The Wild, Wild West Wing – Update for June 3, 2025

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We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

TRUMP MANAGES TO MAKE CLEMENCY EVEN CRAZIER

wildwildwestwing250603The rolling waves of pardons and commutations emanating from the White House seem like good news to federal prisoners, who are filing clemency petitions to get in on the frenzy. Think Robinhood investors piling into a meme stock…

Over the past several weeks, President Donald Trump has issued a wave of pardons and sentence reductions to dozens of people. That’s good news. The bad news is that the recipients of Trump’s largesse are largely political allies, campaign donors, law enforcement officials, and Republican politicians.

I won’t try to recount them all, people from crooked cops to digital dope peddlers to gang bangers to celebrity fraudsters. Even George Floyd murderer Derek Chauvin and accused sex monster and rapper Sean ‘Diddy’ Combs are being talked about as candidates for Trumpian clemency largesse. Instead, I’ll look at the lessons to be derived from the freedom frenzy:

The three sure-fire ways to get clemency from this Administration are (1) to be a rabid Trump supporter, (2) to have millions to spend, or (3) to know someone who knows someone who knows someone in Trump’s inner circle.

clemencypitch180716For more than a century, career civil servants led the Dept of Justice Office of Pardon Attorney, evaluating clemency petitions based on legal and humanitarian criteria that were criticized for the glacial review pace, too much DOJ input, and opaque and sometimes inconsistent decisions. But now, newly appointed Pardon Attorney Ed Martin, a vigorous MAGA partisan, “has begun turning the office into a new pipeline for political allies to get their cases in front of Trump,” the Wall Street Journal reported last week.

Martin unabashedly described his pardon approach last week on X: “No MAGA left behind.”

Martin said he is working closely with Alice Johnson, the White House pardon czar whom Trump pardoned of drug offenses during his first term. That’s good news. The bad news is Martin’s approach: “The message should be clear that we’re sticking by people that do good things and the right things.”

MAGAhat250603Martin’s first pardon recommendation, adopted by Trump last week, was Scott Jenkins, the former sheriff of Culpeper County, Virginia. Jenkins was to report to prison last week after being convicted of selling no-show auxiliary sheriff’s deputy positions for over $75,000 in bribes. The evidence included videos of the sheriff accepting bags of cash and testimony of some of the people who bought the badges. He was sentenced to 120 months.

But as the Bulwark explained last week, “Jenkins was a rabidly anti-immigrant, pro-Trump sheriff who’d become a minor celebrity in MAGA world. Trump himself may not have known of him, but Ed Martin did… Martin celebrated his achievement just after the pardon: ‘Thank you, President Trump! I am thrilled that Sheriff Jenkins is the first pardon since I became your Pardon Attorney.’”

For those not connected to MAGA, seeking clemency “has become big business for lobbying and consulting firms close to the administration, with wealthy hopefuls willing to spend millions of dollars for help getting their case in front of the right people,” a lobbyist told NBC News. “From a lobbying perspective, pardons have gotten profitable.”

pardonsale210118Two people directly familiar with proposals to lobbying firms said they knew of a client who’d offered $5 million to help get a case to Trump. “Cozying up to a president’s allies or hiring lobbyists to gain access to clemency isn’t new,” NBC said. “But along with the price spike, what’s different now is that Trump is issuing pardons on a rolling basis — rather than most coming at the end of the administration.”

“It’s like the Wild West,” a Trump ally and lobbyist said. “You can basically charge whatever you want.”

But what about Alice Johnson, appointed as Pardon Czar to bring worthy clemency candidates to President Trump? Is that working?

Alice apparently was instrumental in bringing reality TV stars and celebrity whiners Todd and Julie Chrisley to Trump for full pardons of their bank and tax fraud convictions. Todd stayed in the headlines for the 24 months he served of his 12-year sentence by claiming, among other things, that FPC Pensacola was “literally” starving inmates to death, that the prisoners were forced to live in filth and eat contaminated food, and that he “feared for his life.”

“I know not only their stories, but I make sure that I’m selecting people who have either been rehabilitated, who pose no safety risk, and also we look at cases where there has been obvious weaponization against these individuals,” Alice Johnson told NewsNation Now. She was quoted in Eonline as saying “The celebrity part really didn’t play a role in this… These are everyday Americans who deserve a second chance,” she continued. “I’ve really been looking at those who pose no safety risk, don’t have victims of violent crimes. These people need to be returned to their families. They really get a chance to have a second shot at life.”

money170419A month ago, Trump pardoned Paul Walczak, a former nursing home executive sentenced to 18 months in prison and ordered to pay more than $4 million in restitution for tax crimes. The pardon came after Walczak’s mom, a GOP donor, Walczak’s pardon has received attended a $1-million-per-person fundraising dinner at Mar-a-Lago, the New York Times reported.

Even some of the people who are not rich or famous are lucky enough to get in on the act. An “everyday American” prisoner who was not a Chrisley but received clemency last week was serving a 50-year sentence for healthcare fraud. One of his co-defendants, however, had been Alice Johnson’s cellie at FCI Aliceville. Alice got her sprung in 2020. Five years later, the co-defendant lobbied Alice to get him out, too.

I helped him with his clemency petition a few years ago, a 100-page tome. No doubt he deserved clemency but no more or less than countless others whose conspiracies did not include someone who became Alice’s cellmate.

clemencytornado250603Ultimately, it’s depressing. Clemency has always been like a tornado tearing through a neighborhood, taking some lucky inmates seemingly at random while leaving others in their bunks to serve out their time. Now, there isn’t even a randomness factor anymore, a sense among prisoners that maybe, despite the ordinariness of their offense or their families’ quotidian circumstances, they may be the beneficiaries of a Presidential act of grace.

Now, it’s all about loyalty, wealth, connections.

We’re in a different clemency world than ever before, but the average federal inmate is further from fair consideration than ever.

CNN, ‘No MAGA left behind’: Trump’s pardons get even more political (May 28, 2025)

NBC, Trump pardons drive a big, burgeoning business for lobbyists (May 31, 2025)

Washington Post, Trump’s clemency spree extends to ex-gangster, rapper, former congressmen (May 29, 2025)

The Bulwark, Trump’s Dangerous Pardon Power (May 27, 2025)

Pensacola News Journal, Todd Chrisley served sentence at Pensacola Federal Prison Camp before pardon. What to know (May 28, 2025)

New York Times, Trump Pardoned Tax Cheat After Mother Attended $1 Million Dinner (May 27, 2025)

– Thomas L. Root

Things Are Seldom What They Seem – Update for June 2, 2025

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We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

THE OL’ SWITCHEROO

buttercup250602Unless you’re my age (and I am not telling you what that age might be), you’re probably not familiar with Gilbert and Sullivan’s light opera, 19th-century musicals that parodied British life. In H.M.S. Pinafore – perhaps their best-known work – low-class Buttercup pines for the high-born captain of the Royal Navy warship HMS Pinafore. At one point, she tries to hint to the Captain that despite their difference in societal status, they might be able to hook up.

She sings,

Things are seldom what they seem, skim milk masquerades as cream, black sheep dwell in every fold, all that glitters is not gold…

Remember two months ago, when the BOP said no one would get more than 60 days of Second Chance Act halfway house time, only to recant a week or so later? It seemed that the problem had been solved. Unfortunately, as the Bureau of Prisons proved last week, the fix was illusory, as “storks turn out to be but logs” or “Bulls are but inflated frogs.”

A new BOP memorandum issued last week at first seemed to be a wonderful expansion of home confinement, but it in fact strips away SCA rights from prisoners who have been serving the longest sentences.

We have not seen the memo, just a press release. The release provides that home confinement will be “a priority for individuals who are eligible and do not require the structured support of an RRC. RRC placement will be reserved for those with the greatest need.” What’s more, unit teams are directed to “use FSA and SCA Conditional Placement Dates—based on projected Earned Time Credits (FTCs) expected to earn—to guide prerelease planning and ensure accurate and timely referrals.”

More home confinement? Great news, right?

Not really. The new policy does not expand the BOP’s authority to place people on home confinement by even one day. Ever since 2008, the BOP has had the authority to place inmates in home confinement for the final 10% of their sentences (up to a maximum of 6 months) under 18 USC § 3624(c)(2). Six years ago, the First Step Act amended § 3624(c)(2) to direct that the BOP, “to the extent practicable, place prisoners with lower risk levels and lower needs on home confinement for the maximum amount of time permitted under this paragraph.”

Just like Dorothy always had the power to go back to Kansas, the BOP has had the power to send prisoners to home confinement.
Just like Dorothy always had the power to go back to Kansas, the BOP has had the power to send prisoners to home confinement.

However, none of the BOP’s authority meant much up to now. BOP staff largely did not send people directly to home confinement. It was easier to send them to halfway house and then let the halfway house send them on to home confinement and do the monitoring. The halfway houses were glad to do it, because it freed up a bed they could sell for another inmate, and they still got some payment for the inmate they were continuing to monitor.

Suddenly, the BOP has figured out that it can better use the limited number of halfway house beds it has under contract (and save money) by sending low-risk inmates directly to home confinement. It’s the right call, but it doesn’t expand the availability of home confinement one bit. The BOP has no more power to put people on home confinement today than it had a week ago, a month ago, a year ago, or even as of December 21, 2018.

What’s worse is what the memo does NOT say. On Saturday, Walter Pavlo reported in Forbes that “[w]hen asked whether inmates are still eligible for Second Chance Act placement up to 12 months prior to their FSA conditional placement date, as has been the case, the BOP responded, ‘Due to statutory restrictions found in 18 U.S.C. § 3624(c)(1), an individual who has earned 365 days (12 months) of First Step Act credits to be applied to prerelease custody cannot receive additional prerelease time under the Second Chance Act.’”

This means that no one with 730 or more FSA credits will get any SCA halfway house or home confinement. Pavlo wrote, “The BOP’s current stance contradicts its position from just a few months ago, when it stated that stacking First Step Act and Second Chance Act benefits was permissible. Now, without addressing its previous position, the BOP asserts that home confinement under the Second Chance Act is only allowed by law during the final 12 months of a prison sentence.

home210218Additionally, the BOP claims that home confinement under the First Step Act can only be applied when the First Step Act time credits earned are equal to the remaining length of the prison term. This means an inmate cannot apply First Step Act credits to home confinement while also receiving up to 12 months of prerelease custody (6 months in a halfway house and 6 months in home confinement) under the Second Chance Act. For many inmates, this change means they will have to remain in prison for up to a year longer than they had initially expected.”

In the press release, BOP Director William K. Marshall III boasted that “President Trump said he would fight for the forgotten men and women of this country, and the First Step Act proved he meant it. Now, we are ensuring that this reform continues to work—not just as a policy, but as a promise to Americans seeking redemption and a path forward.”

BOP Press Release, Federal Bureau of Prisons Issues Directive to Expand Home Confinement, Advance First Step Act (May 28)

Forbes, Prisoners Set Back By Bureau Of Prisons Home Confinement Expansion (May 31)
≈

– Thomas L. Root

A Pair and a Half of Shorts – Update for May 30, 2025

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We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

Today, some shorts… just in time for warm summer weather.

shorts250530

SUMMER’S HERE – TIME FOR SOME SHORTS

Shocking News: BOP Healthcare Found Deficient – A report issued last week by the Dept of Justice Inspector General found that the BOP has failed to screen over a third of at-risk inmates for colorectal cancer (CRC). Between low screening offers and inmate refusals, less than half of average-risk inmates had a completed annual CRC screening.

healthbareminimum220603What’s more, out of a sample of 327 inmates, the IG found that around 10% had no documented follow-up after testing positive for CRC. Also, the Report found, the BOP lacked timeliness metrics for access to a colonoscopy for inmates with a positive CRC screening. The IG reported that “inmates in our sample waited an average of 8 months between a positive CRC screening and a colonoscopy.”

During the period covered by the Report, there were about 38,000 federal inmates who fell in the age range and “average risk” level for CRC. About 13,600 of them were not offered a screening, according to the Report.

BOP Director William K. Marshall III took time from being excited about a billion-dollar rebuild of Alcatraz (see below) to blame “longstanding staffing issues” for compromising efforts to screen inmates for colorectal cancer in certain facilities.

DOJ Inspector General, Evaluation of the Federal Bureau of Prisons’ Colorectal Cancer Screening Practices for Inmates and Its Clinical Follow-up on Screenings (Report 25-057, May 20, 2025)

Washington Post, Prisons bureau failed to screen inmates for colorectal cancer, watchdog says (May 20, 2025)

shorts250530

Sentencing Commission Releases 922(g) Data: About 7,500 people are convicted every year for 18 USC § 922(g) offenses, the US Sentencing Commission reported last week.

funwithnumbers170511The USSC said men accounted for 98% of all convictions, with 58% of them being black, 21% white and 17% Hispanic. The average age for defendants at conviction was 36 years old.

The defendants were overwhelmingly US citizens (95%). About 24% were Criminal History Category III and another 24% fell into Criminal History VI (the highest category).

USSC, Section 922(g) firearm offenses (May 22, 2025)

shorts250530

BOP Director Calls Rebuilding Alcatraz “Exciting Opportunity”: BOP Director William K. Marshall III, who has less than $200 million in his FY 2025 budget to make $3 billion in infrastructure repairs to existing prisons, told Fox News a week ago that his team is actively exploring the possibility of reopening Alcatraz, the 330-bed penitentiary on an island in San Francisco Bay.

excited250530Marshall called the project – a late-night idea President Trump hatched late on his inaptly-named “Truth Social” site a month ago – an “exciting opportunity” and one that aligns with the Trump administration’s law-and-order priorities.

Last week, KTVU-TV reported that estimates to make the repairs needed to reopen Alcatraz as a prison are close to $1 billion, plus another $40 million to $100 million a year in maintenance.

Corrections1, BOP director: Reopening Alcatraz is an ‘exciting opportunity’ (May 23, 2025)

KTVU, Bureau of Prisons director ‘excited’ about reopening Alcatraz as max-security prison (May 23, 2025)

– Thomas L. Root

Former BOP Officials Support Supreme Court Compassionate Release Petition – Update for May 29, 2025

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FORMER BOP OFFICIALS SUPPORT COMPASSIONATE RELEASE CERTIORARI

scotus161130A month ago, I reported that the 6th Circuit ruled that USSG § 1B1.13(b)(6), the compassionate release guideline subsection that lets courts consider overly long sentences that could not be imposed under current law, exceeded the Sentencing Commission’s authority. Several other circuits have held the same, notably the 3rd Circuit in United States v. Rutherford.

Rutherford is now before the Supreme Court on a petition for certiorari. The Justices have already relisted the case for more consideration (usually an indication that it is getting a serious look) at tomorrow’s conference.

Evidence of the Court’s interest came in Tuesday’s announcement that the Court would review a related issue, Fernandez v. United States. The issue in that case is whether whether a combination of “extraordinary and compelling reasons” supporting a sentence reduction under 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A) can include reasons that may also grounds for setting aside a sentence under 28 USC § 2255, the federal habeas corpus statute that can be used to attack the constitutionality of a conviction or sentence.

We'll see about that...
We’ll see about that…

In Fernandez, a district court granted the prisoner a “compassionate release” for reasons that included the court’s belief that there was substantial evidence that he was actually innocent of the murder and that his sentence was disparately long compared to those of his co-defendants (who became informants). The 2nd Circuit reversed (and ordered Joe back to prison), holding that factors that would work for a § 2255 motion could not be relied on for § 3582(c)(1)(A) compassionate release.

The Circuit’s holding was contrary to decisions of the First and Ninth Circuits, which have each held that district courts are not restricted from considering matters under 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A) other than the sole restriction – rehabilitation alone cannot support compasionate release – set forth in the law by Congress. The Supreme Court will decide what limits, if any, cabin a judge on what he or she may consider as extraordinary and compassionate reasons for compassionate release.

Fernandez is Rutherford’s spiritual cousin. I would not be surprised to see certiorari granted to Rutherford, and the two cases being combined for argument and decision.

Rutherford is notable for something else: Supporting petitioner Rutherford are amicus briefs, including ones filed by FAMM, six clinical law school professors, and 12 former federal judges. Most interesting may be an amicus brief by former Bureau of Prisons officials (now corrections consultants) represented by civil rights attorney Scott Lewis at Boston firm Anderson & Krieger.

prisonhealth200313Spotlighting the BOP healthcare crisis, the brief argues that expanding access to compassionate release for inmates serving unusually long sentences would benefit the BOP because “aging, unhealthy inmates consume a disproportionate share of BOP’s scarce resources, which has cascading effects on federal prison operations and the safety and security of BOP staff, as well as inmates… [a]nd the thousands of prisoners potentially eligible for compassionate release who are serving ‘unusually long sentence[s]’ with ‘gross disparity…’ are especially likely to become elderly and unhealthy or disabled in prison.”

United States v. Bricker, Case No. 24-3286, 2025 U.S.App. LEXIS 9538 (6th Cir. April 22, 2025)

Fernandez v. United States, Case No. 24-556 (certiorari granted May 23, 2025)

Rutherford v. United States, Case No. 24-820 (petition for certiorari pending)

Brief of Amici Curiae Former Bureau of Prisons Officials In Support of Petitioner, Rutherford v. United States (filed March 5, 2025)

– Thomas L. Root

You Don’t Have to Cheat Someone Out of Money to Commit Wire Fraud – Update for May 27, 2025

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STAM’S SCAM SLAMMED

Savingmoney250527The Supreme Court last Thursday upheld the fraud conviction of painting contractor Stamatios Kousisis. Stam got two government contracts that required him to work with disadvantaged business enterprises (DBEs), companies owned by racial minorities.

Stam set up a scam, a “pass-through” DBE company that was supposed to be supplying paint but really was just a front. Stam bought the paint, sold it to the DBE and then bought it back for a small markup that the minority “front” man got to keep for his part in the scam.

The catch was that Stam’s bid – with the sham DBE “front” – was below everyone else’s. As a result, the government paid less than it would have if it had accepted a bid from one of the other contractors who put their bids together with a legitimate DBE. The government charged Stam with wire fraud under the theory that he had fraudulently induced Pennsylvania to save money by contracting with him based on his claim that he was working with a real DBE. Stam argued that under the fraudulent inducement theory, the government had to show Stam intended to harm the government financially, which the government could not do.

The 3rd Circuit held that DBE participation in the deal was “an essential part of the contract,” and that was good enough to establish wire fraud, even if the government did save money. Last week, the Supreme Court agreed.

dbe250527The Supremes held that wire fraud simply requires someone to “devise” a scheme to “obtain money or property” through “false or fraudulent pretenses, representations, or promises.” The fraudulent-inducement theory, Justice Barrett wrote, does that: By using “a pass-through entity,” she said, Stam “‘devised’ a ‘scheme’ to obtain contracts through feigned compliance with PennDOT’s disadvantaged-business requirement.” The goal of the scheme was to obtain “tens of millions of dollars” from PennDOT by “making a number of ‘false or fraudulent… representations’ — first about their plans to obtain paint supplies from [the DBE] and later about having done exactly that.”

Fraud160811Obtaining money or property must be the goal of the wire fraud scheme, SCOTUS said, but the scheme does not “depend[] on economic loss.” The unanimous Court (with three concurring opinions) acknowledged that the wire fraud statute potentially has a “broad” sweep, “[b]ut Congress enacted the wire fraud statute, and it is up to Congress—if it so chooses—to change it.”

Kousisis v. United States, Case No 23-909, 2025 U.S. LEXIS 1982 (May 22, 2025)

SCOTUSBlog, Court upholds federal fraud conviction even without economic harm (May 22, 2025)

– Thomas L. Root

Mythbusters – Update for May 23, 2025

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NO, CAMPERS ARE NOT BEING SENT HOME (AND OTHER MYTHS)

twain250523Mark Twain once said, “A lie can travel half way around the world while the truth is putting on its shoes.”

Oh, the sweet irony! Because it appears that Mark Twain (whose name wasn’t really “Mark Twain,” another lie) did not really say that. In other words, it’s a lie that Twain (the name itself being another lie) said that “a lie can travel half way around the world…”

Fitting for today’s post, because it’s hard to say how a lie like that can take flight. That leads us to two whoppers spreading through the Federal Bureau of Prisons like flu in a housing unit.

home210218Myth 1 – All minimum-security federal inmates with fewer than five years left are being sent to home confinement.  I get at least a dozen emails a week on this one: Is it true that Trump signed an executive order sending campers home? Is it true that it will all happen in September? Is it true that all the camps will close?

The answers are no, no, and no.

Trump has signed about 200 executive orders since January 20th, but not a one relates to the Bureau of Prisons (except the order to re-open Alcatraz). Nothing has been scheduled for September. BOP Director William K. Marshall III will not be personally driving everyone home. The camps will not close. It’s all a myth.

Here are the facts: The BOP is only allowed to send people to home confinement in one of two cases. Either the prisoner is in the last six months (or 10%, whichever’s less) of his or her sentence, or the prisoner is eligible to use FSA credits. For the former, 18 USC § 3624(c)(2) lets the prisoner go to home confinement. For the latter, 18 USC § 3624(g)(2)(A) permits spending those FSA credits on home confinement.

Congress has dictated when and how home confinement can be designated. Other Congressional home confinement programs (CARES Act and Elderly Offender Home Detention) expired two years ago. The President cannot order the BOP to send people to home confinement where Congress has passed laws expressly limiting it.

methuser161128Myth 2 – Send me a copy of the new meth law: I get nearly as many emails from people asking me to send them a copy of the “new meth law.” Do I look like a lending library? No matter, the response is straightforward. There is no new meth law.

In January, the Sentencing Commission said it was considering a change in the methamphetamine guidelines to do away with the purity enhancement, an increase in punishment where the meth was especially pure (or was “ice”). The change made great sense: these days, virtually all meth met the higher purity threshold, and so the old supposition – that very pure meth suggested the defendant was a high-level dealer – no longer had any legs.

In April, the USSC adopted proposed amendments that will take effect in November. The meth purity proposal was not among them. To this day, no one knows what happened to the idea.

yogi250523A few points: First, a Guideline is not a law. Judges must follow laws but not guidelines. Laws can be passed that trample guidelines, but guidelines cannot negate laws. Second, the drug trafficking sentence statute (21 USC § 841(b)) contains enhanced penalties for pure meth, and any guidelines change would not change the law and therefore have limited effect. Third, no one in the Republican majority Congress has any interest in easing the drug laws right now, even if fentanyl is the drug bad-boy-of-choice right now.

Recap: Home confinement for campers is a fantasy. A new meth law is a myth. And Mark Twain was not Mark Twain, and he probably never said most of the things he said.

– Thomas L. Root

An Offer You Can’t Refuse – Update for May 21, 2025

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LET’S MAKE A DEAL

letsmakeadeal250522Bad, bad Leo Brown… Well, maybe not so bad, but in bad trouble. In October 2016, Edwin Leo Brown was indicted on four counts of possession with the intent to distribute crack cocaine and a fifth count for being an 18 USC § 922(g)(1) felon in possession (F-I-P) of a gun. Leo was looking at a maximum sentence of 20 years’ imprisonment on each of the four drug charges, and up to 10 more on the F-I-P count.

Leo’s lawyer, Frank Harper, negotiated with the government, ultimately getting two plea agreements—one of which called for Leo to cooperate with the Feds and one of which did not—that both called for Leo to plead guilty only to the F-I-P count. That meant that taking either deal would limit Leo’s sentence to ten years. Harper advised Leo that he should take one of the plea agreements or the other, but Leo was skeptical. When Leo told Harper that he felt like the lawyer could have gotten him a better deal than 10 years, Harper apparently responded in exasperation, “It’s not my fault why you’re facing ten years.”

That offended Leo, who “from that moment” did not “trust [Harper’s] judgment” and told him so. The relationship deteriorated, and Harper subsequently withdrew as counsel.

Enter affable lawyer Brett Wentz. Leo liked Wentz, who agreed that Leo would face a firm sentence of 10 years if he took either plea deal, but told him that even if he did not–instead just entering an “open plea” to all counts without any–Leo’s sentencing guideline range would be the same. “In other words,” as the 4th Circuit described it, “Wentz advised Brown that he would be facing a statutory maximum of ten years’ imprisonment regardless of whether he accepted a plea offer or not.”

Leo really wanted to preserve his right to appeal, which he would have to waive under either version of the plea agreement. So after Wentz told him he’d get no more than 10 years with or without a plea deal, Leo thought it was a no-brainer. He rejected the plea offers and entered a guilty plea to all counts without benefit of a plea agreement.

harper250522At his change-of-plea hearing, the judge told Leo that he faced up to 20 years’ imprisonment on each of the four drug charges. At that point, Leo and lawyer Wentz conferred off the record. Leo then told the court he understood the penalties. The judge proceeded to tell Leo that he faced 10 years on the F-I-P. Leo again talked to Wentz off the record before telling the court he understood that potential penalty, too.

Unless there’s a plea deal that requires a particular sentence, the judge always tells a defendant during a change-of-plea hearing that even if defense counsel had given him an estimate of what the sentence might end up being, that estimate is not binding on the court. Leo’s judge told him this, but Leo “affirmed that he understood and subsequently entered an open guilty plea as to all five counts.”

You can see where this is headed, but Leo couldn’t. At sentencing a few months later, the court hammered Leo with 210 months’ imprisonment—17½ years—on all counts, an upward departure from the advisory guideline sentencing range of 87 to 108 months. Leo was not pleased.

After his sentence was affirmed on appeal, Leo filed a 28 USC § 2255 post-conviction motion arguing that Wentz provided ineffective assistance in giving Leo wrong advice on taking the plea deal.

Relying on the Supreme Court decision in Lee v. United States, the district court ruled that it would “not upset a plea solely because of post hoc assertions from a defendant about how he would have pleaded but for his [counsel’s] deficiencies.” Instead, it would look to “contemporaneous evidence to substantiate a defendant’s expressed preferences.” Based on the record, the district judge found, “even if Wentz had properly advised Brown about his sentencing exposure… Brown would not have signed the non-cooperation plea agreement with an appellate waiver and pleaded guilty to count five pursuant to the plea agreement” because avoiding having to “waivi[e] his right to appeal was more important to Brown than his sentencing exposure.”

On Tuesday, the 4th Circuit reversed the judgment, holding that Lee was the wrong standard to apply and that Leo had “demonstrated a reasonable probability that, but for Wentz’s erroneous advice regarding sentence exposure, he would have accepted the government’s offer.”

The 4th held that “the biggest distinction” between Lee and Leo’s case “is that Lee concerned an individual who accepted a guilty plea offer, while the instant appeal concerns an individual who rejected a guilty plea offer.” The Circuit said that the proper standard where a plea deal is rejected is set out in Missouri v. Frye and Lafler v. Cooper, a pair of Supreme Court decisions from 2012 that “articulated a different way to show prejudice” where a plea deal is not accepted, which is the issue in Leo’s case.

coulda250522A defendant who argues he rejected a plea offer because of ineffective assistance of counsel “need not present contemporaneous evidence to support his ineffective assistance claims,” the 4th Circuit said. Instead, a reasonable probability that a defendant would have accepted the plea offer but for counsel’s bad advice was met here by Leo’s testimony that he “would have taken the plea that the Government offered [him]” had he known he was facing a theoretical maximum of 90 years’ imprisonment, and that he believed, based on Wentz’s advice, that his “maximum exposure” when he pleaded to all five counts was “[n]o more than ten years.” The very fact that Leo pled guilty to more serious charges—namely, receiving 17.5 years’ imprisonment when the government’s plea offer offered a max of 10 years—was alone enough to show a “reasonable probability” Leo would have taken the deal, the Circuit said.

The Circuit ordered the case remanded and that Leo be offered the original 10-year deal.

United States v. Brown, Case No. 22-7105, 2025 U.S. App. LEXIS 12211 (4th Cir. May 20, 2025)

Lee v. United States, 582 U.S. 357 (2017)

Missouri v. Frye, 566 U.S. 134 (2012)

Lafler v. Cooper, 566 U.S. 156 (2012)

– Thomas L. Root

Pardon News Continues Unabated – Update for May 20, 2025

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ALICE IS BACK… AND A ‘SUBSTANTIAL BATCH” OF CLEMENCY GRANTS MAY BE COMING

After President Trump appointed former federal inmate Alice Marie Johnson to be his “pardon czar” last February, she seemed to disappear. No one even knew whether she’d have a White House office as opposed to mere corresponding privileges with Trump.

alicesrestaurant250224Last week, we learned a little about what she is doing and got a hint that a clemency release is looming. In a Fox News interview with Lara Trump (which included a lot of fawning over the President), Johnson said, “President Trump had asked me to go find people like myself, and I brought many to the White House and President Trump gave those individuals a second chance…” She said that she “sent over 100 clemency and pardon petitions to the White House” and “46 people really were able to get a second chance in life…”

Johnson suggested that her criteria included people “who deserve this second chance who are similarly situated, not just like me, but who have served enough time, who have paid their debt to society, plus there are those who have been, I’m going to say, the victims of lawfare the same way our President was.”

“Lawfare” as commonly used refers to an attempt to damage or delegitimize an opponent, or to deter an individual’s usage of his or her legal rights. President Trump has said that his indictments for January 6th conspiracy, mishandling of national security documents, Georgia election interference, and New York “hush money” allegations were all lawfare against him.

pardonme190123A batch of clemency grants may be on the horizon. Last week, The Wall Street Journal reported that clemency for some plain folks may be coming, “The president, according to a senior administration official, has taken a particular interest in the work of Alice Johnson, the pardon czar he appointed earlier this year,” the Journal said. “He regularly asks her, ‘Where are my pardons?’ The White House is expected to announce a substantial batch of pardons in the coming weeks, the official said.”

But that’s about the only good news about clemency. Ed Martin, the man who was so reckless as acting District of Columbia U.S. Attorney that his nomination for that position couldn’t get out of the Senate Judiciary Committee, has seized the helm as Dept of Justice Pardon Attorney. Last week, Martin–described as an “egregiously unqualified political hack who has never served either as a prosecutor or judge” by over 100 former federal prosecutors who signed a letter opposing his appointment to the U.S. Attorney position–said last week that “I do think that the Biden pardons need some scrutiny… And they need scrutiny because we want pardons to matter and to be accepted and to be something that’s used correctly. So I do think we’re going to take a hard look.”

Martin tried to use his office as Acting U.S. Attorney to threaten everyone from DOJ prosecutors to members of Congress to medical journals to people critical of Elon Musk to Wikipedia’s tax-exempt status.  Now, not the least bit inconvenienced by the fact that Presidential pardons cannot be undone, he intends to spend the Pardon Office’s time looking at pardons of which he disapproves (and this from a guy who as Acting U.S. Attorney dismissed a January 6th felony case against a man he had represented as defense attorney).

pardonsale210118Meanwhile, the pardon bazaar continues. Rumors are flying that Sean “Diddy” Combs is seeking a pardon to end his seamy federal sex crimes trial in New York, that former Minneapolis cop Derek Chavin could be pardoned for his federal civil rights conviction stemming the murder of George Floyd, that former Congressman George Santos is seeking a pardon to avoid a federal prison sentence imposed for fraud-related convictions, and that those perennial celebrity prisoner whiners Todd and Julie Chrisley are renewing their campaign for pardons from their federal fraud convictions.

A couple of clemency grants for just plain prisoners would be a welcome change.

Fox News, Trump ‘pardon czar’ details how she’ll help incarcerated Americans who ‘paid their dues’ (May 17, 2025) (video)

The Wall Street Journal, The Wild West of Presidential Pardons in Trump’s Second Term (May 13, 2025)

Law and Crime, ‘We want pardons to matter’: Trump admin will ‘take a hard look’ at final grants of clemency issued by Biden, Ed Martin says (May 13, 2025)

– Thomas L. Root

Making “Good Enough” on 922(g)(1) the Enemy of 2nd Amendment Perfection – Update for May 19, 2025

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We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

IS DOJ TRYING TO AVOID A SUPREME COURT 922(G)(1) CHALLENGE?

Voltaire wrote (roughly translated) that perfection is the enemy of good enough. Disturbing evidence is emerging that President Trump’s administration is adopting that standard in fighting to keep 18 USC § 922(g)(1) – the felon-in-possession ban that is the most enforced gun law on the federal books – in place.

perfectiongood250519Several DOJ Supreme Court filings last month urged SCOTUS to reject review of F-I-P cases asking whether § 922(g)(1) can be applied to nonviolent felons consistent with New York State Rifle & Postal Assn v. Bruen, arguing in part that the DOJ’s yet-unformed proposal to use 18 USC § 925(c) to restore gun rights for some felons is good enough.

In March, DOJ ginned up an ad hoc rights restoration program to reward actor and Trump supporter Mel Gibson by giving him back his gun rights despite a domestic violence conviction. Opposition to the decision cost Pardon Attorney Elizabeth Oyer her job. Ultimately, the agency restored the gun rights of 10 people (including Gibson), noting cryptically that each person had submitted “materials… seeking either a pardon or relief from federal firearms disabilities, and it is established to [the Attorney General’s] satisfaction that each individual will not be likely to act in a manner dangerous to public safety and that the granting of the relief to each individual would not be contrary to the public interest.”

gibsingun250519DOJ has neither issued any regulations on how former felons might apply for gun rights restoration nor has it responded to multiple requests for details. But that has not stopped DOJ from citing this undisclosed and opaque process as an additional reason for the Supreme Court not to grant review in any felon-in-possession 2nd Amendment cases.

On April 25, Solicitor General John Sauer opposed a petition for cert from a 4th Circuit § 922(g)(1) as-applied denial. “Although there is some disagreement among the courts of appeals regarding whether § 922(g)(1) is susceptible to individualized as-applied challenges, that disagreement is shallow,” SG Sauer wrote, “[a]nd any disagreement among the circuits may evaporate given the Dept of Justice’s recent reestablishment of the administrative process under 18 USC § 925(c) for granting relief from federal firearms disabilities.”

The Reload, a gun law newsletter, said, “The Trump Administration’s preferred approach to gun rights for convicted felons [is] one that would grant a high degree of discretion and centralize the decision-making within the executive branch rather than through a widely applicable legal precedent, as gun-rights advocates have long sought in court. As a result, it may undermine many of the movement’s best cases by undercutting the claims of sympathetic plaintiffs.”

The Government seems to be deliberately avoiding picking a Supreme Court § 922(g)(1) fight that it doesn’t think it can win. I reported previously that DOJ decided against filing for cert after losing a 3rd Circuit en banc decision on § 922(g)(1)’s constitutionality. In a letter to the Senate Judiciary Committee, the Solicitor General said, “In the case of Bryan Range, a Pennsylvania man with a 30-year-old state misdemeanor conviction for understating his income on a food stamp application, the Third Circuit ruled the ban violated his Second Amendment rights… The Department of Justice has concluded that a petition for a writ of certiorari is not warranted in this case,” Solicitor General John Sauer wrote a letter sent to the Senate Judiciary Committee last month. “The Third Circuit’s decision is narrow, leaving § 922(g)(1) untouched except in the most unusual applications.”

Two weeks ago, the 9th Circuit in United States v. Duarte joined the 4th, 8th, 10th and 11th Circuits in refusing to distinguish between violent and non-violent criminals for the purposes of F-I-P constitutionality. The Reload said, “Assuming Duarte appeals the decision, which seems likely, it could present a compelling opportunity for the High Court to address the now deepened circuit split with the 3rd, 5th, and 6th Circuits, which have all recognized an ability for individualized challenges to the federal ban by non-violent offenders.”

melyndavincent250218Last week, a cert petition filed in Vincent v. Bondi may derail the DOJ’s efforts to avoid a Supreme Court reckoning on F-I-P. Melynda Vincent is the poster child for an as-applied challenge to § 922(g)(1), a woman who was convicted 17 years ago of felony bank fraud for passing a fraudulent $498 check when she was homeless and an addict. She got no jail time. Since then, she rehabbed, became a mom, earned several master’s degrees, and started her own rehab counseling firm. Nevertheless, § 922(g)(1) permanently keeps her from possessing a gun to protect her family.

The Reload said that SCOTUS may find ruling on F-I-P easier “by accepting a case like Vincent’s, where even most hardline gun-control advocates would have a difficult time arguing she is too dangerous for consideration.”

DOJ may oppose Vincent by arguing that its new § 925(c) gun rights restoration procedure, whatever it may be, is good enough to take care of her wish to possess a gun. But if § 922(g)(1) violates the 2nd Amendment as applied to Melynda Vincent, then some amorphous and opaque DOJ procedure to restore gun rights on the whim of the AG hardly cures the violation. What’s more, it means that some, if not many, of the tens of thousands of federal prisoners doing time for a potentially unconstitutional offense will be left out in the cold.

The “good enough” of a § 925(c) rights restoration will not be sufficient substitute for the “perfection” of a Supreme Court ruling on § 922(g)(1).

Opposition to Petition for Certiorari, Hunt v. United States, Case No 24-6818 (filed April 25, 2025)

The Reload, The Coming DOJ-SCOTUS Showdown Over Felon Gun Rights (May 18, 2025)

Solicitor General Letter to Sen Richard Durbin (April 11, 2025)

Petition for Certiorari, Vincent v. United States, Case No. 24-1155 (filed May 12, 2025)

– Thomas L. Root

Sentence Reduction: Like Vegas But Without Free Drinks – Update for May 16, 2025

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We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

SENTENCE REDUCTION ODDS AREN’T GREAT, USSC DATA SHOW

dice161221The United States Sentencing Commission released some interesting retrospective data on Wednesday, showing that winning sentence reductions based on retroactive Guidelines is not necessarily a sure bet.

While you’re losing in a casino, you’re often given free drinks. In federal court, not so often…

In November 2023, the Commission adopted Amendment 821, which changed how criminal history is calculated for purposes of figuring a defendant’s advisory sentencing range. The USSC did away with “status points,” the extra two criminal history points applied when a new offense is committed while the offender is on parole, supervised release, or probation. On the other end of the spectrum, the Commission decided that a defendant who had zero criminal history points was entitled to a two-level reduction in his or her Total Offense Level.

The structure of the process for winning a sentence reduction based on Guidelines changes that are deemed retroactive is governed by 18 USC § 3582(c)(2). If the defendant is eligible (which is not the slam-dunk you might think it is), the district court is nevertheless entitled to determine with almost unreviewable discretion whether the offender deserves all of the break offered by the new lower Guideline, some of the break, or none at all.

funwithnumbers170511Since the Commission’s change in status points became effective, 15,177 federal inmates (9.6% of the prison population) have applied for reduction. Of those, district courts across the nation granted 36%, only about a third of the motions filed. Out of districts with more than 100 applications filed, Eastern Wisconsin was the toughest (97.2% denied), with Southern Iowa, Southern New York, Minnesota, and Eastern Arkansas in second place, all around an 80% denial rate. Maryland (93.8% approval rate), Kansas (66.1% approval), and Northern Alabama (61.0% approval) were the best.

Defendants who sought the zero-point criminal history reduction hardly fared better. Out of 11,749 applications (7.4% of the inmate population) to have the Guidelines 2-level reduction applied, only 32.2% received reductions. Out of districts with more than 100 applications filed, Arizona (91.2% denied), followed by Southern Iowa (89.7% denied) and South Dakota (88.3% denied) were the worst places for a prisoner to be. The best place to get a status point reduction was South Dakota (88.3% denied), with Eastern Texas (64.0% approval rate), Middle Florida (61.1% approval), and New Jersey (47.7% approval) as runners up.

compeddrink2400716The Commission also released compassionate release numbers through March 2025. Since the inception of inmate-filed motions under 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A) – the so-called compassionate release motion – with passage of the First Step Act in December 2018, 12,916 motions have been filed, with 13.7% granted. Through March 2025, the success rate has held roughly steady – 89 such motions have been granted, 13.4% of the total filed.

US Sentencing Commission, Part A of the 2023 Criminal History Amendment Retroactivity Data Report (May 14, 2025)

US Sentencing Commission, Part B of the 2023 Criminal History Amendment Retroactivity Data Report (May 14, 2025)

US Sentencing Commission, Compassionate Release Data Report, Preliminary Fiscal Year 2025 Cumulative Data through 2nd Quarter (May 14, 2025)

– Thomas L. Root