was a potential witness, she couldn’t talk about the investigation.” She was hustled off to a halfway house.

So far, the Biden Administration has not announced a replacement for Carvajal.

Associated Press, The story so far: AP’s investigation into federal prisons (May 4, 2022)

Rep Randy Weber, Letter to BOP Director Carvajal (May 2, 2022)

Associated Press, Abuse-clouded prison gets attention, but will things change? (May 5, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

Courts Questioning BOP Medical Care As COVID Surge Loom – LISA Newsletter for May 9, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

COVID SURGE FORECAST AS BOP’S RESPONSE QUESTIONED

The Biden administration is warning the nation could see 100 million COVID infections and a potentially significant wave of deaths this fall and winter, driven by new omicron subvariants that have shown a troubling ability to overcome vaccines and natural immunity.

The projection is part of an Administration push to persuade lawmakers to appropriate billions more to purchase a new tranche of vaccines, tests and therapeutics, released last Friday as the nation is poised to reach a milestone of 1 million COVID deaths sometime this week.

omicron211230Omicron variants BA.4 and BA.5 are causing a spike in cases in South Africa, where it’s winter, continuing a pattern of semi-annual COVID-19 surges there. The genetic makeup of these variants — which allows them to evade immunity from previous infection — and the timing of their emergence in the Southern Hemisphere point to a surge in the United States in the coming months, says UCLA Health clinical microbiologist Dr. Shangxin Yang.

The US also should expect a summer coronavirus surge at least across the South. Last week, former White House COVID response task force coordinator Deborah Birx said, “We should be preparing right now for a potential surge in the summer across the southern United States because we saw it in 2020 and we saw it in 2021.” With more infections come more opportunities for the virus to mutate, according to WHO’s Maria Van Kerkhove.

As it is, an anticipated summer surge of COVID in the south may have begun. The seven-day national average of new infections more than doubled in five weeks from 29,000 on March 30 to nearly 71,000 last Friday. White House officials have said they’re concerned that much of the nation’s supply of antivirals and tests will be exhausted as a result of the anticipated increase in cases in the South. Without those tools, they say the country would be unprepared for a fall and winter surge, and deaths and hospitalizations could dramatically increase.

healthcare220224Predictions of future COVID waves come as the Bureau of Prisons’ COVID medical care is subjected to fresh criticism. Healthcare news outlet Stat reported last week that since November 2020, the BOP “used just a fraction of the antiviral drugs they were allocated to keep incarcerated people from getting seriously ill or dying of Covid-19.” Stat said internal BOP records show the Bureau used less than 20% of the stock “of the most effective antiviral drugs for treating COVID.”

In the case of Pfizer’s effective antiviral pill, Paxlovid, BOP prescription records over the two years ago “include just three prescriptions for Paxlovid, despite the fact that the drug is easy to administer and has been proven to significantly reduce hospitalization and death from Covid-19.”

Two compassionate release grants last week under 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A)(i) on opposite sides of the nation suggest that district courts may be tiring of the BOP’s blandishments that its medical care is adequate. In Oregon, a granted early release to James Wood, a 53-year-old man who had served 68% of his sentence for two bank robberies. The court held Jim had served significant periods during the pandemic without access to his psychiatric medication or received medication that made his symptoms worse.

The judge called Jim’s time at FCI Sheridan during the pandemic “an excruciating experience.” In addition to frequent lockdowns, which applied to all inmates, Jim suffered an injury that prison medical services failed to treat. The injury festered, but Jim was finally able to knock back the infection by pouring hot water on the wound.

The government argued that medical records did not substantiate that Jim had been denied treatment. He replied that that was unsurprising inasmuch as the medical staff refused to do anything, a refusal that would not have generated a record.

toe220509Meanwhile, a Connecticut federal court released Tim Charlemagne, who was doing time for a drug offense, after finding “the record… demonstrates that Mr. Charlemagne has received inadequate care for his serious medical conditions since the day he began his period of incarceration.”

Those conditions included morbid obesity, high blood pressure, and diabetes. Tim didn’t receive the foot care in prison that his podiatrist recommended when he was sentenced, and all the toes on his right foot had been amputated as a result, according to the Federal Public Defender. The government argued that Tim was being transferred to a medical center from FCI Schuykill (where he presumably would get better care), but it admitted no date set was set for the transfer.

Tim had served 14 months of his 41-month sentence. He will do another nine months on home confinement before beginning his supervised-release term.

Both of these decisions are noteworthy because they combine a general acknowledgment of miserable prison conditions during the pandemic with specific findings that BOP healthcare had failed the inmates seeking compassionate release. The cases suggest that successful compassionate release motions as COVID surges again will focus on an inmate’s individual allegations of inadequate medical care.

Washington Post, Coronavirus wave this fall could infect 100 million, administration warns (May 6, 2022)

US News, New Omicron Subvariant Spreading in US as Coronavirus Cases Increase (May 2, 2022)

UCLA Health, New omicron variants and case surge in South Africa portend summer rise in COVID-19 cases here (May 6, 2022)

Stat, Prisons didn’t prescribe much Paxlovid or other Covid-19 treatments, even when they got the drugs (May 5, 2022)

Portland Oregonian, Judge grants compassionate release to convicted bank robber, calls his time at Oregon’s federal prison ‘excruciating experience’ (May 6, 2022)

United States v. Wood, Case No 3:18-cr-00599 (D.Ore, compassionate release granted May 6, 2022)

Windsor Journal-Inquirer, Judge orders release of Windsor man in Enfield OD death case (May 6, 2022)

United States v. Charlemagne, Case No 3:18-cr-00181, 2022 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 82270 (D.Conn, May 6, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

COVID: Forgotten But Not Gone – Update for May 5, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

COVID’S NOT YET GONE

deadcovid210914COVID reminded us last week that it isn’t eradicated. On April 20th, the BOP reported 60 inmates and 150 staff cases. As of last night, inmate cases had more than doubled to 148 cases, and staff cases remained stubbornly high at 158.

The number of BOP facilities with COVID climbed 45% to 64, half of the total operated by the Bureau.

This is not surprising. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention data released yesterday show that the latest COVID variant,  BA.2.12.1,  now makes up 36.5% of all newly-sequenced positive Covid tests. That’s a jump of close to 100% in the past two weeks.

Incidentally, the United States recorded its millionth COVID death yesterday.

The Washington Post reported last week that COVID’s toll is no longer falling almost exclusively on the unvaccinated. The vaccinated made up 42% of fatalities in January and February during the Omicron surge, compared with 23% of the dead in September, the peak of the Delta wave. As of last Friday, 82.1% of inmates had been vaccinated, while 71.1% of staff had gotten the jab.

caresbear210104Forbes last week reported that federal “inmates who have served a certain percentage of their sentence and who also have underlying health conditions, are still being processed for home confinement. However, the CARES Act releases have slowed because the number of cases in prisons have plummeted and staff is also stressed to process prisoners because they are dealing with the First Step Act (FSA) implementation.” Due to the need to release prisoners suddenly awarded back FSA earned-time credits, prisoners “who have health issues and could be transferred under the CARES Act, are being pushed to the back of the line so that overworked case managers can make provisions for thousands of prisoners who will be transitioning to post-release custody in the coming months.”

Writing in Forbes, Walter Pavlo said, “While case managers struggle to keep up with the growing demands of their jobs, the healthcare in the BOP has been under stress as well. It is the perfect storm of poor underlying health of a prisoner combined with BOP staff shortages and poor healthcare” puts vulnerable inmates at risk.

Washington Post, Covid deaths no longer overwhelmingly among the unvaccinated as toll on elderly grows (April 29, 2022)

Forbes, With COVID-19 Cases On Rise, Bureau Of Prisons Slowly Still Transferring Inmates Under CARES Act (April 27, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

6th Mandamuses District Court Plea Agreement Limits – Update for May 3, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

6TH CIRCUIT SHUTS DOWN DISTRICT JUDGE WHO DOESN’T LIKE PLEA WAIVERS

Just about any defendant who has ever made a plea deal (about 94% of federal prisoners) has faced a provision in the agreement known as an “appeal waiver”, where the defendant agrees not to appeal or file a 28 U.S.C. § 2255 post-conviction motion except in the most extreme cases. The waivers are often overlooked or underappreciated by the defendant, and rarely explained adequately by defense counsel or the court.

Waivers160215Still, they’re a boon to the government. A waiver ensures that the defendant will never be back to complain on appeal or habeas corpus about infirmities in the sentencing, whether caused by court error or defense attorney misfeasance. Some creative U.S. Attorneys were even bulletproofing their convictions against future changes in the law or Guidelines that might otherwise entitle the defendant to a lesser sentence. A few go so far as to prohibit the defendant from filing a Freedom of Information Act (5 U.S.C. § 552) request to law enforcement agencies. Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman calls an appeal waiver nothing more than a “(government labor-saving) device” that should be “void as against public policy.”In fact, the Dept. of Justice only two months ago had to stamp out the nascent practice by some U.S. Attorneys requiring a defendant to waive any right to petition for a compassionate release sometime under 18 U.S.C. § 3582(c)(1)(A)(i) in the future. Such motions are based on extraordinary changed circumstances that make a modificationof the sentence an act of compassion.

sorry220503‘What, you’re dying of cancer, Mr. Tax Fraud convict, and you would like to spend your final months dying at home instead in a federal prison? Sorry, Charlie, you waived the right to ask the judge for that in your plea deal six years ago…’

A few judges find appeal waivers so odious that they will not accept a plea deal containing one. One such federal judge is David Lawson, who sits on the U.S. District Court in the Eastern District of Michigan. He got slapped down last week by the 6th Circuit, which granted a writ of mandamus against him for rejecting a plea deal based on his “longstanding practice” of rejecting agreements containing appeal waivers.

During a pretrial hearing in a federal drug prosecution for Ashley Townsend, Judge Lawson told the parties that his “practice over the years has [been to] not… to accept plea agreements that have waivers of rights to collateral review or the right to appeal a sentence determination or sentencing issue that is disputed.” Perhaps because U.S. Attorney Dawn Ison doesn’t give as fig what a federal judge wants, or perhaps because she thought she finally had the perfect test case, Dawn’s office and Ashley signed a plea agreement with appeal waivers anyway.

Judge Lawson was as good as his work. He rejected the proposed deal.

The government filed a petition for writ of mandamus with the 6th Circuit, asking for an order telling Judge Lawson that his practice violated F.R.Crim.P. 11, and that he could not impose such a blanket policy. A writ of mandamus is known as an “extraordinary writ.” It is sort of the obverse of the injunction coin. An injunction is a court order prohibiting someone from committing an act. Mandamus is an order to a lower court or government official directing that something be done.

mandamus210218In keeping with its ‘extraordinary’ nature, a writ of mandamus is tough to get. A party seeking a writ of mandamus must show that (1) it has no other adequate means of obtaining relief, (2) its right to mandamus is “clear and indisputable;” and (3) the issuance of the writ was “appropriate under the circumstances.”

The Circuit agreed the U.S. Attorney was entitled to its writ. The 6th pointed out the government has no right under the law to file an interlocutory appeal of Judge Lawson’s denial of a plea deal, and if Ashley would later plead guilty to the indictment, be convicted by a jury, or be acquitted after trial, the government had no right to a direct appeal in which the Judge’s practice could be questioned. “In this case,” the Circuit said, “mandamus is the only adequate means for the United States either to compel the district court to adhere to Rule 11.”

Second, the 6th ruled, “the district court’s violation of Fed.R.Crim.P. 11 was ‘clear and undisputable.’ Rule 11 prohibits the court from participating in plea discussions… When a district court expresses its preference for or against certain plea-bargaining terms in an unfinalized or hypothetical plea agreement, the Circuit rules, the court impermissibly participates in plea negotiations in violation of Rule 11.”

Here, the Circuit held that the district court abused its discretion by rejecting the parties’ plea agreement without a case-specific “sound reason.” In other words, if the court rejects Ashley’s plea deal because of the presence of the waiver. it needs a reason based on the particulars of Ashley’s situation.

Finally, the 6th said, mandamus is appropriate in this circumstance. The issue had never been decided before, it “involves important questions… which bear on the ‘efficient administration of justice,” and raises “questions that might evade review if not considered at this time.”

bonkers220503University of North Carolina criminal law prof Carissa Byrne Hessick called this decision “bonkers.” She said this “astonishing decision curtailing trial courts’ power to reject plea bargains… I hope the 6th Circuit decides to hear this case en banc and to reverse this terrible panel decision. Plea bargaining has warped the criminal justice system. And if other courts follow the Sixth Circuit, it will get even worse.”

Professor Berman said in his Sentencing Policy and Law blog that he “generally agree[s] with the District Court’s stated policy concerns with all appeal waivers: ‘The court explained its belief that appeal waivers “embargo” trial court mistakes, “insulate” the government’s conduct “from judicial oversight,” effectively “coerce” guilty pleas with offers “too good to refuse,” and “inhibit[] the development of the Sentencing Guidelines”‘.”

As usual, the Volokh Conspiracy is succinct about it:

During plea bargaining, prosecutors will often offer criminal defendants an escape from unconscionably long mandatory minimum sentences if they waive their right to appeal their conviction or challenge it on collateral review. It’s a system that’s ripe for abuse and coercion. But, per the Sixth Circuit, that’s no reason for a district judge to have a blanket rule against approving plea deals that contain these waivers. Mandamus-ed!

DOJ, Department Policy on Compassionate Release Waivers in Plea Agreements (March 11, 2022)

Sentencing Law and Policy,  Sixth Circuit panel grants mandamus because district judge rejected a plea deal with an appeal waiver the wrong way (April 28, 2022)

In re United States, Case No 21-1318 (6th Cir. April 26, 2022) 

Twitter, Carissa Byrne Hessick (April 26, 2022)

The Volokh Conspiracy, Short Circuit: A Roundup of Recent Federal Court Decisions (April 29, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

EQUAL Act May Be In Trouble – Update for May 2, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

SUDDENLY, CRIMINAL JUSTICE LEGISLATION IS IN TROUBLE

Just last Friday, I mused that the EQUAL Act (S.79) – the much-heralded legislation that would finally make penalties for cocaine distribution identical regardless of the form the cocaine took (cocaine base or cocaine powder) – might have a little competition.

russiantank220502Now, that seems to be like predicting the Russians might run into a little delay on their way to Kyiv.

On Friday, it looked like a few Republican senators might want to leverage their SMART Cocaine Sentencing Act to win a few amendment concessions before EQUAL passes. Now, the problem seems much more extreme than that.

At the end of last week, The New York Times reported, “with control of Congress at stake and Republicans weaponizing a law-and-order message against Democrats in their midterm election campaigns, the fate of [the EQUAL Act] is in doubt. Democrats worry that bringing it up would allow Republicans to demand a series of votes that could make them look soft on crime and lax on immigration — risks they are reluctant to take months before they face voters… Even the measure’s Republican backers concede that bringing it to the floor could lead to an array of difficult votes.”

You may recall that on Thursday, Senators Roger Wicker (R-Mississippi), Charles Grassley (R-Iowa), Mike Lee (R-Utah) and Lindsey Graham (R-South Carolina) announced SMART, a bill that would reduce the current 18:1 crack-to-powder ratio to 2.5:1 instead of EQUAL’s 1:1.

(If Lindsay Graham’s name seems familiar, maybe that’s because he is also a co-sponsor of the EQUAL Act).

But diddling with the ratio is not all that SMART does.  For people already convicted under 18:1, there would be no retroactivity unless the Attorney General “certified” to the court that the sentence should be reduced. Mind you this is the same Dept. of Justice that rejects thousands of clemency petitions before they ever reach the White House and fights hammer and tong against any inmate seeking First Step Act Section 404 reductions.

scrooge220502Imagine nominating Scrooge to plan Santa Claus. Same thing.

Grassley argued last week that the EQUAL Act does not account for the differences in recidivism rates between the two types of cocaine offenses. He said crack offenders reoffend at a 60.8% rate while powder cocaine offenders are at only 43.8%, and crack defendants are the most likely drug offenders to carry weapons.

The obvious rejoinder is that if the crack offenders are carrying weapons, there are Guidelines enhancements (such as § 2D1.1(b(1)) and even separate statutory offenses that do a much better job of targeting the people with the guns than punishing one class of drug offenders for the probability that the person has a weapon. As for recidivism, the Guidelines already increase sentencing ranges based on the defendant’s criminal history. Arguing that a crack offender must be punished more severely than a cocaine powder offender because he or she is statistically more likely to commit a crime in the future has a certain “Minority Report” aura to it.

FAMM President Kevin Ring blasted SMART on Twitter for

INCREASING the # of people who will be subject to man mins for powder while reducing the # subject to man mins for crack. Remember, no member had suggested powder sentences were too low until the EQUAL Act gained steam.” Plus, SMART “requires the Attorney General to certify every request for retroactive application of the new penalties. This is unprecedented and absurd. No retroactive changes in recent history – by the Commission or Congress – ever required AG certification.

But beyond the weird provisions of SMART is the fear that it may spell the death of EQUAL. Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman said in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog, worried that “the fact that the EQUAL Act has not become law already makes me concerned about the fate and future or long-overdue efforts to end the crack/cocaine sentencing disparity.”

“The time for negotiation has passed, and it passed a long time ago,” said Jason Pye from the Due Process Institute. “The EQUAL Act is an exercise in bipartisanship, which is more than I can say for Senator Grassley’s bill.”

Meanwhile, expectations are wavering over the marijuana legalization bill that Senate Majority Leader Charles Schumer (D-NY) promised would be introduced in April. Now lawmakers have pushed the timeline back to later in the summer as continued debate threatens the bill’s success.

senatemarijuana220412Schumer said he wanted to give senators time to debate certain provisions. The Senate majority leader said he is reaching across party lines to gain support for the bill, but experts predict he won’t have enough Republican votes for passage. The bill faces opposition from some Democrats, including Sen Joe Manchin (D-WV), who last month told The Hill that is he unsure about legalizing adult-use marijuana.

Last month, the Marijuana Opportunity, Reinvestment and Expungement (MORE) Act passed the House with a near-party line vote that included only three Republicans. MORE is not expected to pass the Senate.

As the November midterms approach, it is likely that criminal justice will become even more of a political game, with federal prisoners as the football.

The New York Times, Drug Sentencing Bill Is in Limbo as Midterm Politics Paralyze Congress (April 29, 2022)

S.__ (no number yet), SMART Cocaine Sentencing Act

Sen Charles Grassley, Senators Introduce Bill To Reduce Crack-Powder Sentencing Disparity, Protect Communities From Criminals Most Likely To Reoffend (April 28, 2022)

Politico, Huddle: Freedom Caucus at a crossroads (April 29, 2022)

Twitter, Kevin Ring, Current Crack-Powder Disparity Is Unjustifiable (April 28, 2022)

Sentencing Law and Policy, GOP Senators introduce competing crack/powder sentencing reform bill tougher than EQUAL Act (April 29, 2022)

The Paper, Cannabis News (April 28, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

EQUAL Act Runs Into Some Competition in Senate – Update for April 29, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

BACK TO WORK FOR CONGRESS

Congress is back in session after Easter/Passover/Ramadan break, and the drumbeat continues for the EQUAL Act, even as insurrection against the favored bill brews.

crackpowder160606As noted earlier this week, the DOJ threw a plug in for EQUAL as part of its PATTERN report to Congress. It wasn’t alone. Last week, The Hill editorialized that “April is Second Chance Month and an opportunity to think deeply about the real purpose of incarceration — and of penal systems more broadly. Is the purpose to dehumanize those who transgress? Or is it to protect communities and preserve or restore justice within them?… The EQUAL Act… addresses the sentencing disparity in our federal justice system involving penalties for crack and powder cocaine offenses, which has resulted in unintentional racial disparities and significantly higher federal prison populations. The law was intended to reduce the harm of crack cocaine possession, distribution and consumption. The validity of its original intention may be debated, but it has been proven to have unacceptable consequences.”

Writing in the Washington Examiner, former congressman Doug Collins said, “it’s no surprise that law enforcement is spearheading” the EQUAL Act… Roughly 90% of those serving time for crack offenses at the federal level are black, which means they serve vastly longer prison sentences than those convicted of powder cocaine offenses, even though the substances are chemically similar and equally dangerous. According to the country’s most respected law enforcement leaders, eliminating this disparity would help police officers build trust with communities of color, especially in urban areas where law enforcement finds it difficult to cultivate sources to investigate murders, shootings, and other violent crimes.”

Screwup190212However, proving that nothing in this world is such a slam-dunk that Congress cannot screw it up, the Start Making Adjustments and Require Transparency in Cocaine Sentencing Act (shorthand, “SMART Cocaine Sentencing Act” – an obvious competitor to the EQUAL Act – was introduced in the Senate yesterday. SMART, sponsored by Senators Roger Wicker (Mississippi), Charles Grassley (Iowa), Mike Lee (Utah) and Lindsey Graham (South Carolina), all Republicans – reduces the current 18:1 crack-to-powder ratio to 2.5:1 instead of EQUAL’s 1:1.

The nasty part of SMART is that for people already convicted under 18:1, there would be no retroactivity unless the Attorney General “certified” to the court that the sentence should be reduced. Given the Dept. of Justice’s traditional antipathy to the many prisoners seeking First Step Act Section 404 reductions, this is yet another example of turning the keys to the henhouse over to the fox.

Sen. Grassley explained the thinking behind SMART:

Separate legislation has been introduced in the Senate to completely flatten the differences between sentences for crack cocaine and powder cocaine offenses. This approach does not account for the differences in recidivism rates associated with the two types of cocaine offenses. According to a January 2022 analysis from the U.S. Sentencing Commission (USSC), crack cocaine offenders recidivate at the highest rate of any drug type at 60.8 percent, while powder cocaine offenders recidivate at the lowest rate of any drug type at 43.8 percent. Raising additional public safety concerns, USSC data reveals that crack cocaine offenders were the most likely among all drug offenders to carry deadly weapons during offenses. These statistics show the need for a close look at all available government data before we consider an approach to flatten sentencing for crack and powder cocaine offenses.

The MORE Act, which would decriminalize marijuana, has passed the House of Representatives. Whether it will pass in the US Senate, where all 50 Democrats and at least 10 Republicans would need to support it, is unclear. Maritza Perez, Director of National Affairs at Drug Policy Alliance, told The Grio last week it will be a “hard sell.” As reported, the Senate will be considering its own bill that Perez said focuses on less on decriminalization and more on a regulatory and tax framework for the sale and use of cannabis.

White House press secretary Jen Psaki said a week ago Wednesday that President Biden “remains committed” to honoring his campaign pledge to release “everyone” in federal prison for marijuana, claiming that he believes “no one should be in jail because of drug use.”

marijuanagrow220429Psaki did not provide a timeline. “I don’t have an update here. We are continuing to work with Congress. But what I can say on marijuana is we’ve made some progress on our promises. For instance, the DEA just issued its first licenses to companies to cultivate marijuana for research purposes after years of delay during the prior administration… Additionally, the president’s continuing to review his clemency powers, which is something he also talked about on the campaign trail and he certainly remains committed to taking action on.”

Of course, shortly after this, the President did grant some clemencies, although relatively few to marijuana offenders. More clemencies have been promised, albeit vaguely.

The Hill, Justice for some is no justice at all — we must change our criminal justice system (April 22, 2022)

The Grio, Advocates say legalizing cannabis would restore justice for Blacks, but can Washington get it done? (April 20, 2022)

Washington Examiner, Take the next step on the First Step Act (April 20, 2022)

NY Post, Biden ‘committed’ to freeing inmates with marijuana convictions, Psaki says (April 20, 2022)

S.__ (no number yet), SMART Cocaine Sentencing Act

Sen. Charles Grassley, Senators Introduce Bill To Reduce Crack-Powder Sentencing Disparity, Protect Communities From Criminals Most Likely To Reoffend (April 28, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

The President Grants Clemency, Leaves Fox in Henhouse – Update for April 28, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

BIDEN GRANTS CLEMENCY TO 75 PRISONERS

obtaining-clemencyPresident Biden’s announcement of three pardons and 75 commutations last Tuesday receive the expected accolades from the media, which generally like anything Biden does and – in this case – were undoubtedly relieved that no one on the list appeared to be a friend of Joe, a friend of a friend of Joe, or a favored cause of some celebrity who had booked private time with Joe.

The press, if not the public, is still suffering from a little PTSD (“Post-Trump Stress Disorder”). It is somewhat of a relief to see clemency not being used as a political carrot or to be scoring cheap political points.

USA Today said, “The individuals granted clemency came at the recommendation of the Department of Justice’s pardon attorney, according to senior Biden administration officials who briefed reporters about the announcement. It marks a return of a practice that was largely bypassed by former President Donald Trump, whose clemency requests often came through close aides.”

A return to normalcy? Maybe. Not a political act? “Not so fast!” Lee Corso might say.

Filter magazine reported that “Biden’s move appears to be the result of lobbying from a celebrity-connected network of clemency activists, such as Weldon Angelos, a former cannabis prisoner who counts Snoop Dogg among his friends. It carries over a troubling Trump trend for this unique and in practice, arbitrary, presidential power: People with celebrity backing are more likely to receive mercy, while others who are similarly situated don’t.”

clemency170206Recall that the White House said last year that Biden was reforming clemency, and would start granting pardons and commutations in the fall of 2022. So what happened? As CNN explained, President Joe Biden decided to mark “Second Chance Month” by “commuting the sentences of 75 people serving time for nonviolent drug offenses, issuing full pardons for three individuals who the administration says have worked toward rehabilitation and unveiling new actions aimed at easing the transition back to normal life for the formerly incarcerated.” The New York Times said, “Mr. Biden’s top aides described the use of presidential power as part of a broader strategy to overhaul the criminal justice system by relying less on prison to punish nonviolent drug offenders and using employment programs to help prevent the formerly incarcerated from returning to prison.”

I agree with Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman, who said in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog that “though I am still a bit salty that it took Prez Biden 15+ months in office before using his clemency pen, I am pleasantly surprised to see a large number of grants and many commutations to persons serving lengthy terms for drug offenses.” Prof Berman noted what I too thought was an anomaly: 40% of the commutation recipients were female. Only about 7% of the BOP inmate population are women.

Other interesting numbers: While the clemencies were widely seen as addressing marijuana convictions, this was not the case at all. Only 7% of the commutations were for a marijuana-only offense, and 12% for offenses that included marijuana. However, 40% of the commutations were for offenses involving methamphetamines, 28% involved cocaine powder, 12% involved crack, and 5% involved heroin. The meth number is especially interesting, in that Congress has shown not just uninterest, but outright hostility to meth offenses. (In the First Step Act, for example, methamphetamines, and heroin are singled out for exemption from eligibility for earned time credits under some circumstances).

Notably, no one who got a commutation had any fentanyl on his or her case.

While Biden noted that “many” of the people receiving commutations “have been serving on home confinement during the COVID-pandemic,” two inmates serving life and one whose life sentence was cut to 240 months in 2014 were among the commutation grants.

Still, this appears to be a nice start. Seventy-five of the 18,000+ clemency petitions on file have been granted. The White House has hinted that more is to come. So why am I complaining?

same160613It’s just this: The New York Times reported that “Mr. Biden based his decisions on clemency petitions sent to the Justice Department, which then made recommendations to the president, according to the White House.” On the campaign trail, Biden promised sweeping changes to criminal justice, including clemency. Previously, we had seen promising signs that Biden was going to cut the Dept of Justice out of the clemency process. DOJ prosecuted and locked up the prisoners to begin with. Having DOJ serve as the gatekeeper for clemency – an act of political grace, not a legal process – is akin to putting the fox in charge of selecting chickens to be released from the henhouse.

Now, about a year after Biden promised a review and possible restructuring of the clemency process, we’re back to the same-old-same-old. I’m not disappointed for the 75 who got clemency… just the 18,000 left behind.

White House, Clemency Recipient List (April 26, 2022)

USA Today, Biden pardons three felons, commutes sentences of 75 others, in first use of clemency powers (April 26, 2022)

CNN, Biden will commute or pardon sentences of 78 non-violent people. Here are a few to know (April 26, 2022)

The New York Times, Biden Uses Clemency Powers for the First Time (April 26, 2022)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Prez Biden finally uses his clemency pen to grant three pardons and 75 commutations (April 26, 2022)

Marijuana Moment, Biden’s first act of cannabis clemency (April 27, 2022)

Filter, Biden’s Clemency Announcement Falls Far Short (April 27, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root