What Does Rahimi Mean for 922(g)(1) Constitutionality? – Update For June 24, 2024

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

WHITHER RAHIMI?

No one who paid any attention to Zackey Rahimi’s case doubted for a moment that the Supreme Court would find a way to uphold the constitutionality of 18 USC § 922(g)(8), the subsection of the felon-in-possession statute that prohibited people subject to domestic protection orders (DPO) from possessing guns.

Old Zackey is 87 miles of bad track, a bad boy’s bad boy. He was hit with a DPO for bouncing his girlfriend’s face off his car’s dashboard. After the DPO was issued, Zackey kept harassing her anyway, For good measure, he also shot at another car in an unrelated road rage incident and opened fire at a What-a-Burger when his friend’s credit card was declined. Zack is not a sympathetic defendant.

whataburger230703On Friday, the Supreme Court upheld § 922(g)(8) (at least as it had been applied to Zack), concluding that the nation’s “tradition of firearm regulation allows the Government to disarm individuals who present a credible threat to the physical safety of others.”

The 8-1 majority (Justice Thomas dissenting) observed that “some courts have misunderstood the methodology of our recent Second Amendment cases,” meaning New York State Rifle & Pistol Ass’n v. Bruen. The Court cautioned against taking too rigid a view of the historical tradition of gun regulation that Bruen requires to be found in order to hold that a firearm statute is consistent with the Second Amendment. Instead, courts should look at whether the modern law being challenged is “relevantly similar” to historical regulations “in both why and how it burdens the Second Amendment right. Section 922(g)(8) restricts gun use to check demonstrated threats of physical violence, just as the [colonial-era] surety and going armed laws do. Unlike the regulation struck down in Bruen, Section 922(g)(8) does not broadly restrict arms use by the public generally.”

SCOTUS held that courts should focus on the purpose of the regulation and the burden that it places on the Second Amendment right to bear arms. “For example,” Chief Justice Roberts wrote, “if laws at the founding regulated firearm use to address particular problems, that will be a strong indicator that contemporary laws imposing similar restrictions for similar reasons fall within a permissible category of regulations.”

Zack challenged 922(g)(8)’s facial constitutionality – that is, he argued that the law is always unconstitutional – rather than arguing it was unconstitutional “as applied” to Zack’s situation. That probably was the better of a bad choice, because an “as applied” challenge would have focused on Zack, whose personal history was terrible. The Court, ruling that 922(g)(8) was not facially unconstitutional, had no problem concluding that “Section 922(g)(8) is constitutional as applied to the facts of Rahimi’s own case.”

rahimishirt240624The Rahimi majority opinion (before the five concurring opinions and one dissent), ends with before now, “this Court did not undertake an exhaustive historical analysis… of the full scope of the Second Amendment. Nor do we do so today. Rather, we conclude only this: An individual found by a court to pose a credible threat to the physical safety of another may be temporarily disarmed consistent with the Second Amendment.” (Emphasis added by me).

Ohio State law professor Doug Berman, writing in his Sentencing Policy and Law blog, observed that the closing ‘only this’ statement “leads me to think that litigation over the Second Amendment is not going to get much easier for lower courts after this ruling.”

The Washington Post said, “The decision was limited in scope, leaving for another day more difficult questions about the viability of other gun-control measures, such as… restrictions on gun possession by nonviolent offenders.” USA Today said the decision doesn’t foreshadow how Rahimi’s more flexible approach in applying history “will be applied to other restrictions such as prohibiting non-violent felons from having guns, according to Joseph Blocher, co-director of the Center for Firearms Law at Duke University School of Law.”

irresponsible240624Rahimi leaves us with almost as many questions about the constitutionality of § 922(g)(1) — the actual felon-in-possession subsection — as we had before last Friday’s decision. There are few hints in the opinion, although SCOTUS did unanimously reject the government’s argument that Zack could be deprived of his right to have a gun because he is not a “responsible” citizen.

Arguments that convicted felons are not “responsible” citizens have been government mainstays in contending that § 922(g)(1) is consistent with Bruen. “‘Responsible’,” Roberts wrote, “is a vague term. It is unclear what such a rule would entail, and there is no support for such a rule in the Supreme Court’s Second Amendment cases.”

UCLA law professor Eugene Volokh wrote in Reason that

The majority repeated Heller’s statement that “prohibitions… on the possession of firearms by ‘felons and the mentally ill’ are ‘presumptively lawful’… This suggests that the Court remains generally open to those restrictions, even though it turns out such restrictions actually lack a long historical pedigree.

At the same time, perhaps there is some room after Rahimi for this “presumpti[on]” to be rebutted with regard to people convicted of felonies that don’t suggest a “credible threat to the physical safety of others,” especially if those felonies are part of the well-post-[18th century] increase in the number of nonviolent crimes that are classified as felonies. A few courts have so concluded (to oversimplify slightly); US v Range… is one example. I expect that the Court will send Range back to the 3rd Circuit for further consideration in light of Rahimi; we’ll see what the 3rd Circuit judges say on remand.

violent160620A commentator on the Sentencing Law and Policy site suggested that “in 922(g)(1) cases the court is going to have to draw a line between white-collar offenders who present no danger and felons convicted of assault and felons convicted of drug trafficking (an offense that, in a particular case may not involve violence, but presents an enormous risk of gun violence).”

For now, look to Range and other similar cases to be remanded and for the 9th Circuit to rehear Duarte (for which a petition for rehearing is now pending).

United States v. Rahimi, Case No 22-915, 2024 U.S. LEXIS 2714 (June 21, 2024)

SCOTUSBlog, Supreme Court upholds bar on guns under domestic-violence restraining orders (June 21, 2024)

Washington Post, Supreme Court upholds gun ban for domestic violence restraining orders (June 21, 2024)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Supreme Court, by an 8-1 vote, rejects Second Amendment challenge to § 922(g)(8) (June 21, 2024)

Reason, Some Takeaways from Today’s Rahimi Second Amendment Opinions (June 21, 2024)

USA Today, Supreme Court upholds law banning domestic abusers from owning guns (June 21, 2024)

United States v. Duarte, 101 F.4th 657 (9th Cir, 2024)

– Thomas L. Root

SCOTUS Writes Fed.R.Evid. 704(b) Out of the Books – Update for June 21, 2024

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

DID EXPERTS JUST GET A LOT MORE USEFUL?

expertB240621It is a fundamental principle of common law that witnesses can only testify about what they saw, heard or felt. They are not allowed to expound any deductions based on the facts. That being the case, expert testimony—testimony given by someone with knowledge or experience in a particular field or discipline that renders an opinion based on the facts—ought to be an abomination.

But it’s a necessary abomination. So necessary that experts, once qualified as such by the presiding judge, can give opinions on just about anything, even the ultimate issues in the case (such as “the defendant was negligent,” “calling some a ‘scumbag’ is not defamatory,” or “the substance the defendant possessed was fentanyl”).

But after John Hinckley, the man who shot President Reagan in order to impress actress Jodie Foster, was found not guilty by reason of insanity after a battle of experts arguing that he was or was not nuts, Federal Rule of Evidence 704(b) was adopted to hold that while experts could issue all other ultimate-issue opinions from the stand, “[i]n a criminal case, an expert witness must not state an opinion about whether the defendant did or did not have a mental state or condition that constitutes an element of the crime charged or of a defense.”

Yesterday, the Supreme Court crafted an end-around to 704(b), a decision that may reverberate to the benefit of criminal defendants as much as it benefitted the government in the case before the Justices.

endrun240621Adriana Diaz was arrested at the United States-Mexico border after the door frames of the car she was driving were found to be packed with illegal drugs hidden in the door frames. At trial, Adriana argued that the car was not hers, that she was driving it as a favor, and that she had no idea of what was under the door panels.

A government expert testified that “most” drug mules knew what they were carrying because drug traffickers do not typically entrust drugs to an unknowing person. The jury, apparently concluding that Adriana was like “most” drug mules, convicted her.

Adriana argued that the government expert had violated 704(b) because he had testified to her mental state. However, in a 6-3 ruling, SCOTUS upheld the expert testimony in a fine case of hair-splitting: “An expert’s conclusion that ‘most people’ in a group have a particular mental state is not an opinion about ‘the defendant’ and thus does not violate Rule 704(b),” Justice Clarence Thomas wrote for the majority.

"100% Expert" Cachet (bleu)Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson, the most experienced Justice on the court in criminal defense work, wrote in a concurring opinion that “the type of mental-state evidence that Rule 704(b) permits can prove essential not only for prosecutors, but for defendants as well.” She could be right, especially where novel defenses–such as diminished capacity arguments (think ‘battered women’ defenses)–are used.

However, in a vigorous dissent, Justice Neil Gorsuch (joined by Justices Sonia Sotomayor and Elana Kagan), complained that the decision let

[t]he government come[] away with a powerful new tool in its pocket. Prosecutors can now put an expert on the stand — someone who apparently has the convenient ability to read minds — and let him hold forth on what “most” people like the defendant think when they commit a legally proscribed act. Then, the government need do no more than urge the jury to find that the defendant is like “most” people and convict. What authority exists for allowing that kind of charade in federal criminal trials is anybody’s guess, but certainly it cannot be found in Rule 704.

Diaz v. United States, Case No. 23-14, 2024 U.S. LEXIS 2709 (June 20, 2024)

Courthouse New Service, SCOTUS won’t restrict expert testimony in drug trafficking case (June 20, 2024)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Supreme Court, by 6-3 vote, rejects claim that mental state expert testimony violated FRE 704(b) (June 20, 2024)

– Thomas L. Root

‘We Only Believe You When It’s Convenient,’ DOJ Tells BOP inmate Sexual Abuse Victims – Update for June 20, 2024

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

KUMBAYA MOMENT PAST FOR COMPASSION FOR SEXUAL ASSAULT VICTIMS

kumbaya221003Last November, prosecutors asked female inmate Ilene Wahpeta to provide a victim impact statement at the sentencing of Andrew Jones, a former BOP employee convicted of sexually assaulting three inmates at FCI Dublin and sentenced to eight years..

Reason reported last week that six months later, the same Dept of Justice that presented her victim testimony as a compelling basis to sentence the former CO to 96 months is arguing against Ilene’s compassionate release motion on the basis that Ilene wasn’t a named victim in Jones’s criminal case and that her claims aren’t credible.

In September 2022, Deputy Attorney General Lisa Monaco wrote a letter to FAMM saying that she had ordered BOP Director Peters to “review whether BOP’s policy regarding compassionate release should be modified” to accommodate female prisoners who had been assaulted by federal employees. Peters responded that “she has begun to consider requests from inmates who have been abused and are not deemed to be threats to the community if they are granted their release,” according to the New York Times.

forcedsex161202Then, Sentencing Commission Guideline § 1B1.13(b)(4) was modified effective last November to include as an extraordinary and compelling reason justifying sentence reduction cases where “the defendant, while in custody… was a victim of sexual abuse involving a “sexual act,” as defined in 18 USC § 2246(2) (including the conduct described in 18 USC § 2246(2)(D) regardless of the age of the victim…”

Last week, Reason said that DOJ is actively undercutting its own policy as well as § 1B1.13(b)(4). Ilene’s case is such an example. “Lawyers representing incarcerated women filing for early release based on their status as sexual assault survivors say federal prosecutors are now routinely fighting to disqualify their clients because of an unreasonably narrow definition,” Reason reported.

DOJ has been arguing that the cases against the BOP employees accused of sexual abuse have to be completed prior to granting compassionate release under § 1B1.13(b)(4). In other cases (like Ilene’s), DOJ is saying that the victims’ claims are not credible.

“Before November 1, 2023, when this policy statement went into effect, in almost every single case the government was agreeing or not opposing the compassionate release motion,” FAMM attorney Shanna Rifkin, who has been working with BOP inmate abuse victims, says. “Since then, there has been a lot more resistance to compassionate release motions based on sexual abuse.”

When the Sentencing Commission was considering adopting what became § 1B1.13(b)(4), DOJ argued in written comments that “permitting compassionate release hearings only after the completion of other administrative or legal proceedings will help ensure that allegations are more fairly adjudicated, prevent mini-trials on allegations, and reduce interference with pending investigations and prosecutions.”

“It effectively puts the DOJ back in the driver’s seat,” Rifkin told Reason, “because who drives a criminal case? The Department of Justice. Victims of abuse have no say over when a case against their abuser will be brought, if it will be brought, and who will be charged as the victims in the case.”

womenprison240620And while a finding of guilt may sound like a reasonable standard, Reason said, it is a surprisingly difficult one to meet in cases of sexual assault perpetrated by government employees… So women who are survivors of his abuse ostensibly have to wait until the government has concluded their case in order to have a cognizable claim under this policy statement.”

According to the Bureau of Justice Statistics, from 2016 to 2018 perpetrators of staff sexual misconduct were only convicted, sentenced, fined, or pleaded guilty in 6 percent of substantiated incidents in federal and state prisons.

Reason, Advocates Say the Justice Department Is Failing To Provide Relief to Women Who Were Abused in Prison (June 10, 2024)

New York Times, Justice Dept. Considers Early Release for Female Inmates Sexually Abused Behind Bars (Dec 13, 2022)
– Thomas L. Root

Raising the Bar on Methamphetamine Purity – Update for June 18, 2024

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

SENTENCING COMMISSION METH STUDY ACKNOWLEDGES REALITY

reeves230706Ever since U.S. District Judge Carlton Reeves (Southern District of Mississippi)—who happens to have a side gig as chairman of the U.S. Sentencing Commission—ruled that these days everybody’s methamphetamine was so pure that the “methamphetamine actual” and “ice” purity enhancement in § 2D1.1 of the Guidelines made no sense, people have been asking me when the USSC is going to catch up with reality and throw out the higher sentencing ranges for 90% pure and higher meth.

I thought that we might have seen it in this year’s proposed amendments, but it didn’t happen. However, a Sentencing Commission study released last week suggests that the Commission may be looking for a change in next year’s amendment cycle.

It’s important, too. Over the past 20 years, meth trafficking offenses have risen by 168%, now accounting for half of all federal drug trafficking cases.

The study found that meth tested in fiscal year (FY) 2022 averaged over 90% pure with a median purity of 98%. Furthermore, the meth was uniformly tested at high purity whether it was classified for sentencing as a meth mixture (91% average purity), meth actual (93%) or ice (98%). These purity averages are dramatically higher than just two years before, back when methamphetamine purity ranged from 10 to 80%.

meth240618Under 21 U.S.C. § 841(b)(1)(A)(viii) and (B)(viii), it takes ten times as much weight of a meth mixture as it does actual meth or ice to trigger mandatory minimum penalties. So let’s say you’re a criminal newbie caught with a pound of meth of average purity. That would be 458 grams. If you are sentenced for 458 grams of “a mixture containing methamphetamine,” your advisory sentencing range would be 78-97 months. But if the government pushes for sentencing your pound as “methamphetamine actual,” you would have a mandatory minimum sentence of 120 months with a sentencing range topping out at 135 months.

As the late Johnny Cochrane is reputed to have said (at least by South Park) in his fictional but brilliant Chewbacca defense, “That does not make sense.”

chewbacca240618The Commission can change its Guidelines (and likely will in the next year or two), but altering 21 U.S.C. § 841(b) would require Congressional action.

Meth trafficking sentences averaged 91 months in FY 2022, the longest average among major federal drug trafficking offenses, more than fentanyl (65 months) and heroin (66 months). Meth trafficking offenses carried mandatory minimum penalties more often (74%) than all other drug trafficking offenses (57%).

USSC, Methamphetamine Trafficking Offenses In The Federal Criminal Justice System (June 13, 2024)

United States v. Robinson, Case No. 3:21-cr-00014 (S.D.Miss., December 23, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

FCI Dublin Is Closed But The Controversy Keeps Swirling – LISA Newsletter For June 17, 2024

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

THE BAND PLAYS ON…

BOPbus240429Acting with efficiency and consideration for the well-being of prisoners, the Federal Bureau of Prisons closed FCI Dublin two months ago.  This is the BOP version.

Acting precipitously, hiding its intentions, and with all the care and haste of a concentration camp evacuation in front of the advancing enemy, the BOP shuttered FCI Dublin, treated inmates like cattle while they were being transferred to other facilities in order to stop or at least hobble investigations into the inmate abuse at BOP facilities. This is the critics’ version.

Three Senators and 19 Representatives wrote to BOP Director Colette Peters last Thursday to get to the bottom of the unprecedented prison closure.  

rios-marques240617The letter they sent asks who made the decision to close Dublin and when the decision was made. The request focuses on the role of Regional Director Rios-Marques in the culture of abuse at FCI Dublin, “including her selection of a succession of wardens who have been at best ineffective and at worst complicit in retaliation and intimidation,” and wants to know whether she was following BOP policy “when she refused to advise [the Special Master appointed by the court to oversee Dublin] of the impending closure, which would begin the next day, even when asked directly on April 14?”

Madam Regional Director, you’ve got 29 years in at the BOP. It might be a good time to contemplate retirement.

The letter hints at a credibility gap forming between Congress and the BOP. “[T]here has been a tragic and unacceptable history of long-term abuse of [prisoners] at FCI Dublin,” the letter says. “Up until weeks before the closure of FCI Dublin, BOP leadership and their counsel repeatedly asserted that conditions and care at FCI Dublin were constitutionally adequate, and repeatedly denied allegations of staff misconduct and retaliation.”

cattle240617The letter also recounted that the legislators were concerned “about shocking abuses that allegedly took place during the mass [prisoner] transfers,” noting that “this level of disregard for human dignity cannot be tolerated. Additionally, the frantic nature of the closure of FCI Dublin reflects a lack of adequate planning and proper safeguards to protect the rights of [prisoners].”

[I have replaced the letter’s use of “AIC” — Peters’s kinder, gentler “Adult in Custody” term — with “prisoner.”  Peters says “AIC” but other BOP employees call them “bitches.” These women are ‘prisoners’ and ‘inmates’ until such a time as BOP line employees start treating them like AICs, or at least treat them like human beings and not like cattle, Director Peters’s “feel-good” relabeling notwithstanding.]

BOP officials have stated that the Dublin closure plan was “carefully considered over months,” an assertion that would have made Pinnochio blush.

The legislators want written answers by July 10, 2024.

Pinocchio160812Meanwhile two advocacy groups last Wednesday asked U.S. District Judge Yvonne Gonzalez Rogers, the Northern District of California jurist overseeing the class action case against the BOP for Dublin sexual abuse, to unseal court records and preserve public access to hearings.

The legal nonprofit Public Justice and the ACLU of Northern California jointly filed a motion for increased transparency in the case, which is set for trial in June 2025. In the last two months, Judge Gonzalez Rogers has held a series of closed hearings to address the Dublin closure. “These hearings took place without prior notice, and in many instances, the docket does not reflect that they even occurred,” the groups said in a statement.

Letter from Sens Mark DeSaulnier, Laphonza Butler and Richard J. Durbin (and others) to BOP Director Colette Peters (June 13, 2024)

Associated Press, Legal advocates seek public access to court records about abuse at California women’s prison (June 12, 2024)

– Thomas L. Root

2255s Motions Aren’t Compassionate (and Vice Versa) – Update for June 14, 2024

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

INNOCENCE ≠ COMPASSION

paid240615Everyone knows that paying your bills on time helps you build a strong credit history. That is probably the least of a host of good reasons for not doing what New York City drug lord Jeffrey Minaya did in 2000 instead of paying a Mexican cartel the $6.5 million he owed for 274 kilos of cocaine. He decided instead to whack the two cartel members who had been sent to the Big Apple to collect.

The drug lord hired Patrick Darge to shoot the bill collectors, and Pat, in turn, subcontracted backup duties to his cousin Joe Fernandez. The two guys sent from Mexico to pick up the loot were murdered in a rather ham-handed hit, but somehow the authorities were stymied as to the identity of the perps for over a decade.

However, in 2011, after Joe had accumulated a wife and kids, a regular job, and a clean record ever since the murder he was allegedly part of, he got picked up and charged.

pantsonfire160805Joe went to trial, where the government deployed his cousin, star witness Patrick Darge, to testify against him. This was significant because no one else could put Joe at the murder scene. On cross-examination, Pat admitted that as a cooperating witness in a different case, he lied to government agents and the judge about his involvement in two prior murders, his history of credit card fraud, the extent to which he dealt drugs, his brother’s involvement in his drug dealing business, and his brother’s habit of “shooting people.” Despite Pat’s admitted prevarications, the jury believed him and convicted Joe both of an 18 USC § 1958 murder-for-hire conspiracy resulting in two deaths and use of a firearm to commit two murders in violation of 18 USC §§ 924(j)(1). Joe was sentenced to two life sentences.

Joe appealed, arguing that Pat’s history of lies meant the jury should not have believed him. Joe lost. He then filed a 28 USC § 2255 post-conviction motion, arguing he was actually innocent and that the § 924(j) conviction was erroneous in light of United States v. Davis. The court vacated the § 924(j) conviction, leaving Joe with only one life sentence to serve.

innocent161024In 2020, after about nine years in prison, Joe filed a motion for sentence reduction under 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A), a so-called compassionate release motion. Joe argued that his potential innocence in light of Pat’s non-credible testimony and the disparity between his life sentence and the considerably lower sentences imposed on his co-defendants were “extraordinary and compelling reasons” for a sentence reduction.

The district court was persuaded by Joe’s potential innocence and sentencing disparity grounds:

Although there is factual support for the jury’s verdict and the verdict has been affirmed, a certain disquiet remains. Did Patrick Darge sacrifice his cousin, Petitioner Fernandez, to save his brother, Alain Darge? Patrick and Alain ran to the Dominican Republic directly after the murders of Cuellar and Flores. Joe Fernandez did not. Fernandez was arrested 11 years after the murder, in his home, with his family. He was earning a living and had no record of violence. Patrick Darge had considerable motive to lie and had lied before to the Government in order to obtain more favorable treatment for himself and his brother. Additionally, the physical evidence indicated that all but one bullet fired at the scene of the crime came from a .380 caliber gun, which was the gun Darge used, despite the fact that Darge claimed Fernandez fired nearly all the shots.

The district court granted Joe’s motion, and Joe went free. Until this week, when the 2nd Circuit reversed the district court.

The 2nd held that Joe’s sentencing disparity is not an extraordinary and compelling reason to reduce his sentence “under the plain meaning of the statute.” It is not extraordinary, the 2nd held, “(indeed, it should be expected) that a defendant who proceeds to trial and is convicted receives a longer sentence than his co-defendants who plead guilty to different crimes, accept responsibility, and assist the government by cooperating.” Nor is the disparity between Joe’s sentence and his co-defendants’ sentences “compelling”. Disparities between the sentences of coconspirators can exist for valid reasons, the Circuit ruled, “such as… the offenses of conviction, or one coconspirator’s decision to plead guilty and cooperate with the government.”

As for Joe’s potential innocence claim, the appellate court held that “a specific statute will not be controlled or nullified by a general one, regardless of the priority of enactment, unless there is a “clear intention otherwise.” The post-conviction remedy afforded by 28 USC § 2255 “places explicit restrictions on the timing of a habeas petition and the permissibility of serial petitions… Neither of these restrictions appl[ies] to a § 3582 motion.” The Circuit observed:

If Congress had intended to permit defendants to circumvent the strictures of 28 USC § 2255 by making challenges to the validity of a conviction cognizable on a compassionate release motion, it would surely have said so. Absent such a clear declaration of intent, we conclude that since challenges to the validity of a conviction must be made under § 2255, they cannot qualify as “extraordinary and compelling reasons” under § 3582(c)(1)(A). Compassionate release is not a channel to habeas relief or an end run around the limitations of § 2255.

guiltyproveninnocent230807Joe may have a pretty strong argument that he is innocent, a sacrificial lamb for the sins of his cousins. But if there’s a procedural means of getting him to a point that a court can actually entertain that claim, compassionate release is not it.

United States v. Fernandez, Case No. 22-3122-cr, 2024 U.S. App. LEXIS 14133 (2d Cir. June 11, 2024)

United States v. Davis, 588 U.S. 445 (2019)

– Thomas L. Root

Hallelujah! It’s Blog Post No. 1600 – Update for June 13, 2024

1600240613For those of you keeping score—and I’m probably the only one—today’s installment is the 1,600th since I began posting news and comment on federal criminal justice issues back in 2015.

It’s probably not significant. If we had a Base 16 number system, it would only be Post 640. But the subject of this blog doesn’t often give us a reason to celebrate, so we had better take our wins where we find them.

SOMETHING IN THE AIR

thunderclap240613If you remember Thunderclap Newman’s single hit “Something in the Air” (1969)—like I do—you’re getting too old. The band was singing about the revolution, which, of course, never arrived, but a lot of us are thinking that something may be in the air about the constitutionality of the felon-in-possession statute before the month of June comes to a close.

United States v. Rahimi, the decision everyone’s waiting for, doesn’t deal with felon-in-possession at all, but rather subsection 8 of 18 USC § 922(g). That subsection prohibits someone subject to a court-imposed domestic protection order from possessing a gun or ammo. But in the wake of New York State Rifle & Pistol Association v. Bruen, a 2022 SCOTUS decision, it is likely that § 922(g)–which bans a whole list of people from felons to drug users to illegal aliens to people with DPOs from having guns–violates the 2nd Amendment.

That would be good news for Hunter Biden.

nickdanger220426It might be good news for a lot of people. The belief is that the Court will modify Bruen to add some “dangerousness” exception so that people who are proven to be dangerous with a gun can be prohibited. Such a decision would suggest that convicted felons who don’t have a history of dangerousness would not be subject to § 922(g)(1).

Some statutes are unconstitutional on their face, such as one, for example, that made insulting the President a felony. But others are only unconstitutional when applied to certain situations. The § 922(g)(1) felon-in-possession was unconstitutional when applied to Bryan Range, who had a single pretty minor food stamp felony that was 25 years old. The same statute might not be unconstitutional if applied to the Unabomber.

Zavien Canada was convicted of a § 922(g)(1) felon-in-possession, On appeal, he argued that his “felon-in-possession” offense should be thrown out because § 922(g)(1) is facially unconstitutional. Last week, the 4th Circuit cautiously rejected the argument, noting that there is something in the air.

“The law of the Second Amendment is in flux,” the 4th held, “and courts (including this one) are grappling with many difficult questions in the wake of Bruen. But the facial constitutionality of Section 922(g)(1) is not one of them. Indeed, no federal appellate court has held that Section 922(g)(1) is facially unconstitutional, and we will not be the first.”

gun160711The Circuit went on to suggest that if Zavien had raised an “as applied” challenge—that the felon-in-possession statute is unconstitutional as applied to his situation—the outcome might have been different: “Our decision is narrow. Because Canada has expressly disclaimed any sort of as-applied challenge, we “may” simply “assume for the sake of argument that there is some room for as-applied challenges” to Section 922(g)(1)…”

Rahimi will not settle the felon-in-possession debate, however the decision goes. However, it is likely to be a nail in the coffin (and a fairly large nail at that) for the constitutionality of the felon-in-possession statute.

United States v. Canada, Case No. 22-4519, 2024 USApp LEXIS 13271 (4th Cir. June 3, 2024)

New York State Rifle & Pistol Assn, Inc v. Bruen, 597 US 1 (2022).

– Thomas L. Root

And Now, A Word From Judge Reeves – Update for June 11, 2024

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

OPEN MIKE NIGHT AT SENTENCING COMMISSION

reeves230706United States District Judge Carlton Reeves (Southern District of Mississippi), who happens to also be chairman of the U.S. Sentencing Commission, issued a plea for assistance last week:

I’m writing to ask you for a small favor. Most summers, the Sentencing Commission announces the work we plan to prioritize over the coming year. This summer, to mark the 40th anniversary of the Commission’s creation (and twenty years post-Booker), we’re doing something different. We’re asking people – including you – to tell us what to do this year and in the years to come.

My request is this: please take five minutes of your time to tell the Commission how we can create a fairer, more just sentencing system. Tell us how to revise the Guidelines. Tell us what issues to study or what data to collect. Tell us what workshops to conduct, what hearings to hold, what advisory groups to convene, or what ways the Commission can better serve you. Or even just tell us what big picture issues you’d like us to tackle –or what technical problems you’d like us to look into. Trust me, I know how busy daily lives are, so we’ve made it easy to give us your thoughts.

You can type a paragraph (or even a sentence or two!) into our Public Comment Submission Portal at: https://comment.ussc.gov. If you want to write a letter, you can submit it through the Portal, too, or via snail mail to United States Sentencing Commission, One Columbus Circle, N.E., Suite 2-500, Washington, D.C. 20002-8002, Attention: Public Affairs – Priorities Comment.

The deadline for comments is July 15, 2024.

USSC170511Writing in his Sentencing Policy and Law blog, Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman said last week that “the message from the Commission seems pretty clear: it is prepared to, and is perhaps even eager to, start (re)considering any and all aspects of the federal sentencing system.”

USSC, Proposed Priorities for Amendment Cycle, 89 FR 48029 (June 4, 2024).

USSC, A Request from Judge Carlton W. Reeves, Chair, U.S. Sentencing Commission (June 5, 2024)

Sentencing Policy and Law, US Sentencing Commission sets out broad, general request concerning proposed priorities for 2024 to 2025 amendment cycle (June 6, 2024)

– Thomas L. Root

Two Circuits Blast Government ‘Dog Whistle’ Plea Agreement Breaches – Update for June 10, 2024

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

‘YOUR HONOR, WE RECOMMEND A MINIMAL SENTENCE FOR THIS AWFUL SCUMBAG’

dogwhistle240610The Government is well known for its dog whistles, silent signals telling the Court that while it says it recommends some sentence agreed to in a plea agreement, it’s really dumping all sorts of dirt on a defendant intended to goad the judge into sentencing well above the agreed-on term.

Last week, two Circuits said the Government had gone too far.

Gerardo Farias-Contreras pled guilty to meth distribution in exchange for the government’s promise to recommend the bottom of a 151-188 month sentencing range.

In its sentencing memo, the government did what it promised, recommending a 151-month term. But the devil’s in the details. In the same memo, it argued that Gerry had been “convicted of an unquestionably serious offense” and that “drug trafficking is nothing less than pumping pure poison into our community.” Its memo quoted drug overdose death statistics, a book about the families of living drug addicts, and a “decades-old 5th Circuit decision that suggests drug dealing is a ‘grave offense’ worse than murder.” Claiming that Gery had “the top… criminal culpability in this case” and had been dealing for 30 years, the memo asserted that “ultimately, a significant sentence was warranted.”

At sentencing, the government said it stood by its recommendation, but that the recommendation had been the subject of much discussion in its office because Gerry “is at the top of the food chain in terms of criminal culpability… we have this individual, multiple years, multiple pounds, a massive amount of drugs that he is responsible for.”

The Court heard the government’s dog whistle and sentenced Joe to 188 months. Gerry didn’t object at sentencing like he should have, but on appeal he argued the government had breached its plea agreement.

pleadealb161116Last week, the 9th Circuit reluctantly upheld Gerry’s sentence. It noted that while the government promised to recommend a low-end sentence, “it spent five pages in its sentencing memorandum arguing for a ‘significant sentence’ and ‘made several inflammatory arguments, including in its sentencing memorandum… What’s more, the Circuit said, “the government seemed to suggest that some prosecutors in its office did not agree with the low-end recommendation” in light of Gerry being “at the top of the food chain in terms of criminal culpability…” thereby “winking at the district court to impliedly request a different outcome.”

The 9th said that the government is allowed to counter a defendant’s argument for a lower sentence, but that its “response must be tethered to its obligations under the plea agreement, even when responding to the defendant’s specific request for a downward departure or to the court’s questions… The government must comply with the letter and spirit of the plea agreement… This is a fact-specific inquiry based on contract principles. Courts should look at the totality of circumstances and consider… the sequencing, severity, and purpose of the statements.”

Because Gerry had not objected to the government’s dog whistle at sentencing, the error was not “plain” under F.R.Crim.P. 52, so the Circuit upheld the sentence.

Meanwhile, in the 1st Circuit, Yavier Mojica-Ramos made a deal on his 18 USC § 922(o) machinegun charge pursuant to which the government would agree to recommend a within-Guidelines sentence. The government filed a sentencing memorandum requesting an upper-end guidelines sentence of 46 months, but attached about 250 photos and a video taken from Yavier’s cellphone showing a lot of guns and drugs, with the video showing “an individual resembling Yavier… recklessly brandishing an assault-style rifle by repeatedly pointing the barrel at the individual who is recording the video.”

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The government said the photos and video “are additional evidence that Yavier has an interest in… other criminal behavior beyond the machinegun count charged.” Relying on what it called “alarming content,” the government urged the court to consider the cellphone content as “additional information” on Yavier’s criminal activity. The government fumed that “[t]he danger to the community and the serious nature of the offense should be considered exceptional in this case” and highlighted the “high rates of gun violence in Puerto Rico, the purported deterrent effect of lengthy sentences for gun offenders, and the particularly strong need to protect the public from Yavier.”

Yavier demanded that the government honor its obligations under the plea agreement, but the district court denied the motion, hammering Yavier with a 72-month upward-variant sentence.

Last week, the 1st Circuit reversed Yavier’s sentence. The Circuit rejected the government’s excuse that its “duty of candor” required that it provide the cellphone contents to the court, holding that such a duty

does not allow it to goad the court into relying on uncharged conduct without providing any corroborating evidence that Yavier was involved in the alleged firearm and drug crimes depicted in the cellphone content. Aside from stating that the images were extracted from Yavier’s phone, the government did not attempt to demonstrate by a preponderance of evidence that Yavier was involved in the purported crimes… In fact, the government concedes that it did ‘not submit evidence to support’ finding that ‘any [of the] substances depicted in the photos’ were actually illegal drugs, ‘any guns were used in connection with drug trafficking or any other crimes,’ or that Yavier ‘physically possessed’ any of the pictured drugs or guns.

ausalies171207The Circuit concluded that “the government’s insistence that the court consider unproven conduct—seemingly under the guise of identifying public safety and deterrence issues—further signaled to the court that the prosecutor did not genuinely believe the recommended guidelines sentence was appropriate. Indeed, in so doing, the government suggested a basis for the court to vary upward while neglecting our sentencing caselaw’s limitations on considering uncharged conduct.”

By effectively urging the court to impose a longer sentence “within a context suggesting that the [government] had in mind something greater than” the within-guidelines sentence the parties agreed upon,” the 1st ruled, “the prosecutor wrongfully undermined the plea agreement.”

United States v. Farias-Contreras, Case No. 21-30055, 2024 U.S.App. LEXIS 13231 (9th Cir. June 3, 2024)

United States v. Mojica-Ramos, Case No. 22-1204, 2024 U.S.App LEXIS 13794 (1st Cir. June 6, 2024)

– Thomas L. Root

A Short Rocket – Update for June 7, 2024

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

rocket-312767Today (and not necessarily in honor of NASA’s long-awaited success in getting the Boeing Starliner to fly), a short rocket of some stories you might have missed.

OREGON LAWMAKERS WANT ANSWERS ON SHERIDAN

Six Oregon members of Congress wrote to BOP Director Colette Peters on May 24th about the “deeply concerning allegations made by the Department of Justice Office of the Inspector General regarding conditions at FCI Sheridan.”

letter161227The letter, from Senators Ron Wyden and Jeff Merkley, and Representatives Val Hoyle, Earl Blumenauer, Andrea Salinas and Suzanne Bonamici (all Oregon Democrats), “demand[ed] swift action to address staffing shortages, inmate medical needs, and other alarming shortcomings placing staff and inmates at significant risk.”

The letter noted that the report “raises new questions about FCI Sheridan’s certification as a Medical Care Level 2 institution. According to BOP regulations, Medical Care Level 2 institutions must be able to provide routine outpatient services to prisoners. However, DOJ OIG found inmates frequently could not get timely outpatient care.”

The lawmakers posited 15 questions about staff shortages, medical care, RDAP and security on which a BOP response is sought.

Letter from Sen Ron Wyden and others to Colette Peters (May 24, 2024)

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WELL, THIS IS A SURPRISE…

A national study performed by a collaboration between the University of California at Irvine and Brigham and Women’s Hospital found that at the peak of the COVID pandemic in 2020, people inside prisons died almost three and a half times more frequently than the free population.

deadcovid210914Over 6,000 incarcerated people died in the first year of the pandemic, researchers found, using numbers they collected from state prison systems and the BOP. A Marshall Project analysis of data the researchers released shows the prison mortality in the BOP increased by 41% between 2019 and 2020.

At the same time, incarceration rates dropped during the first year of the pandemic, but not because an extraordinary number of people were released. Instead, data show that fewer people than in a typical year were let out in 2020. According to The Marshall Project, the reduction in population was due to a dramatic reduction in prison admissions.

The study warned that death rate spikes “in 2020 probably underestimate the true rise in death rates, since many prison populations fell as the year went on.”

Marshall Project, Officials Failed to Act When COVID Hit Prisons. A New Study Shows the Deadly Cost (April 18, 2024)

Science Advances, Excess mortality in U.S. prisons during the COVID-19 pandemic (Dec 1, 2023)

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DEPENDS ON WHOSE OX IS BEING GORED

Less than a week after the DOJ OIG issued a scathing report on the BOP’s operation at FCI Sheridan—which incidentally included a finding that the facility kept lousy records on inmate-to-inmate sexual abuse—BOP Director Colette Peters found the time and inclination to praise a May 14th sentencing of an unnamed federal inmate for having masturbated in front of a BOP employee.

It seems that on May 14, 2024, U.S. District Judge Iain D. Johnston of the Northern District of Illinois hammered a USP Thomson prisoner with a 364-day consecutive sentence under the Assimilative Crimes Act for violating an Illinois disorderly conduct statute by… well, you know… in front of a correctional officer.

oxgored240607Director  Peters expressed “strong support” for this decision, with the BOP PR flack quoting her as saying “This sentencing is a clear message that misconduct, particularly actions that threaten the safety and integrity of our institutions, will not be tolerated. We stand resolute in our mission to foster a humane and secure environment and protect our employees and incarcerated people from any form of sexual harassment and assault.”

Tough words, which makes it all the more surprising that the Director failed to send a “clear message” to her 36,000 underlings about the mess at FCI Sheridan or, for that matter, the announcement two days later that a former correctional officer at FCI Milan had been charged with the felony of having sex with a prisoner and smuggling contraband into the facility.

Fortunately for Peters, the PR task was covered by Eastern District of Michigan US Attorney Dawn Ison, who said:

Every day, federal corrections officers display uncompromising integrity in carrying out their duties and maintaining the safety and security of our federal prisons. Unfortunately, the allegations in today’s indictment reflect a failure on the part of one corrections officer to maintain that standard. Sexual misconduct by prison officials compromises the safety and security of the whole institution and is completely unacceptable at Milan or any other correctional facility.

When a single inmate commits a misdemeanor, the Director is Jenny-on-the-spot to denounce what is otherwise a pedestrian (if disgusting) offense. But with over a dozen cases of BOP employees being charged with or convicted of sex offenses against inmates in the last year, you’d think that Ms. Peters would issue a press release on that, or at least that a government official’s comment could drop the “display uncompromising integrity” blather.

BOP,  Director Peters Commends Sentencing (May 28, 2024)

Ann Arbor News, Former federal prison guard charged for having sex with prisoner, smuggling in contraband (May 30, 2024)

– Thomas L. Root