Procedure Matters… Innocence? Not So Much – Update for March 24, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

IN § 2255 CASES, PROCEDURE MATTERS

procedure220324Over the past three weeks, Russia has been reminded of the truth of General Omar Bradley’s old saw that “amateurs talk strategy, professionals talk logistics.” Likewise, two cases handed down last week underscore the truth that inmates talk substance, judges talk procedure.”

DeMarko Collins pled guilty to being a felon in possession under 18 USC § 922(g)(1). DeMarko’s presentence report determined he had two prior felony convictions for crimes of violence, including a Missouri 2nd-degree robbery, which enhanced his Guidelines advisory sentencing range under USSG § 2K1.1.

Five months before DeMarko’s sentencing hearing, a divided 8th Circuit panel held in United States v. Bell that Missouri 2nd-degree robbery was not a crime of violence, but DeMarko’s attorney goofed and did not cite the decision in opposing the § 2K2.1 enhancement. The district court granted the government’s motion for an upward variance, and sentenced DeMarko to 216 months.

DeMarko appealed his sentence. Relying on Bell, he argued the § 2K2.1 enhancement should not have applied. But while his appeal was pending, the 8th Circuit en banc overruled Bell and held that a Missouri 2nd-degree robbery is a violent felony after all. Because of that, Demarko lost his appeal.

stupidlawyr191202DeMarko then filed a § 2255 post-conviction motion, arguing that his lawyer should have cited Bell, which had been controlling authority and good law at the time of his sentencing. The district court denied the § 2255, finding that even if DeMarko was right that his lawyer should have raised Bell at sentencing, “he cannot demonstrate he was prejudiced by” the error.

Last week, the 8th Circuit agreed, holding that by the time DeMarko on “direct appeal cited Bell in challenging his § 2K2.1 enhancement based on a Missouri 2nd-degree robbery conviction, Bell had been overruled… and this prior conviction was once again a predicate crime of violence under the Guidelines. Strickland prejudice ‘focuses on the question whether counsel’s deficient performance renders the result of the trial unreliable or the proceeding fundamentally unfair…’ DeMarko was not deprived of a substantive or procedural right to which the law entitles him, so he ‘suffered no legally cognizable prejudice’.”

Meanwhile, in the 9th Circuit, Cesar Gonzalez filed a 28 USC § 2244 application for permission to file a second § 2255 motion. He wanted to argue that his 18 USC § 924(c) conviction for having a gun in furtherance of a crime of violence was invalid because his predicate crime – racketeering – was no longer a categorical crime of violenceunder a new rule of constitutional law announced in the Supreme Court’s United States v. Davis decision.

Last week, the 9th Circuit shot Cesar down, finding that his new Davis argument was not “previously unavailable” as required by 28 USC § 2255(h)(2).

When Davis was handed down, Cesar had filed his § 2255 motion, and the government had responded. Cesar, however, had not yet filed his reply. The 9th Circuit ruled that to show the argument was “previously unavailable” to him, he had to show “that the real-world circumstances that he faced prevented him, as a practical matter, from asserting his claim based on a new rule of law in his initial habeas proceeding.”

The Circuit said it “recognized that pro se prisoners face unique difficulties when litigating habeas relief or anything else, and that language barriers, as Cesar cited in his case, add to those difficulties.” However, the 9th ruled, “nothing in the text or context of AEDPA‘s previously-unavailable-claim requirement suggesting that this limited exception to the otherwise broad prohibition against filing second or successive habeas proceedings was intended to be applied subjectively.”

innocent210504The 9th concluded that Cesar could show that his new Davis argument was unavailable during his initial § 2255, where Davis issued shortly before Cesar filed his reply brief and a few months before the § 2255 was decided. Cesar had the facts that he needed for his claim, the Circuit held, and no systemic or external barrier prevented him from presenting his claim in his initial habeas proceeding.

So it did not matter that Cesar stood convicted of a § 924(c) offense unlawfully, because a hypothetical reasonable inmate would have tried to raise Davis in the nearly-completed § 2255 proceeding.

Substance? Who cares about substance when procedure triumphs?

Collins v. United States, Case No. 20-3662, 2022 U.S. App. LEXIS 6725 (8th Cir., March 16, 2022)

Gonzalez v. United States, Case No 20-71709, 2022 U.S. App. LEXIS 6943 (9th Cir., March 17, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

COVID Isn’t Over, And Neither Should Be Compassionate Release – Update for March 22, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

DON’T GIVE UP ON COMPASSIONATE RELEASE

“A triumphant President Joe Biden all but announced an end to the pandemic in the USA on Sunday… declared that the U.S. had achieved “independence” from the coronavirus…”

deadcovid210914Really? Is COVID over? Well, that quote would suggest it, except that Biden said that about nine months ago. A month after the Prez did his victory dance, COVID Delta blasted through FCI Texarkana, followed by the rest of the BOP. And that was only a prelude to Omicron, that at one point had 9,500 inmates sick at the same time.

As of last week, a surge in the new COVID variant BA.2 in Western Europe had experts and health authorities on alert for another wave of the pandemic in the USA. BA.2, even more contagious than the original strain, BA.1, is fueling the outbreak overseas, and will be here soon, experts say.  Last Sunday’s Times said, “Another COVID surge may be coming. Are we ready for it?”

At the same time, the number of prisoners in Bureau of Prisons custody increased by about 1,150 in the past month alone. Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman said in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog that he

assumes this new data reflects some ‘return to normal’ operations for the federal criminal justice system, with fewer COVID-related delays in cases and prison admissions (and many fewer COVID-related releases) producing this significant one-month federal prison population growth. But, whatever the particulars, I will not forget that candidate Joe Biden promised to ‘take bold action to reduce our prison population” and to “broadly use his clemency power for certain non-violent and drug crimes.‘ Fourteen months into his administration, I am unaware of any bold action taken by Prez Biden and he has still yet to use his clemency power a single time, let alone broadly.

quit201208Prisoner numbers are the only thing going up. About 6,200 BOP employees left the agency in the last two years, which works out to almost nine people a day. 8.7 employees departing every day during that time period. The BOP refuses to give precise current numbers, but Insider magazine reported that from July 2021 to March 2022, it hired fewer than 2,000 replacements.

A BOP employee survey last year found that since the pandemic began, the “majority of respondents reported feeling increased stress or anxiety at work and being asked to perform tasks outside their normal duties.” Nearly one in three respondents who answered that they were stressed from the job reported that they have considered leaving the BOP, according to the survey.

Last week, the Dept of Justice released the promised memorandum ordering U.S. Attorneys not to require defendants to waive their right to file compassionate release motions as a condition of getting a plea deal. Notably, the DOJ told U.S. Attorneys that “if a defendant has already entered a plea and his or her plea agreement included a waiver provision of the type just described, prosecutors should decline to enforce the waiver. “

All this means compassionate release probably is far from over, both because of more COVID and as a means of addressing overcrowding. In a lot of places, it has played a role in correcting harsh sentences that could not be imposed today.

But not everywhere. The 11th Circuit is infamous for refusing judges the discretion to use sentences that could not be imposed today as a reason for compassionate release. Last week, the 8th Circuit made clear it had joined the 11th.

Antonio Taylor was convicted of nine offenses, three of which were 18 USC § 924(c) violations. The § 924(c) law at the time required consecutive prisons terms of 5, 25, and 25 years for the violations years. Tony got sentenced to 60 years (720 months).

The First Step Act changed the law so that the harsh consecutive sentences could not be imposed. If James had been sentenced after First Step passed, he would have faced 18 years, not 60. Tony filed for compassionate release in 2020, arguing the harshness and unfairness of his sentence. Similar arguments have won in a number of other circuits, starting with the 2nd Circuit in September 2020’s Brooker decision.

compassionlimit220322The Circuit, following its February decision in United States v. Crandell, held that “that a non-retroactive change in law, whether offered alone or in combination with other factors, cannot contribute to a finding of ‘extraordinary and compelling reasons’ for a reduction in sentence under § 3582(c)(1)(A).”

As it stands now, a nonretroactive change in sentencing law can win a prisoner a sentencing reduction if he or she was sentenced in federal court in any of nine circuits. As for the other three, the inmate is out of luck. This cries for Supreme Court resolution.

Bloomberg, Biden Declares Success in Beating Pandemic in July 4 Speech (July 4, 2021)

Washington Post, A covid surge in Western Europe has US bracing for another wave (March 16, 2022)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Federal prison population, now at 154,194, has grown by well over 1100 persons in a short month (March 18, 2022)

Business Insider, Federal prison working conditions are getting worse despite Biden’s promise to improve conditions, staffers say (March 18, 2022)

DOJ, Department Policy on Compassionate Release Waivers in Plea Agreements (March 11, 2022)

United States v. Taylor, Case No 21-1627 (8th Cir., March 18, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

EQUAL Act May Yet Make It – Update for March 21, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

DESPITE HEADWINDS, EQUAL ACT MAKING SOME PROGRESS

Those who keep emailing me asking about rumors that Congress has just passed this or that bill favoring inmates should take a deep breath and consider how hard it is for Congress to pass legislation that almost everyone seems to be for. The biggest criminal-justice tease in the current Congress has been the EQUAL Act – which would eliminate federal sentencing disparities between crack and powder cocaine – that passed the House of Representatives overwhelmingly last September but has gone nowhere in the Senate.

Last week, Sen. Jerry Moran (Kansas) became the ninth Republican Senator to sign on as an EQUAL Act co-sponsor. That’s crucial: the bill can count on 50 Democratic Senators voting for it, but in the Senate, a controversial bill needs 60 votes to avoid a filibuster that would block a vote. Sen Moran locks in a 59th vote for EQUAL, increasing the odds that the Senate will bring it to a vote this year.

crack-coke200804EQUAL will make a gram of crack – now considered equal to 18 grams of powder – equal to a gram of cocaine. The change would be retroactive and would likely lead to a dramatic reduction in crack sentences across the board.

When might the EQUAL Act be voted on? Congress doesn’t keep a schedule like that. Often, a decision by leadership to bring a bill to a vote is announced only days or hours in advance and is driven by Congressional perception of public sentiment.

Sentiment might be going in the right direction. Last week, The Nation (which is considerably left of center politically) wrote that “just a few decades ago, the left and the right, politicians and the public, universally embraced the criminalization of drug use. But a new consensus has emerged.”

lifeline210421To the extent public sentiment is driven by facts – often an iffy proposition – a detailed study of federal life and “de facto” life sentences for drug offenses published earlier this month by The Ohio State University Drug Enforcement and Policy Center found that between 1990 and now, “crack cocaine was the most common drug type associated with life sentences imposed for drug trafficking… (48%), followed by powder cocaine (26%) and methamphetamine (14%).” Plus – and this may be the statistic that gets EQUAL passed – the study found what Filter magazine called “stunningly awful racial disparities. Federal life sentences are practically reserved for defendants who are black (62.4 %) or Hispanic (22%). Crack cocaine was the drug involved in roughly half of federal life sentences, yet the disparities held independent of drug type.”

The study also found that defendants who went to trial accounted for what the study called an “astonishing 72% percent of those sentenced to life or de facto life for drug trafficking.”

The phenomenon is usually called the “trial penalty.” I have some doubts about the amount of credence given to this statistic. It may be that people who went to trial were punished with life sentences they otherwise would have avoided without trial. But it is as likely that people whose Guidelines sentencing range – especially in the pre-Booker period when Guidelines sentencing ranges were mandatory – faced life whether or not they pled guilty. If a defendant is bound to get a life sentence whether he pleads guilty or not, he’s got nothing to lose and a chance – however slight – the jury might be crazy enough to acquit. Under those circumstances, the potential sentence drives the trial decision instead of the other way around.

life161207A more troubling statistic to my thinking was this finding: just five of the 94 federal districts – all three Florida districts, one in Virginia, and the District of South Carolina – accounted for 25% of life sentences imposed for drug trafficking during the study period. This is a powerful disparity argument for those sentenced in those districts, although unfortunately, it must be made to the very courts that are the worst offenders.

The study is right: crack sentencing has been a disaster for any notion of justice.

No one knows when the EQUAL Act will come to a vote, if it does at all. But a ninth Republican to sign on as a co-sponsor is a promising sign that common sense might prevail.

WIBW-TV, Moran becomes ninth GOP Senator to cosponsor bill equalizing sentences for crack, powder cocaine (March 18, 2022)

The Nation, How the Drug War Died (March 19, 2022)

Ohio State University, Drug Enforcement And Policy Center, Dealing in Lives: Imposition of Federal Life Sentences for Drugs from 1990–2020 (March 3, 2022)

Filter, Federal Life Sentences for Drugs: Unconscionable and Massively Biased (March 9, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

A Moment in Time: Wooden Redefines ‘Occasions’ – Update for March 17, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

THE OCCASIONAL CRIME

As I reported last week, on March 7, the Supreme Court unanimously reversed a sentence in the case of Dale Wooden, a man who had received an Armed Career Criminal Act-enhanced 15-year sentence for having committed ten prior burglaries. He had broken into a self-storage building and burgled ten separate units all in one hour’s work.

May you rest in peace, Betty... stealing America's hearts did not make you ACCA-qualified.
May you rest in peace, Betty… stealing America’s hearts did not make you ACCA-qualified.

The ACCA is a penalty statute. If someone possesses a firearm or ammunition while being prohibited from doing so – 18 USC § 922(g) includes prior felony convictions, being a fugitive, using controlled substances, even having a dishonorable discharge, and a host of other prohibitions – the penalty is up to ten years in prison. But if the defendant has been convicted of three violent felonies or serious drug offenses, and those three offenses were committed on “occasions different from one another,” the penalty jumps to a minimum of 15 years and a maximum of life without parole. Rather harsh…

Dale only had one wild night in a storage facility, when he broke through flimsy drywall walls separating individual storage units and took what he could find. But the state charged him with ten burglaries, which are considered to be violent crimes. Many years later, when a police officer who had stopped by Dale’s house saw a gun in plain sight, Dale was charged as a felon-in-possession. An enterprising U.S. Attorney figured that the ten burglaries had been committed on “occasions different from one another,” because, after all, you can only burgle one storage unit at a time. And that is how Dale became an armed career criminal.

Whether the occasions really were different from one another was the question that made it to the Supreme Court. Interpreting the ACCA’s “on occasions different from one another” language, all nine justices agreed that Dale’s ten burglaries occurred during the same “occasion.” Writing for the court, Justice Kagan first explained that according to its ordinary meaning, an occasion is “essentially an episode or event. If one learned about Wooden’s burglary spree,” Kagan explained, “they would say: ‘On one occasion, Wooden burglarized ten units in a storage facility.’ A person would not say: ‘On ten occasions, Wooden burglarized a unit in the facility.’ Nor would the average person describe Wooden breaking into each separate unit as its own independent occasion. Indeed, one need only turn to the dictionary to confirm this to be true, as the word occasion ‘commonly refers to an event, occurrence, happening, or episode’.”

If the Hamburglar stole them on successive days...
If the Hamburglar stole them on successive days…

Kagan ruled that “by treating each temporally distinct offense as its own occasion,” the government’s interpretation of the word “occasion” essentially collapses “two separate statutory conditions.” Kagan noted that the history of the “occasions” clause supports this interpretation. Congress amended ACCA to include the clause in order to write the Solicitor General’s position in United States v. Petty into law. In Petty, the Solicitor General admitted to the Supreme Court that the ACCA should be triggered only when a person’s prior convictions result from “multiple criminal episodes” even though such a requirement was not founded in ACCA’s text. Kagan explained that Congress amended ACCA to include the “separate occasions” requirement.

Recognizing that courts may struggle to define “separate occasions,” Kagan suggested standards: If offenses are committed “close in time,” they “will often count as part of one occasion; not so offenses separate by substantial gaps in time or significant intervening events.” She explained that in defining an occasion, “proximity of location is also important; the further away crimes take place, the less likely they are components of the same criminal event.” Finally, Kagan noted that “the character and relationship of the offenses may make a difference: The more similar or intertwined the conduct giving rise to the offenses… the more apt they are to compose one occasion.” She said that “applying this approach” will usually “be straightforward and intuitive.

Justices Gorsuch and Sotomayor were unsure how straightforward Kagan’s approach would be, given that different people may have “different intuitions about the same set of facts.” A multifactor balancing test, he wrote, did not give lower courts adequate guidance. “Imagine a defendant who sells drugs to the same undercover police officer twice at the same street corner one hour apart,” he wrote. “Do the sales take place on the same occasion or different ones?”

burglthree160124Gorsuch added that Kagan’s factors did not conclusively answer the question presented in the Wooden case. “When it comes to location, each storage unit had its own number and space, each burglary infringed on a different person’s property, and Mr. Wooden had to break through a new wall to enter each one,” Justice Gorsuch wrote. “Suppose this case involved not adjacent storage units but adjacent townhomes or adjacent stores in a mall. If Mr. Wooden had torn through the walls separating them, would we really say his crimes occurred at the same location?”

In Gorsuch’s view, the rule of lenity – the principle that courts should resolve statutory ambiguities in favor of criminal defendants – should come into play when courts struggle to decide whether crimes were committed as part of a single “occasion.”

Because Wooden’s decision interprets a statute, inmates in many circuits will be able to retroactively apply the decision to their ACCA convictions under the 28 USC § 2255(e) saving clause. It seems likely that the courts will struggle in applying the standards to the movant’s respective facts. Dale Wooden’s case seemed almost nonsensical. But what about (all too common) the guy who sold cocaine on a street corner for three successive days, and was convicted of three state-court distribution counts? Were those the same occasion? Or robs three banks in a week-long drug-addled frenzy?

The lawyers will be busy…

Wooden v. United States, Case No 20-5279, 2022 U.S. LEXIS 1421 (Mar 7, 2022)

SCOTUSBlog, Perhaps defining an “occasion” is not so difficult after all (March 8, 2022)

New York Times, Supreme Court Says 10 Burglaries Can Count as One Offense (March 7, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

Beware the Ides… and the Rumors They Bring – Update for March 15, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

C’MON, PEOPLE…

caesar220315The Old Farmer’s Almanac reports that the full moon doesn’t happen until the end of the week, so I am unsure what accounts for the email box blowing up with rumors straight from inmate.com. Perhaps the Ides of March? They sure didn’t work for Julius Caesar.

Email 1: “Have you heard any talk about the FBOP or DOJ giving an extra 54 days good time for any reason. From what I understand nothing new has been done but inmate.com is spreading rumors and would like to hear from the expert.”

Email 2: “There is a rumor going around that the bop is giving an extra 54 days to all inmates come March 14 and that all inmates are getting a year off their sentence due to the covid pandemic. Is there any truth to this rumor?”

Email 3:  “How true is it that in some institutions they are giving 10 months of your sentence due to covid-19 lockdowns?”

bidenleprechaun220315Answer: Nope, nope, nope… President Biden is more likely to appear at a press conference dressed in a leprechaun suit than the government is to grant extra good time for COVID. First, neither the Dept of Justice nor the Federal Bureau of Prisons has the power to award more good-conduct time. The 54 days a year is set by Congress in 18 USC § 3624(b)(1). The rumor that either agency will do so is dead wrong.

Second, none of the bills getting any consideration by House or Senate committees proposes more blanket good time because of COVID or for any other reason.

Email 4: “What RIGHTS ‘got’ passed IN CONGRESS last night?”

Email 5:  “I heard Congress is supposed to be voting on something in late Spring, sometime in June, do you know if that’s Equal Act/Criminal Justice Reform?”

Congress votes on things all the time. It just passed a $1.5 trillion spending bill last week. But nothing has been passed on criminal justice reform by the entire Congress in its 14 months of existence. The House did pass the EQUAL Act – which would reduce punishments for crack cocaine to equal those for powder cocaine – but that bill’s stalled in the Senate. Right now, nothing is scheduled for floor time in the House or Senate on criminal justice reform (although that does not mean something won’t be in the future).

Time magazine last week ran a mostly complimentary article about Biden’s criminal justice accomplishments. But even it admitted that his efforts have fallen short: “The President said that he would revamp clemency power and use it for non-violent offenders and those incarcerated on drug crimes; Biden has not commuted or pardoned anyone so far. The US Sentencing Commission, which helps govern and address disparities in federal cases, currently has six open seats; Biden has not nominated anyone for the commission. Reducing the prison population was supposed to be another priority in Biden’s administration; there has not been much follow-through on that: The prison population is at around 1.8 million and while there was a period of decarceration at the start of the COVID-19 pandemic, that has since stalled.”

The article mentioned Biden’s failure to push the George Floyd Policing Act through the Senate, but did not even note the stalled  EQUAL Act, MORE Act, or First Step Implementation Act – all of the highest-profile reform bills now pending in Congress.

grid160411With the midterm elections coming up this fall – where all of the House of Representatives and one-third of the Senate is up for re-election – crime is going to be a major issue, and the Democrats are nervous. That usually means that the kinds of issues important to federal prisoners – retroactivity, EQUAL Act, marijuana reform, fixing First Step – are unlikely to be brought to a vote, because incumbents don’t want to take a stand they might have to defend on the hustings.

Finally, Email 5:  “Over 65 yrs old can release immediately, is it true?”

Oh, c’mon, people…

Time, Criminal-Justice Reform Was a Key Part of President Biden’s Campaign. Here’s How He’s Done So Far (March 7, 2022)

Washington Post, In San Francisco and elsewhere, Democrats fight Democrats over where they stand (February 17, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

‘Compassionate Release’ is as Arbitrary as it Seems, Sentencing Commission Suggests – Update for March 14, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

COMPASSIONATE RELEASE STATS ALL OVER THE MAP, SENTENCING COMMISSION REPORTS

shocked191024Everyone was shocked, shocked, I tell you, when the US Sentencing Commission reported last week that compassionate release since the passage of the First Step Act in December 2018 through the end of FY 2020 (September 30, 2020, has been largely a geographical crapshoot.

The 1st Circuit (Maine, New Hampshire, Rhode Island and Massachusetts) had the highest compassionate release grant rate at 47.5%, while the 5th Circuit (Texas, Mississippi and Louisiana) was lowest at 13.7%. Second place for compassion went to the 9th at 37.3% with honorable mention to the 7th at 36.6%. The bottom dwellers included the 11th at 19.5% and 8th at 21.3% (although in fairness, no other Circuit came close to the 5th Circuit’s dismal approval rate).

Within all of the circuits, the best places to win compassionate release were Rhode Island (25 compassionate release motions granted out of 32 filed, or 78.1%), Connecticut (49 of 68 granted, for 72.1%), and Oregon (39 of 55 granted, for 70.9%). At the other end of the scale, South Dakota (0 out of 16, for 0.0%), Western District of North Carolina (3 of 172, for 1.7%), and Southern District of West Virginia (1 out of 40, or 2.5%), were the worst places to be.

(I have excluded districts where fewer than 10 motions were filed from this: otherwise, Puerto Rico was the best place, with 8 out of 9 granted (88.9%)).

The national average for compassionate release grants during the 2-year period was 25.7%. Courts granted 1,805 requests in fiscal year 2020 and 145 requests in FY 2019.

Age, original sentence length, and the amount of time already served emerged as the central factors affecting likelihood of a compassionate release grant.

usscgraph220314By contrast, an offender’s race, criminal history category, and offense of conviction generally appeared to have little impact on the likelihood of a compassionate release grant. Still, it is interesting that the offenses most likely to get compassionate release were immigration (50% of compassionate release motions granted), administration of justice (42% granted) and bribery/corruption (37.8%). The offenses with the worst odds were stalking/harassing (12.5%), sexual abuse (13.2%) and kidnapping (13.8%). Someone with a murder conviction was more likely to win compassionate release (19%) than one with a child pornography count (17.6%).

On average, prisoners granted relief had served 80 months and at least half of their sentences. The success rate was 57%for prisoners who had been sentenced to a year or less, 20% for prisoners with sentences between 120 and 240 months, and 30% for those who had been sentenced to 20 years or more. The average compassionate release sentence reduction was 59 months (42.6% of the original sentence).

The pandemic led to a surge in motions from prisoners who worried that they might die from COVID-19 contracted in the crowded conditions of their confinement. Courts received more than 7,000 motions – 96% of which were filed by prisoners – and granted a quarter of them. Judges cited COVID-19 risks in granting compassionate release 72% of the time.

The study makes clear that how federal courts apply 18 USC 3582(c)(1)(A)(i) varies greatly, “underscoring the need to restore the U.S. Sentencing Commission,” Law360 said. “President Joe Biden, after a year in office, has yet to nominate new commissioners, keeping a potentially key player in justice reform on the sidelines.”

Individuals aged 75 or older, who make up a smaller portion of prison populations, were granted compassionate release at the highest rate — more than 60%. Courts granted compassionate release at the lowest rate — less than 20%— to people under the age of 45, according to the report. The most common reason for denying relief was failure to demonstrate an “extraordinary and compelling” reason (two-thirds of denials). Failure to exhaust administrative remedies, cited in a third of cases, was the next most common reason.

Notably, “danger to the public” was cited less than a quarter of the time, “which makes you wonder about the public safety rationale for keeping most of these prisoners behind bars,” Reason magazine said. ‘The ages of many federal prisoners cast further doubt on that rationale, since recidivism declines sharply with age.”

compassion160124

The number of compassionate releases in 2020 was anomalously high because of the pandemic. “After the study period ended,” the USSC notes, “the number of offenders granted compassionate release substantially decreased.” Yet the 1,805 people who were granted compassionate release in 2020 represented just 1% of the federal prison population. Congress, which sets federal penalties, and President Joe Biden, who has the power to free any prisoner whose punishment he deems unjust and promised to “broadly use” that power but has not used it at all yet, might want to consider the possibility that there is room for a bit more compassion.

Law360, Compassionate Release Grants Vary Without Advisory Board (March 10, 2022)

Reason, Compassionate Releases of Federal Prisoners Surged During the Pandemic (March 11, 2022)

US Sentencing Commission, Compassionate Release – The Impact of the First Step Act and COVID-19 Pandemic (March 10, 2022)

Reuters, Conservative U.S. judicial regions less apt to grant inmates compassionate release -commission report (March 10, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

Stress and Angst Not Enough Injury to Justify Civil Suit Against the BOP – Update for March 11, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

NO HARM, NO FOUL

dongarra220311Jordan Dongarra, a convicted bank robber, was designated to serve his sentence at a newly-opened BOP facility, USP Canaan in Pennsylvania. When he arrived, Officer Smith issued him an ID card and clothing that mislabeled him as a sex offender. Jordy protested, and asked for new ID and threads. Officer Smith refused, saying he did not care and that he “hopes you know how to fight… and use a knife.”

Branded by his ID and T-shirt, Dongarra tried to explain the situation to other prisoners. Out of fear, he skipped all his meals and shed lots of weight. He refused to go out for recreation. “All this made him feeble and unfocused,” the Court said. He filed an administrative remedy, a so-called BP-9, asking the Warden to fix things by giving him normal prison clothes and an ID without the “sex offender” label.

The Warden never answered Jordy’s BP-9. Nevertheless, a few weeks after he filed it, the prison finally replaced his ID card and T-shirt with duds and accessories more appropriate for, say, your ordinary bank robber.

money160118Jordan sued Officer Smith in an action brought under Bivens, asking for money damages and an injunction to order the prison not to do it again. The district court threw out the case, and Jordan appealed.

Last week, the 3rd Circuit upheld the dismissal. “The 8th Amendment bans cruel and unusual punishments,” the Circuit said. “When we parse his complaint, we see that Dongarra is alleging two distinct 8th Amendment wrongs. First, he challenges the conditions of his confinement: living in prison while branded a sex offender, he says, made him anxious and stressed. Second, he challenges the prison’s failure to protect him. Smith, he argues, was deliberately indifferent to the risk that other prisoners would assault a supposed sex offender.”

The 3rd said that Jordy’s conditions-of-confinement claim failed “because dubbing him a sex offender did not deprive him of a basic human need.” His “failure-to-protect” claim, however, did allege an 8th Amendment violation.

The problem with the “failure-to-protect” claim, the 3rd said, was that it fell short on actual injury: you can’t collect damages for an assault that never happened.

“Rights do not always have remedies,” the 3rd Circuit said. “Often, someone can violate a right without paying full compensation. For instance, a valid claim can be blocked by sovereign or qualified immunity. So too here. Dongarra claimed administrative and injunctive relief, but he cannot get damages for any past harm.”

taketheshot211021This is a tough lesson for inmates to absorb. All the time, I hear from people who want to sue – and promise that any lawyer I find for them to take the case will become fabulously rich on the damages – because the Bureau of Prisons delayed medical treatment or held them in quarantine too long or denied their units recreation time or some other complaint. The complaints are usually correct, but the inmates cannot point to any actual harm they suffered other than stress, aggravation or ennui.

But popular media accounts notwithstanding, you really do need to be damaged before you can collect money for it. Juries are never terribly sympathetic to inmate plaintiffs to begin with. Telling Joe and Jane Juror in essence that the BOP was mean to you and you were upset by it rarely results in jury awards. In Jordan Dongarra’s case, it did not even result in the right to bring the claim.

Dongarra v. Smith, Case No. 20-2872, 2022 U.S. App. LEXIS 5347 (3d Cir. Mar. 1, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

Congressional Committees Pile On BOP Sex Abuse Scandal – Update for March 10, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

BOP BEATDOWN CONTINUES (DESERVEDLY)

Eight members of the House of Representatives have joined the fracas over the BOP’s mismanagement at FCI Dublin (California) where the rampant sexual abuse of female inmates has led to the arrests of four employees, including the former warden and chaplain.

PREA220310Last week, the legislators – including members of the House Judiciary Committee and oversight subcommittees – wrote to BOP Director Michael Carvajal demanding a copy of the Prison Rape Elimination Act audit conducted at FCI Dublin, California, by the end of the month.

(The last PREA audit of FCI Dublin, which reported that everything was just peachy, occurred in 2017, even while the “Rape Club” was in full flower. That’s hardly surprising: “In 2020, Associated Press reported“the same year some of the women at Dublin complained, there were 422 complaints of staff-on-inmate sexual abuse across the system of 122 prisons and 153,000 inmates. The agency said it substantiated only four of those complaints and that 290 are still being investigated. It would not say whether the allegations were concentrated in women’s prisons or spread throughout the system.” That’s a one-percent  rate (or a three-percent rate, if you count only the investigations completed, having faith that the 290 still being investigated two years later have a snowball’s chance of concluding in favor of the inmate complainant).

The group also asked DOJ Inspector General Michael Horowitz to conduct an inspection at Dublin. In a letter to the IG, they said:

We were first made aware of the systemic issues plaguing FCI Dublin through the detailed articles and investigations completed by several reputable news sources earlier this month… These writings detailed how the all-women inmate population at FCI Dublin has allegedly been subjected to rampant sexual harassment and abuse at the hands of predatory male employees like former Warden Ray Garcia, former Chaplain James Theodore Highhouse, Prison Safety Administrator John Bellhouse, and recycling technician Ross Klinger.

As well, the Senate Judiciary Committee is also examining recent BOP problems. On February 23rd, Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Richard Durbin (D-IL) and Ranking Member Chuck Grassley (R-IA) asked DOJ for information on recent reports of BOP employee misconduct and sexual abuse.

sexualassault211014Meanwhile, the Dublin problems only worsen. DOJ said last week it is “gravely concerned about allegations that a high-ranking federal prison official entrusted to end sexual abuse and cover-ups at a women’s prison known as the “rape club” may have taken steps to suppress a recent complaint about staff misconduct.”

AP reported last week that BOP Deputy Regional Director T. Ray Hinkle has been accused of attempting to silence a female employee who said she had been harassed by an FCI Dublin manager by meeting with her personally in violation of established protocols.

“These allegations, if true, are abhorrent, and the Department of Justice takes them very seriously,” DOJ told AP.

Hinkle, who pledged to staff that he would help Dublin “regain its reputation” during a stint as acting warden that ended this week, was also admonished by his BOP bosses for sending all-staff emails that were critical of agency leadership and policies. In one email, AP said, Hinkle complained he was unable to defend himself in news reports airing allegations that he bullied whistleblower employees, threatened to close Dublin if employees kept speaking up about misconduct, and stonewalled a Congresswoman who sought to speak candidly with staff and inmates at the prison last month.

prisonhealth200313The BOP was also blasted last week for poor planning in its contract with private healthcare contractor NaphCare for some inmate medical services. The Bureau awarded NaphCare a three-year blanket purchase agreement in 2016 to care for inmates in home confinement and halfway houses. The contract had an initial ceiling value of less than $4 million, but officials used the agreement to add on some $52 million in additional health care services. Then, the BOP issued sole-source awards to extend the same contract for three more years – one year at a time – all against federal contracting regulations.

The IG says it’s still auditing the contract with NaphCare, but the issues are serious enough to warrant management attention now.

AP, House Dems demand to see investigation into rapes at Dublin women’s prison (March 4, 2022)

Legal Examiner, Sex Abuse, Corruption in U.S. Prisons to Be Examined By Lawmakers (March 2, 2022)

Pleasanton Weekly, Members of Congress demand investigation into ‘rampant’ abuse at Dublin prison (March 7, 2022)

AP, ‘Abhorrent’: Prison boss vexes DOJ with alleged intimidation (March 4, 2022)

Federal News Network, Certain agencies miss getting a clean audit bill of health for differing reasons (February 28, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

‘Great Occasions’, Predicate Crimes and the ACCA: The Supreme Court Speaks – Update for March 8, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

THREE CRIMES CAN BE ONE OCCASION, SUPREME COURT SAYS

louisianapurchase220308When Thomas Jefferson bought 530 million acres for $15 million in the Louisiana Purchase, he was violating his own sense of the proper limitations on federal authority.

The deal, however, was a steal: a lousy 3¢ an acre. It was just too good to pass up. Jefferson said at the time, “It is incumbent on those who accept great charges to risk themselves on great occasions.”

What if Jefferson’s purchase really was a steal, and he actually burgled 530 million acres from the French? Would he have committed a burglary on 530 million different occasions, or just 530 million burglaries at one time, on one “occasion?”

angels170726Talk about your angels on the head of a pin! But, arcane or not, this seemingly hyper-technical question yesterday – one with real-world consequences for many federal defendants – was addressed yesterday by the Supreme Court. A unanimous bench threw out an Armed Career Criminal Act sentencing enhancement for a man whose three predicate crimes of violence occurred during a single “occasion.”

The ACCA provides that the mandatory minimum sentence for a defendant convicted of an 18 USC 922(g) firearms offense – commonly known as felon-in-possession – is 15 years to life if the defendant has three prior serious drug offenses or crimes of violence. The statute – 18 USC 924(e) – holds that the three prior offenses must have occurred on “on occasions different from one another.”

The problem is that courts have taken an increasingly narrow view of what “different occasions” might be.

In 1997, Dale Wooden broke into a self-storage facility and burgled ten individual storage units. The State of Georgia convicted Dale of ten counts of burglary in a single state indictment. He received one sentence.

BettyWhiteACCA180503Seventeen years later, police found a gun in Dale’s house. The federal government charged him with felon-in-possession under 18 USC § 922(g)(1) and – because of the prior burglaries – prosecutors sought an enhanced ACCA sentence of 15 years. Absent the ACCA, Dale would have faced a Guidelines sentencing range of 27-33 months. He got 15 years (180 months).

Dale’s trial court held that each burglary occurred on a different occasion, because a new burglary did not occur until the old one had been completed. As a result, one night’s illegal frolic made Dale an armed career criminal.

Yesterday’s decision turned on the meaning of § 924(e). Justice Kagan, writing for the court, said Dale’s burglary convictions arose from a single criminal episode and thus did not count as multiple occasions. She complained that the government’s view that any time offenses occurred seriatim the occasions were separate gutted the “occasions different from one another” standard:

By treating each temporally distinct offense as its own occasion, the Government goes far toward collapsing two separate statutory conditions. Recall that ACCA kicks in only if (1) a §922(g) offender has previously been convicted of three violent felonies, and (2) those three felonies were committed on “occasions different from one another.” §924(e)(1). In other words, the statute contains both a three-offense requirement and a three-occasion requirement. But under the Government’s view, the two will generally boil down to the same thing: When an offender’s criminal history meets the three-offense demand, it will also meet the three-occasion one. That is because people seldom commit—indeed, seldom can commit—multiple ACCA offenses at the exact same time. Take burglary. It is, just as the Government argues, “physically impossible” for an offender to enter different structures simultaneously. (citation omitted). Or consider crimes defined by the use of physical force, such as assault or murder. Except in unusual cases (like a bombing), multiple offenses of that kind happen one by one by one, even if all occur in a short spell. The Government’s reading, to be sure, does not render the occasions clause wholly superfluous; in select circumstances, a criminal may satisfy the elements of multiple offenses in a single instant. But for the most part, the Government’s hyper-technical focus on the precise timing of elements—which can make someone a career criminal in the space of a minute—gives ACCA’s three-occasions requirement no work to do.

burglar160103Justice Kagen as well argued that the history of the ACCA supported her view. For the first four years of its existence, the “ACCA asked only about offenses, not about occasions. Its enhanced penalties, that is, kicked in whenever a §922(g) offender had three prior convictions for specified crimes—in the initial version, for robbery or burglary alone, and in the soon-amended version, for any violent felony or serious drug offense.” But after a court enhanced a sentence under the ACCA for six burglaries committed at once (see Petty v. United States, 481 U.S. 1034, 1034-1035 (1987), Congress amended ACCA to add the occasions clause, requiring that the requisite prior crimes occur on “occasions different from one another.” 

Yesterday’s decision was unanimous, although four justices — Clarence Thomas, Samuel Alito, Neil Gorsuch, and Amy Coney Barrett — declined to join some of Kagan’s opinion, meaning they disagreed with some of her reasoning.

So how does a court tell whether the occasions are different or the same? Kagan called the inquiry that must be made “multi-factored in nature.” She wrote

Ontime160103Timing of course matters, though not in the split-second, elements-based way the Government proposes. Offenses committed close in time, in an uninterrupted course of conduct, will often count as part of one occasion; not so offenses separated by substantial gaps in time or significant intervening events. Proximity of location is also important; the further away crimes take place, the less likely they are components of the same criminal event. And the character and relationship of the offenses may make a difference: The more similar or intertwined the conduct giving rise to the offenses—the more, for example, they share a common scheme or purpose—the more apt they are to compose one occasion.

For the most part, applying this approach will be straightforward and intuitive. In the Circuits that have used it, we can find no example (nor has the Government offered one) of judges coming out differently on similar facts. In many cases, a single factor—especially of time or place—can decisively differentiate occasions. Courts, for instance, have nearly always treated offenses as occurring on separate occasions if a person committed them a day or more apart, or at a “significant distance.” (citation omitted). In other cases, the inquiry just as readily shows a single occasion, because all the factors cut that way. That is true, for example, in our barroom-brawl hypothetical, where the offender has engaged in a continuous stream of closely related criminal acts at one location. Of course, there will be some hard cases in between, as under almost any legal test. When that is so, assessing the relevant circumstances may also involve keeping an eye on ACCA’s history and purpose…

So where an ACCA defendant (as in one case with which I am familiar) broke into a strip mall and burgled one store, then pushed through the wall to another, it will be pretty easy to claim it was one occasion. In another case I worked on once, the defendant sold crack on the same street corner, was arrested for three undercover buys in 16 days. Different occasions? That one will be a lot closer.

Because yesterday’s decision interprets a statute, it will be retroactive on collateral review, meaning that people already convicted of an ACCA offense may challenge their sentence. Expect a wave of post-conviction litigation arising from this decision, in large part because the government has been so heavy-handed in charging ACCA enhancements where a more prudent prosecuting authority might not have been.

Wooden v. United States, No. 20-5279, 2022 U.S. LEXIS 1421 (March 7, 2022)

SCOTUSBlog, Court rejects enhanced sentence under Armed Career Criminal Act for man who broke into storage facility (March 7, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

“Say It Ain’t So, Joe” – Biden’s Failure on Criminal Justice Reform – Update for March 7, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

WHY NOTHING IS BEING DONE ON CRIMINAL JUSTICE REFORM

nothinghere190906President Joe Biden’s campaign platform included ending the federal death penalty and solitary confinement, decriminalizing marijuana, and using clemency to free federal inmates serving sentences for some nonviolent and drug crimes. “More than a year into the new administration,” Reason magazine reported last week, “few of those promises have been fulfilled.”

More like zero. No clemencies. No bills passed. No retroactive changes to mandatory minimums. No EQUAL Act. Nothing.

Any hopes that might change were dampened after last week’s State of the Union speech, which included nothing of the criminal justice reforms that Biden promised during the campaign.

“Let’s come together to protect our communities, restore trust, and hold law enforcement accountable,” Biden said in the sole reference to reform in his speech. Biden drew bipartisan applause for his calls to fund, not defund, the police.

Biden promised to end private prisons, cash bail, mandatory-minimum sentencing, and the death penalty during his presidential campaign. Candidate Biden also said the United States could reduce its prison population by more than half. As The Marshall Project put it at the time, “Biden has… quietly, been elected on the most progressive criminal justice platform of any major party candidate in generations.”

nolove220307But Biden has discovered that mainstream voters largely do not love the progressive platform. Rising murder rates have made many Democrats hesitant to stray too close to any criminal justice reform. The Democrats’ research recently showed that some voters in battleground districts think the party is “focused on culture wars,” POLITICO reported. The Democrats fear that being soft on crime could cause Democrats to lose substantial ground to the GOP in this fall’s midterm elections.

In fact, the perception among voters – even where the statistics show otherwise – is that crime is on the rise.

But, as Reason put it, “the administration’s effort to forget some of the more tangible reforms it promised is not a profile in courage.” The Biden campaign promised to broadly use clemency for some non-violent and drug crimes, but the White House has been less than clear on when that would happen. Many presidents wait until the final years of their terms to flex their clemency powers. “In the meantime, though,” Reason said, “there are still federal inmates serving sentences in understaffed, dangerous prisons for nonviolent drug offenses — something that Biden supposedly thinks is an outrage.”

Other parts of the federal criminal justice system are being neglected, too. The Sentencing Commission has lacked a quorum since halfway through Trump’s presidency. Thus far, Biden has resisted calls to appoint the four replacements needed. Part of Biden’s platform to “ensure humane prison conditions” included ending solitary confinement, with very limited exceptions. Last week, The Appeal reported a draft White House executive order leaked August would order federal inmates to be housed in the “least restrictive setting necessary.” But the proposed order reportedly outraged law enforcement groups, and the proposal quietly died.

crackpowder160606So how about the crown jewel, the EQUAL Act? Last week, the Attorney General and Deputy AGs Lisa O. Monaco and Vanita Gupta met with members of FAMM and families “who have been impacted by the federal criminal justice system.” A Dept of Justice news release said Associate AG Gupta noted DOJ’s support for the EQUAL Act, saying, “the current sentencing differential between crack and powder cocaine is not based in evidence and yet has caused significant harm in particular to communities of color. It’s past time to correct this.”

Sure it is. But what’s being done in the Senate? Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman wrote in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog that “every day matters: on average, every single workday, about 5 people — 4 whom are typically black and the other who is most likely Latino — are sentenced based on unjust crack sentencing rules in federal court… Nearly six months after the U.S. House overwhelmingly voted with majorities in both parties in pass a bill to equalize crack and powder penalties, this bipartisan bill remains stuck in neutral in the U.S. Senate.”

Reason, Criminal Justice Campaign Promises Absent From Biden’s State of the Union Speech (March 1, 2022)

Politico, Biden draws bipartisan applause for calls to ‘fund the police’ (March 1, 2022)

The Marshall Project, What Biden’s Win Means for the Future of Criminal Justice (November 8, 2020)

Brennen Center, Criminal Legal Reform One Year into the Biden Administration (January 24, 2022)

Letter to President Biden on Solitary Confinement (June 3, 2021)

The Appeal, Will Biden Step Up On Solitary Confinement? (February 28, 2022)

New York Times, Inside a Near Breakdown Between the White House and the Police (February 2, 2022)

Dept of Justice, Readout of Justice Department Leadership Meeting with FAMM (March 1, 2022)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Why is getting the EQUAL Act through the US Senate proving so challenging? (March 1, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root