All posts by lisa-legalinfo

Vincent Case Has Sights on SCOTUS Review – Update for July 10, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

‘CAN’T IGNORE THIS ONE,’ PARTIES MAY TELL SCOTUS IN 922(g)(1) CASE

I have written before about Melynda Vincent, a woman convicted of bank fraud 15 years ago for writing some bad checks while in the throes of drug addiction. Since then, Melynda has cleaned up, graduated from a drug treatment program, earned an undergraduate degree and two graduate degrees, and founded the Utah Harm Reduction Coalition – a nonprofit organization focused on drug treatment and criminal-justice reform – as well as a mental health counseling service, Life Changes Counseling.

In February, the 10th Circuit said, “So what? You still can’t own a gun.” Melynda has filed for Supreme Court certiorari, and she has picked up both the Federal Public Defenders and the National Rifle Association as amici (filing briefs in support of her petition).

Most interesting is this: the DOJ was due to oppose her petition in June. It got an extension until July 11 and then last week asked for and got a second extension until August 11

It may be that DOJ, opposed to such petitions in the past but lately avoiding the issue (as in not seeking certiorari in the 3rd Circuit Range case), does not yet know what to do.

I have said before that Vincent is the best case out there to put the constitutionality of 18 USC § 922(g)(1) in front of the Justices. The DOJ’s position on this is something to watch closely.

Vincent v. Bondi, Case No. 24-1155 (petition for certiorari pending)

– Thomas L. Root

Inspector General Blasts BOP Use of Restraints – Update for July 8, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

RESTRAINTS KILL, MAIM INMATES THROUGH IMPROPER USE, IG SAYS

The Dept of Justice Office of Inspector General reported in a memorandum last week that BOP policies governing the use of physical restraints on inmates are inadequate.

BOP policy allows the use of restraints to gain control of disruptive inmates, ranging from ambulatory restraints that allow limited freedom of movement to four-point restraints and waist chains that render prisoners immobile from the neck down. Policy dictates that restraints are to be used only as a last resort and never as a method of punishment.

A 2022 Marshall Project/NPR investigation uncovered restraint abuses at USP Thomson. “Specifically,” the report said, “many men reported being shackled in cuffs so tight they left scars, or being ‘four-pointed’ and chained by each limb to a bed for hours, far beyond what happens at other prisons and in violation of bureau policy and federal regulations.” A subsequent  Marshall Project/NPR investigation last December reported on dozens of similar restraint abuse allegations of prolonged shackling and abuse at USP Lee.

The IG said it had received “numerous allegations every year regarding abuse, mistreatment, or injury of inmates in connection with the use of restraints, including four-point restraints.”  Between August 2022 and August 2023, complaints about four-point restraints alone numbered in the “dozens.”

Multiple complaints alleged inmates “suffered nerve damage or other long-term injuries due to the prolonged use of restraints. For example, one inmate suffered long-term scarring and was provisionally diagnosed with carpal tunnel syndrome due to ongoing complaints of wrist numbness after being held in four-point restraints for over 3 days…” The IG said, “[A]nother inmate suffered severe injury requiring the amputation of part of the inmate’s limb after being held in a combination of ambulatory restraints and a restraint chair for over 2 days.”

“The inmate’s injury worsened to the point of needing hospitalization and amputation despite medical checks occurring at time intervals that complied with policy,” the memo stated. “The medical checks were completed by different medical staff who did not discuss the progression of the inmate’s injuries between shifts, and there were no photographs or video recordings to document that a medical check was actually performed and to show the progression of the inmate’s injuries.”

In another case, the IG said, a prisoner was “placed in a restraint chair with restraints on both wrists and both ankles for more than 2 days and then, less than 2 hours after being released from restraints, sprayed by BOP staff with pepper spray following an alleged altercation with a cellmate and placed back in the restraint chair for another approximately 5 hours until being discovered unresponsive.” The autopsy listed the cause of death as “Vaso-Occlusive Crisis due to Sickle Cell Disease Complicating Oleoresin Capsicum Use and Prolonged Restraint Following Altercation.”

The memo recommended improving guidelines and training on the use of restraints, strengthening reporting requirements, and requiring audio and video recording of health checks of inmates in restraints.

DOJ Inspector General, Notification of Concerns Regarding the Federal Bureau of Prisons’ Policies Pertaining to the Use of Restraints on Inmates (June 30, 2025)

The Marshall Project and NPR, How the Newest Federal Prison Became One of the Deadliest (May 31, 2022)

 

Thomas L. Root

Supremes Dump on Bivens As They Head for the Beach – Update for July 7, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, with a primary focus on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

THE BEATINGS WILL CONTINUE

Time was, the joke went ‘the beatings will continue until morale improves.’ Now, it’s just ‘the beatings will continue…’

Bureau of Prisons inmate Andrew Fields alleged that guards at USP Lee repeatedly assaulted him after restraining him and placing him in solitary confinement, including ramming his head into the concrete wall and attacking him with a security shield.

Arguing that the COs’ excessive force violated his 8th Amendment right to be free from cruel and unusual punishment, Andy sued under Bivens v. Six Unknown Named Agents of Federal Bureau of Narcotics, the 1971 Supreme Court ruling that permitted a man to sue for a 4th Amendment violation when federal agents performed a warrantless search of his home and then strip-searched him at a courthouse. Bivens established the right implied in the Constitution to sue government employees for violating individual constitutional rights.

By the time the 1980s came around, the Supreme Court started to have second thoughts about Bivens. Since then, the Court has left Bivens standing in name only. In 2017, for example, the justices ruled in Ziglar v. Abbasi that Bivens remedies apply only to unreasonable searches and seizures by federal agents rather than civil rights claims based on the conditions of confinement.

In 2022, SCOTUS limited Bivens further in Egbert v Boule. There, the Court ruled that Bivens could not apply to a claim if the case involved an “extension” of Bivens into a “new context” that is “different in a meaningful way from previous Bivens cases decided by this Court,” and whether “special factors… counsel hesitation about granting the extension.

For the “special-factors” analysis, the Egbert Court asked broadly whether judicial intrusion into a “given field” is inappropriate. The question was whether it was appropriate to imply a Bivens action should apply to Border Patrol agents generally. Because border protection implicates national security, the Court ruled, it was more appropriate to leave the authorization of any remedy to Congress.

While the facts in Andy’s case were disputed, the officers argued that they were carrying out their duties in a high-risk environment and that allowing lawsuits like this to proceed would open the door to constant litigation, potentially interfering with prison safety and discipline. Andy was thrown out of district court, which held that Ziglar and Egbert meant he could not sue BOP correctional officers just because they repeatedly kicked the crap out of him. But on appeal, the 4th Circuit disagreed, finding that no “special factors counseled against extending Bivens” to a case based on excessive force by prison guards.

In last week’s unsigned opinion, the Supreme Court reinstated the District Court dismissal. “This case arises in a new context, and ‘special factors’ counsel against recognizing an implied Bivens cause of action for 8th Amendment excessive-force violations. To begin with, Congress has actively legislated in the area of prisoner litigation but has not enacted a statutory cause of action for money damages. In addition, extending Bivens to allow an 8th Amendment claim for excessive force could have negative systemic consequences for prison officials and the ‘inordinately difficult undertaking’ of running a prison. Moreover,” SCOTUS said, referring to the BOP administrative remedy system, “an alternative remedial structure already exists for aggrieved federal prisoners. The existence of such alternative remedial procedures counsels against allowing Bivens suits even if such procedures are ‘not as effective as an individual damages remedy.”

Andy’s lawyer stated in a subsequent press release, “Forbidding courts from redressing a constitutional violation is wrong, and it is especially dangerous in this day and age to immunize federal executive officials from accountability for their actions.”

Goldey v. Fields, Case No. 24-809, 2025 U.S. LEXIS 2572 (June 30, 2025)

Reason, Federal Prison Guards Allegedly Beat an Inmate to a Pulp. The Supreme Court Says He Can’t Sue (July 3, 2025)

 Thomas L. Root

Shorts for a Summer Holiday Weekend – Update for July 3, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, federal prison issues, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

With this post, we celebrate our 1,800th blog since we put up our first newsletter back when Nino Scalia was still a Supreme Court Justice and Joe Biden was Vice President.

STOLEN DATA, LOUSY FOOD, BUDGET CUTTING – JUST ANOTHER WEEK AT THE BOP

Oops: Over 320 gigabytes of inmate data may have been hacked from Federal Bureau of Prisons computers, Cybernews announced last week.

On a popular data leak forum, hackers claim that some of the data was taken as recently as June 20th. It may include names, register and social security numbers, incident reports, release plans and medical records, Cybernews reported last week.

Cybernews said BOP told it, “We’re aware of the claims and are investigating their legitimacy.”

Cybernews, Massive breach exposes US Federal Bureau of Prisons, hacker claims (June 27, 2025)


Inspector General Reports on BOP Food Services: The DOJ Inspector General issued a report last week detailing inspections of BOP food service facilities at FCI Mendota, FCI Pollock, USP McCreary, FCI Marianna, MCC Chicago and FCI Allenwood.

The IG said, “USP McCreary and FCI Marianna had the greatest number of deficiencies. When considering the overall volume and nature of the deficiencies, we also determined that USP McCreary’s deficiencies were the most significant of all the institutions we inspected. In comparison, FCC Allenwood and MCC Chicago had the fewest deficiencies of the institutions we inspected, and we came away with a positive impression of their food service operations.”

Three of the six facilities were marked down for sanitation. A fourth, FCC Pollock, had a malfunctioning freezer. The Report said, “Ultimately, many of the issues we observed are manifestations of longstanding BOP-wide issues the OIG has previously identified, including ineffective contraband mitigation, insufficient security camera coverage, staff shortages, and failing infrastructure. The DOJ OIG’s body of BOP oversight work has previously identified these as significant enterprise-wide challenges for the BOP…”

DOJ Inspector General, Concurrent Inspections of BOP Food Service Operations (Report 25-062, June 17, 2025)

Administration Seeks to Cut Out New Kentucky Prison in BOP Budget: The DOJ is seeking to claw back $500 million earmarked for a new medium-security federal prison in Letcher County in a DOJ FY 2026 budget that nevertheless proposes a 2.8% increase in the BOP’s budget in order to add about 600 correctional officers.

The June 13 budget request proposes to rescind construction funding for the proposed prison that Representative Hal Rogers (R-KY) has worked to bring to Letcher County since 2006. The BOP moved forward last year with acquiring land for the project, but the Trump Administration now seeks to rescind funding for the project.

DOJ proposes that the BOP receive $8.869 billion, up from this year’s $8.629 million, for operations starting in October 2025.

DOJ Budget FY 2026 Budget and Performance Proposal (June 13, 2025)

Kentucky Lantern, Trump administration moves to rescind $500 million for federal prison in Letcher County (June 23, 2025)

– Thomas L. Root

Surprising Support for DOJ Gun Rights Proposal – Update for July 1, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues. 

DEMOCRATS SPLIT ON RESTORING FELON GUN RIGHTS

Jake Fogleman of The Reload, a weekly report on the politics of gun control, reported last weekend that the Dept of Justice’s proposal to reauthorize the long-dormant gun rights restoration process for people convicted of nonviolent felonies appears to be pitting federal and local Democrats against one another.

Last February, President Donald Trump ordered a review of federal gun policy. One of the first proposals to come from that review was a proposed rulemaking to let DOJ use 18 USC § 925 to restore gun rights, essentially waiving 18 USC § 922(g) for those people. The initial recipient of this administrative grace, even before the rulemaking began, was actor and Trump supporter Mel Gibson, disqualified from gun possession by a prior domestic violence conviction.

In the comment period just ended, 16 Democratic state attorneys general – including those representing liberal bastions like California, Hawaii, Illinois, Connecticut and New Jersey – submitted a letter supporting the proposal (subject to what The Reload called “numerous caveats… intended to ensure that no one truly dangerous is able to make it through the process”). But their letter was surprisingly sympathetic to the resurrection of the process.

“While there is no constitutional requirement that mandates any particular form of firearms rights restoration by states or the federal government, as a policy matter, we believe that our residents’ lives should not be defined by the worst mistakes of their pasts,” the letter said.

On the other hand, six Democratic senators and representatives filed comments arguing that the proposed rule is an unlawful exercise of executive power being done to “help violent criminals regain firearms.”

“Given the pervasiveness of gun violence in our nation, this Administration should not be circumventing Congress’s authority to prioritize restoring firearm privileges to individuals convicted of serious or violent crimes,” the Congressional letter said. “Our country is plagued by an epidemic of gun violence.”

The Reload suggested that “part of the driving force behind the rift, at least for those who oppose the new process, [may be] over who is pursuing the new federal policy. Democratic officials, particularly those in Congress, have been under intense pressure from their constituents to demonstrate their resistance to the Trump Administration’s aggressive executive actions in its second term. It’s possible that, under different political circumstances, the lawmakers now vocally opposed to the move might have been more amenable to the idea… In an era in which the Democratic coalition has largely homogenized around a set of hardline gun restrictions, and in which the question of gun rights for felons has primarily been confined to the courts, it is notable to see new differences of opinion on the question emerge in the political arena.”

No doubt, having a rational, consistent means of restoring gun rights to people subject to 922(g) is a good idea. My concern, however, is that adoption of such a plan may make DOJ unwilling to press for a Supreme Court resolution on the constitutionality of 18 USC § 922(g)(1) as applied to nonviolent felons. DOJ already refused to seek certiorari on Range v. Bondi, the 3rd Circuit en banc decision that stands as the best case for limiting § 922(g)(1). That case now binds courts in Pennsylvania, New Jersey and Delaware, but without a SCOTUS decision, it lacks nationwide applicability and, perhaps more important, does not support a 28 USC § 2244 motion to bring a second or successive § 2255 motion.

That procedural fact leaves thousands of prisoners unable to challenge the constitutionality of their convictions in the post-Bruen world.

The Reload, Analysis: Is Rights Restoration for Convicts a New Dividing Line on Guns for Democrats? (June 29, 2025)

DOJ, Withdrawing the Attorney General’s Delegation of Authority (March 20, 2025)

Letter from 16 State Attorneys General (June 18, 2025)

Letter from Rep Rosa DeLauro et al (June 18, 2025)

 – Thomas L. Root

Less than Meets the Eye – Update for June 30, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

A TRULY SHORT STACK

A week ago, I reported that BOP Director William K. Marshall III had announced the dawning of a new day in the use of First Step Act credits (FTCs) and the Second Chance Act. Among his several promises was that his new policy “ensures that FSA Earned Time Credits and SCA eligibility will be treated as cumulative and stackable, allowing qualified individuals to serve meaningful portions of their sentences in home confinement when appropriate.”

It turns out that the new memo doesn’t exactly say “cumulative and stackable”. Instead, it directs that “[i]n addition to FTCs for those individuals who have earned less than 365 days of FTCs, staff must also consider adding up to an additional 12 months of prerelease time under the SCA, based on the five-factor review.”

Under the heading “The Rules Are Clear,” a number of institutions last week issued guidance that doubled down on the memo. The “guidance” stated, “For individuals who have earned less than 365 days of FSA time credits towards supervised release, staff must also consider adding up to an additional 12 months of pre-release time under the SCA based on the five-factor review. The FSA Time Credit Worksheet for time under the SCA defaults to and will remain “zero” until your Unit Team inputs the pre-release time as determined based on the five-factor review. The number will range from zero to 12 months.”

Notwithstanding the heading, the only thing “clear” in all of this is the implication that, despite what the Director said, people who have more than 365 FTCs to be used toward prerelease custody will probably not be getting any SCA time whatsoever.

Practically speaking, no one with a sentence of under 46 months will earn any FTCs that go to prerelease custody. That’s because it is only mathematically possible to earn 365 days in a sentence of that length, after being adjusted for good time granted under 18 USC § 3624(b). All of the 46-monthers’ FTCs will be used up in cutting their sentences by 12 months. It will take a sentence of at least 74 months before a prisoner has accumulated more than 365 additional FTCs to be used toward more halfway house or home confinement. So the people with the most time – more than 74 months – being the ones most likely to benefit from the stacking, who will feel the impact of the non-stacking “stacking.”

Much of the problem arises from the tension between First Step and the SCA. Under the “five-factor review” (set out in 18 USC § 3621(b)), inmates are placed in halfway house not as a reward but rather because they need the prerelease custody time to give them “a reasonable opportunity to adjust to and prepare for the reentry.” 18 USC § 3624(c). First Step, on the other hand, treats halfway house/home confinement as a reward for earning FTCs. There’s nothing wrong with either approach, but the problem comes in mixing the two: despite all the fine talk about time being “cumulative and stackable,” the five-factor review applied to someone who is already entitled to 12 months in a halfway house as an incentive under the FSA is very unlikely to need any more than that amount of time there to have “a reasonable opportunity to adjust to and prepare for the reentry.”

The “five-factor review” will and probably should disqualify anyone with 12 months of prerelease custody under the FSA from any additional SCA prerelease time. If 12 months in a halfway house isn’t enough to prepare an inmate for release into the community, then (1) he or she probably is not rated as having a low chance of recidivism to begin with, and thus is ineligible to use any accumulated FTCs; and (2) will not make it in society once released.

I got email from an inmate last week denouncing the institutional guidance as “a very inmate-unfriendly interpretation of how FSA and SCA interact (despite the FSA saying time limits on SCA don’t apply and that FTCs should be in addition to other incentives).” But SCA halfway house was never meant to be an incentive, but rather was intended to be a tool for people who needed the transition time and services of a halfway house.

For now, the Director’s new policy suggests that we’ll see a lot more FSA prerelease time served on home confinement. That’s probably good for the BOP and prisoner alike. However, despite the “stackable and cumulative” talk, there is little reason to think that the “five-factor review” will result in stacked FSA and SCA prerelease custody time than it did before.

BOP, Bureau of Prisons Issues Directive to Fully Implement First Step Act and Second Chance Act (June 17, 2025)

BOP, Memorandum on Use of Home Confinement as a Release Option (June 17, 2025)

BOP, Home Confinement and Pre-Release Placement Updates (June 25, 2025)

– Thomas L. Root

Grammar Gets the ‘Gold’ at Supreme Court – Updates for June 27, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

A GOLD MEDAL FOR LENITY?

Is “lenity” the word that dare not be uttered? You might think so after yesterday’s Supreme Court decision in Hewitt v. United States.

The issue seems straightforward enough. Among the many changes made by the 2018 First Step Act was a long-overdue modification of 18 USC § 924(c), the penalty statute that mandates a consecutive minimum sentence for carrying a gun during a drug trafficking crime or crime of violence. Before First Step, the initial § 924(c) offense carried a mandatory sentence of at least five years, but every subsequent § 924(c) offense was punished by a 25-year term. Lousy drafting of the statute led to courts concluding that if you sold drugs while carrying a gun on Monday, you’d get time for the drug crime and an extra five years for the gun. If you sold some more drugs the next day while still carrying the gun, you’d probably get no more time for the drugs, but you would get a mandatory 25 years on top of Monday’s five-year term for a second § 924(c) crime, an outcome known as “stacking.”

It wasn’t difficult to figure. A hard-working street corner drug dealer plying his trade for a five-day work week, with a gun in his pocket the whole time, would run up a sentence of maybe 51 months for the drugs he sold but a whopping mandatory consecutive sentence of 105 years for five days of § 924(c) counts.

Congress never meant for this to happen. What it intended was that if you violated § 924(c) with a pistol in your pocket, you’d get an extra five years for carrying the gun (seven years if you “brandished” it). If you did your time and then were stupid enough to pack heat again, you would get a 25-year consecutive sentence. And why not? If five or seven years hadn’t taught you a lesson, you really needed an attitude adjustment.

Congress finally got around to fixing it in the First Step Act, changing § 924(c)(1)(C) to require that you actually be convicted of a § 924(c) offense before being hammered with the 25-year term for a second § 924(c) offense. You could still get stacked five-year terms for a week’s worth of armed drug dealing (25 years total for gun-toting from Monday through Friday), but you would not get the extra 80 years for your poor decision-making.

The usual horse-trading needed to get the Senate to pass First Step in the 11th hours of the 115th Congress resulted in a deal embodied in § 403(b) of the Act that the changes in § 924(c) would apply to “any offense that was committed before the date of enactment of this Act, if a sentence for the offense has not been imposed as of such date of enactment.”

Back in 2007, a gang dubbed the “Scarecrow Bandits” began a crime spree of bank robberies in the Dallas-Fort Worth area that totaled 20 heists. Dubbed the “Scarecrow Bandits” due to the clothing and face coverings they wore during their initial offenses, the gang was finally taken down by 11 months of cell tower analytics that sifted a haystack of data to find phones that had been pinging towers in the vicinity of each target bank only at times around the robbery. When the gang prepared to hit bank number 21 in Garland, Texas, the police arrested them.

Thanks to the § 924(c) in force at the time, the government hung 330 years on the perpetrators. The passage of the First Step Act didn’t help, because the robbers had long since been sentenced. However, after the Supreme Court held in 2019 that the “crime of violence” definition the Government routinely used to support some § 924(c) convictions was unconstitutionally vague, several of the Hewitt defendants successfully petitioned to have their sentences set aside. When they were resentenced, they argued that because the new sentences were being imposed after First Step passed, they were entitled to the benefit of having their subsequent § 924(c) sentences cut from 25 years apiece to seven years apiece or less.

The 5th Circuit (joining the 6th but in opposition to the 3rd and 9th), ruled that § 403(b) excluded any defendant who was sentenced prior to the enactment date of the First Step Act, even if his sentence was later vacated. The 5th argued that First Step applies only “if a sentence for the offense has not been imposed as of” the Act’s enactment date. Even if the Scarecrow sentences were later vacated, they still had “been imposed” upon that defendant prior to the Act “as a matter of historical fact.”

Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson, writing for the 5-4 majority, reminded everyone why all of that tedious junior high school English grammar was consequential after all. She explained that the operative phrase of § 403(b) is “not written in the past-perfect tense, excluding anyone upon whom a sentence “had” been imposed. Rather, Congress employed the present-perfect tense—thereby requiring evaluation of whether “a sentence . . . has . . . been imposed” upon the defendant.” Citing sources including the Chicago Manual of Style and The Cambridge Grammar of the English Language, she argued “the primary focus is on the present” while “the past maintains ‘current relevance.’”

Justice Brown offers this example:

Suppose the U. S. Olympic Committee enacted a rule stating that athletes may call themselves Olympic champions if a gold medal “has been awarded” to them. Pursuant to that rule, a U. S. sprinter who took first place in the 2016 Summer Olympics’ 100-meter finals could validly proclaim—today—that she is “an Olympic champion.” The existence of her win as a historical event triggers the rule’s proper application, because it gives rise to the inference that the athlete remains an Olympic gold medalist at present, thereby justifying her continued use of the “Olympic champion” title…

But now imagine that the Olympic Committee stripped this sprinter of her medal after discovering that she used performance-enhancing drugs during the competition. Can that athlete, under the rule, still call herself an Olympic champion? The answer is no. Yes, she had been awarded such a medal, but it was revoked; the fact that she stood on the podium and was declared the winner in 2016 is inapposite for purposes of establishing whether she qualifies for Olympic-champion bragging rights under the rule today.

When used in this way, the present-perfect tense conveys to a listener that the event in question continues to be true or valid.

Her point was that a sentence once imposed but later vacated is not a sentence at all because it does not remain valid. The law thus denies sentencing relief to only those pre-First Step Act sentences with “continued legal validity, not those that have been vacated,” Jackson wrote.

The decision produced a strong dissent from Justice Samuel Alito Jr., who accused the majority of “disfigur[ing]” the law to “march in the parade of sentencing reform… Animating the court’s atextual interpretation is a thinly veiled desire to march in the parade of sentencing reform. But our role is to interpret the statute before us, not overhaul criminal sentencing,” he wrote in a dissent joined by Justices Clarence Thomas, Brett Kavanaugh and Amy Coney Barrett.

Writing his Sentencing Law and Policy blog, Ohio State University law professor Douglas Berman was as disappointed in the decision as one who supported the result could be. He wrote that “Justice Gorsuch has extolled the rule of lenity in a number of notable recent statutory interpretation cases (e.g., Wooden; Pulsifer), stressing that “lenity has played an important role in realizing a distinctly American version of the rule of law.” The issue in Hewitt may not be a “classic” rule of lenity case, but it clearly is one in which traditional tools of statutory interpretation yield no clear answer and a defendant’s liberty is at stake… [I]t seems notable that this word gets not a single mention in the Hewitt opinions… These opinions function to suggest there is more legislative meaning and purpose in verb choice than in how to redefine just and fair punishments in the enactment of the First Step Act.”

Hewitt v. United States, Case Nos. 23-1002, 23-1150, 2025 U.S. LEXIS 2494 (June 26, 2025)

I2 Group, Catching the Scarecrow Bandits

United States v. Davis, 588 U.S. 445 (2019)

Law.com, Split Supreme Court Allows Lighter Sentences for Bank Robbers Dubbed ‘Scarecrow Bandits’ (June 26, 2025)

Courthouse News Service, Justices side with bank robbers seeking new sentences under reform law (June 26, 2025)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Where are concerns for liberty and lenity and broader constitutional values in Hewitt? (June 26, 2025)

– Thomas L. Root

Supreme Court Gives PLRA Prisoner a Procedural Win – Update for June 26, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

PLRA EXHAUSTION MAY BE A JURY QUESTION, SCOTUS RULES

Prisoners know that virtually any lawsuit brought against the Federal Bureau of Prisons other than a habeas corpus action is subject to the procedural straitjacket of the Prison Litigation Reform Act. The PLRA, among other things, makes exhaustion of all available administrative remedies a jurisdictional requirement, meaning courts cannot waive the requirement because it is futile (which it almost always is) or inconvenient (which it invariably is).

But what happens when a prison refuses to give the inmate access to the remedy system?

The Supreme Court last week sided with Michigan state prisoner Kyle Richards, holding that a jury—not a judge—must consider his claim that a corrections officer destroyed his sexual harassment complaints, making it impossible for Kyle to use the prison’s remedy process.

Exhaustion questions are usually decided by a judge. But here, the high court ruled, a jury must decide whether the CO’s action made the remedy process “unavailable,” because that question is bound up with the merits of Kyle’s claim.

Kyle sued the CO for violating his constitutional rights, including his First Amendment right to file grievances. The CO responded that Kyle had failed to exhaust available grievance procedures as required by the PLRA. “The parties agree that the exhaustion and First Amendment issues are intertwined, because both depend on whether [the CO] did in fact destroy Richards’s grievances and retaliate against him… [T]he usual practice of the federal courts in cases of intertwinement is to send common issues to the jury. Because nothing in the PLRA suggests Congress intended to depart from that practice here, we hold that parties are entitled to a jury trial on PLRA exhaustion when that issue is intertwined with the merits of a claim protected by the Seventh Amendment.”

“The usual federal court practice in cases of intertwinement is to send common issues to the jury, and nothing in the PLRA suggests Congress intended to depart from that practice,” the majority said.

Where a prisoner is unable to exhaust remedies (a fairly common occurrence, not so much due to inmate sloth as it is to unduly restrictive procedures and deadlines imposed by the prison administration), the decision suggests that a canny litigation strategy may be to frame the effective denial of the grievance procedure as a constitutional violation (where such a claim can colorably be made). Any complaint that gets the PLRA to a jury rather than to a summary dismissal increases the gravitas of the lawsuit and the odds that the defendants will seek a settlement.

The PLRA is notorious for having tilted the playing favor strongly in favor of the prison administration.  Any decision that evens up the procedural pitch, even a bit, is welcome.

Perttu v. Richards, Case No. 23-1324, 2025 U.S. LEXIS 2380 (June 18, 2025)

– Thomas L. Root

Big White Bear Banished… Or Is He? – Update for June 24, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

‘DON’T THINK ABOUT THE BIG WHITE BEAR’ IN SENTENCING SUPERVISED RELEASE VIOLATIONS, SCOTUS TELLS JUDGES

When a federal prisoner who is out of prison but serving a term of supervised release (a version of parole after a prison term is served) gets violated for breaching one of the many supervised release conditions, the Court may impose some more time in prison. When doing so, the supervised release statute (18 USC § 3583(e)) directs the Court to consider most of the sentencing factors in the Guidelines.

But not all. Conspicuously missing from the list of permissible factors listed in § 3583(e) is § 3553(a)(2)(A), which directs a district court to consider “the need for the sentence imposed… to reflect the seriousness of the offense, to promote respect for the law, and to provide just punishment for the offense.”

Edgardo Esteras pled guilty to conspiring to distribute heroin. The district court sentenced him to 12 months in prison followed by a 6-year term of supervised release. He did his time and began his supervised release. Eventually, he was arrested and charged with domestic violence and other crimes.

The district court revoked Eddie’s supervised release and ordered 24 months of reimprisonment, explaining that his earlier sentence had been “rather lenient” and that his revocation sentence must “promote respect for the law,” a consideration enumerated in 18 USC § 3553(a)(2)(A) but not authorized to be considered in fashioning a supervised release revocation sentence by § 3583(e).

The 6th Circuit affirmed the sentence, holding that a district court may consider § 3553(a)(2)(A) when revoking supervised release even though it is not one of the listed factors to be considered in 18 USC § 3583(e).

Legend has it that as a boy, Russian author Leo Tolstoy and his brother formed a club. To be initiated, the aspirant was required to stand in a corner for five minutes and not think about a big white bear. Last week, the Supreme Court told district courts to ignore the bear when sentencing supervised release violations.

Writing for the 7-2- majority, Justice Barrett reversed the 6th Circuit in what seemed to be an easy lift for the Court. The decision applied the well-established canon of statutory interpretation “expressio unius est exclusio alterius” (expressing one item of an associated group excludes another item not mentioned). In other words, where a statute provides a list of what can or cannot be considered – the classic example being Section 61 of the Internal Revenue Code,  which lists ten examples of what constitutes “gross income” – that detailed list implicitly excludes anything not listed.

Likewise, the Supreme Court held that where Congress provided in § 3583(e) that the Court should consider a list of eight of the ten sentencing factors from 18 USC § 3553(a) when sentencing on a supervised release violation, “[t]he natural implication is that Congress did not intend courts to consider the other two factors…” Justice Barrett wrote that “Congress’s decision to enumerate most of the sentencing factors while omitting § 3553(a)(2)(A) raises a strong inference that courts may not consider that factor when deciding whether to revoke a term of supervised release. This inference is consistent with both the statutory structure and the role that supervised release plays in the sentencing process.”

But such a Pyrrhic victory! Any judge worth a robe and wig can easily figure out how to throttle a mutt like Eddie — who unquestionably got a real break in his original heroin sentence — with a maxxed out supervised release sentence that will withstand judicial review. The supervised release sentence may still be based on the “nature and circumstances of the offense and the history and characteristics of the defendant” (§ 3553(a)(1)), on the need “to afford adequate deterrence to criminal conduct” (§ 3553(a)(2)(B)) and the need “to protect the public from further crimes of the defendant” (§ 3553((a)(2)(C)). The judge can describe the offender as having the characteristic of “not learning from his mistakes” or as needing a long supervised release sentence because he has not yet been deterred from criminal conduct or as needing to be locked up to protect the public.

Different spirits summoned, but the same result. As long as no one mentions the big white bear, a canny sentencing judge can think about the bruin all he or she wants to and sentence accordingly.

As for Eddie, he finished his supervised release sentence in October 2024, so the Supreme Court decision does little for him.  But maybe it will have some beneficial effect. It seems Edgardo was arrested on a fresh supervised release violation last month and is currently held by the Marshal Service. He will appear in front of Judge Benita Y. Pearson (N.D. Ohio) for a hearing in three weeks.

We’ll see if the bear comes up during that hearing.

Esteras v. United States, Case No. 23-7483, 2025 U.S. LEXIS 2382 (Jun 20, 2025)

– Thomas L. Root

More About the Cheese – Update for June 23, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

THE DEVIL’S IN THE DETAILS

Last Friday, I wrote about the Federal Bureau of Prisons’ latest pronouncements on how it would implement the “awards” portion of the First Step Act time credits (FTCs) program.

You recall that federal prisoners may earn FTCs for successful completion of evidence-based recidivism reduction programs (EBRRs), classes and vocational programs and therapy shown to reduce their likelihood to again fall into crime after release.

By and large, the EBRR program is good stuff. The Attorney General’s report last June reported that recidivism among people who had completed recidivism assessment and programming was coming in substantially lower than even the rosy assessments made right after First Step passed. (Note: We should be seeing the AG’s June 2025 update any day now).

To entice inmates to earn FTCs, the First Step Act provided that the credits could reduce the sentence of an eligible prisoner by up to a year, and FTCs left after the sentence reduction could be used for more halfway house and home confinement. But the BOP has been all over the map as to how to implement the awards, leaving a lot of prisoners and their families feeling puzzled, frustrated or betrayed.

The other factor in play is the BOP’s authority under the Second Chance Act of 2007 to place an inmate in a halfway house for up to 12 months at the end of his or her term, with 10% of his or her sentence (up to six months) of the final term being served on home confinement.

Last week, I only had the BOP’s press release to work from, but over the weekend, I obtained a copy of the new memo – entitled “Use of Home Confinement As A Release Option.” The 4-page memorandum from BOP Director William K. Marshall III to wardens suggests a bold, new pro-release mindset at the BOP, but – as with everything in this world – the devil’s in the details.

The memo’s highlights:

• The BOP will treat its authorizations under the First Step Act and Second Chance Act as cumulative. BOP staff shall and apply those in sequence to maximize prerelease time in community custody, including home confinement.

• Halfway house “bed availability/capacity shall not be a barrier to home confinement when an individual is statutorily eligible and appropriate for such placement.”

• If a First Step Act or Second Chance Act eligible prisoner does not require the services of a halfway house, the inmate “shall be referred directly from an institution to home confinement.” Halfway house “placement should be prioritized for those in our custody with the most need for services available at a [halfway house].”

• Referrals shall proceed with the understanding that so long as prisoners meet First Step Act and Second Chance Act eligibility requirements, “they shall receive the forecasted credits and ordinarily should not experience delays in prerelease placement based on administrative timing, presumed [halfway house] capacity limits or placement constraints, or pending credit accrual.”

• Under the Second Chance Act, inmates may be placed in prerelease custody for a period of up to 12 months (halfway house) or 6 months or 10 pct of their sentence (home confinement), whichever is less. “The Second Chance Act Conditional Placement Date reflects the window under 18 USC § 3624(c) —up to 12 months (halfway house) or 6 month or 10% of the sentence (home confinement)—for which the individual is expected to qualify, subject to a five-factor review. “There is no restriction concerning how many FTCs may be applied toward home confinement. For individuals only eligible under the Second Chance Act, referrals must comply with 18 USC § 3624(c), including a five-factor review and documentation of eligibility based on sentence length (12 months [halfway house] or 6 month or 10% (home confinement), whichever is less).”

• For prisoners “who have earned less than 365 days of FTCs, staff must also consider adding up to an additional 12 months of prerelease time under the Second Chance Act, based on the five-factor review.”

• Home confinement candidates must be able to show a verified and stable home environment that supports monitoring, appropriate supervision, and safe community reentry and integration, and that they pose no public safety or placement disqualification. Employment history shall not be required. For individuals at or near working age, potential for employment may be considered positively, but is not mandatory.

Note what has not changed: Second Chance Act placement is still based on the BOP’s “five-factor” review, found in 18 USC § 3621(b):

(1) the resources of the halfway house;

(2) the “nature and circumstances of the offense;”

(3) the history and characteristics of the prisoner;

(4) any statement by the court that imposed the sentence about “the purposes for which the sentence to imprisonment was determined to be warranted; or recommending a type of penal or correctional facility as appropriate;” and

(5) any pertinent Sentencing Commission policy statement.

The memo and the “five factor” review contain enough wiggle room to enable the BOP to justify disqualifying Mother Teresa from halfway house or home confinement placement. Home confinement will be allowed for “qualified individuals,” but the memo directs that “placement decisions should prioritize public safety and the overall stability of the release plan.” Second Chance Act halfway house time is subject to review that is broad enough to let the BOP cut or take away halfway house on the basis of the crime or what it thinks of the prisoner.

Those persons who recall that in the late months of CARES Act home confinement placement, the BOP began asking inmates’ prosecutors for their views on sending a prisoner home, may have good cause question what may happen in the latest opaque review process.

BOP, Memorandum on Use of Home Confinement as a Release Option (June 17, 2025)

BOP, Bureau of Prisons Issues Directive to Fully Implement First Step Act and Second Chance Act (June 17, 2025)

– Thomas L. Root