“THERE IS A REASON THIS IS CALLED COMPASSIONATE RELEASE” – Update for January 11, 2023

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

4TH CIRCUIT SLAMS DISTRICT COURT ‘ROTE’ DENIAL OF COMPASSIONATE RELEASE 

compassion160124Some 15 years ago, Lonnie Malone was sentenced to 330 months for a drug conspiracy and 18 USC § 924(c). After serving 11 years, Lonnie sought compassionate release based on his poor health and advanced age. The district court denied his motion, relying solely upon USSG § 1B1.13.

The following year, the Bureau of Prisons deemed Lonnie to have a severe COVID-19 risk, and sent him to CARES Act home confinement. Lonnie then filed a second compassionate release motion, again arguing his advanced age and severe health conditions. As well, Lonnie focused on the COVID pandemic, relevant 18 USC § 3553(a) sentencing factors, the “extreme” nature of his sentence, and his inability to receive social security on home confinement.

The district court was not impressed, and again denied Lonnie compassionate release, tersely noting that “considering these facts and the § 3553(a) factors… no further relief is warranted.”

Last week, the 4th Circuit reversed the compassionate release denial, finding the “district court’s reasoning both inadequate and at odds with the record.” The Circuit panel explained that while Lonnie

was sentenced within the applicable guidelines range and the court then believed his sentence necessary for community protection” back in 2008, his “severely degenerated health and advanced age provide strong grounds for reweighing the relevant sentencing factors. Because motions for relief under § 3582(c)(1)(A)(i) ask courts to balance the severity of the inmate’s personal circumstances, on the one hand, against the needs for incarceration, on the other, a district court’s task is to determine whether these relevant § 3553(a) factors weigh against sentence reduction in light of new extraordinary and compelling reasons.”

Here, the Circuit said, Lonnie’s “new extraordinary and compelling circumstances inhibit him from being a danger to the community. For one, Malone was moved to minimal security while in prison, demonstrating that he posed no threat while incarcerated. Even more, since the BOP transferred Malone from his prison facility to home confinement during the pandemic’s emergency period, this indicates the BOP’s assessment that Malone is not a danger to the community… Thus, if the district court was determined to keep Malone on home confinement for the five years remaining on his sentence, it would “not meaningfully advance the purposes of sentencing.”

compassion160208Citing Lonnie’s lack of a criminal history and his having served 14 years, taken multiple classes and being put in a camp – along with “extraordinary and compelling health-related circumstances [that] have condemned him to a life filled with limitations,” the 4th held, “to affirm the district court’s denial would not only be a great disservice to Malone, but to any defendant with failing health seeking autonomy in their twilight. There is a reason this is called compassionate release, after all.”

The Circuit said, “In sum, the district court’s § 3553(a) reasoning was a ‘rote’ statement lacking the necessary rebalancing regarding Malone’s conditions at the time his motion was filed.’

United States v. Malone, Case No. 21-6242, 2023 U.S.App. LEXIS 207 (4th Cir., January 5, 2023)

– Thomas L. Root

Third Circuit May Be Gunning for § 922(g) Felon-In-Possession – Update for January 10, 2023

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

3RD CIRCUIT CALLS FOR EN BANC REHEARING ON WHETHER FELON-IN-POSSESSION IS CONSTITUTIONAL

On November 16, 2022, the 3rd Circuit upheld the constitutionality of the 18 USC § 922(g)(1) felon-in-possession statute. That ruling has just been vacated (and may be in jeopardy).

gun160711Bryan Range, who had been sentenced to probation a quarter century ago for $2,500 in food stamp fraud, had sued the Attorney General for the right to buy a gun, arguing that after last June’s Supreme Court decision in New York State Rifle & Pistol Ass’n v Bruen, § 922(g)(1)’s denial of his right to own a gun because of a prior felony conviction was a 2nd Amendment violation.

In November, a three-judge panel denied Bryan’s claim in a per curiam opinion. This normally suggests the panel found the holding was so unremarkable as not to require a signed decision. In this case,  however, the panel said it was so issued to “reflect both its unanimity and the highly collaborative nature of its preparation.”

The lengthy order held that Bryan’s 25-year-old “conviction places him outside the class of people traditionally entitled to 2nd Amendment rights.”

Last Friday, the Circuit granted Bryan’s petition and ordered rehearing in front of all 14 of the appellate court’s judges on February 15th.

iloveguns221018The speed with which the full Court ordered rehearing – just three days after Bryan filed his petition – suggests a majority of the judges on the Circuit are very motivated by the issue. Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman, writing yesterday in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog, observed, “I do not know enough about the particulars of all the Third Circuit judges to make confident predictions about how Range will be resolved after en banc reconsideration. But, generally speaking, full circuits do not take up issues en banc when most of the judges are generally content with the panel outcome.”

If the Court ultimately reverses the per curiam decision, the Circuit would be the first to declare § 922(g) unconstitutional after the Bruen decision.

Order Granting Rehearing, Range v. Attorney General, Case No 21-2835, 2022 U.S. App. LEXIS 36088 (3d Cir., January 6, 2023)

Sentencing Law and Policy, En banc Third Circuit to reconsider constitutionality of § 922(g)(1)’s felon-in-possession gun prohibition after Bruen (January 9, 2023)

N.Y. State Rifle & Pistol Ass’n v. Bruen, 142 S. Ct. 2111, 213 L. Ed. 2d 387 (June 23, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

Here We Go Again On FSA Credits – Update for January 9, 2023

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

LUCY, CHARLIE BROWN, FOOTBALL: BOP SAYS FSA CREDIT AUTO-CALC IS HERE

First, it was a Bureau of Prisons official last spring saying that rolling automatic calculation of First Step Act earned-time credits (“FTCs”) would begin August 1, 2022. Then, Director Colette Peters told the Senate Judiciary Committee that the BOP had “completed development of and fully implemented an auto-calculation application for FSA time credits” on August 31, 2022. Then, after a disastrous October recalculation of FTCs, the BOP said on “January 1, 2023, full automation will begin…”

lucycharliebrownfootball230109The BOP’s rollout of FTCs, which for the past four years the agency has known would happen, has been promised more often than Lucy Van Pelt has convinced Charlie Brown that she’ll hold the football for him. The latest promise is that inmates will see the new rolling “auto-calc” on January 9, 2023, that is… um… today.

The United States went from being bombed at Pearl Harbor to dropping an A-bomb on Japan faster (44 months) than the BOP has taken to implementing the First Step Act earned-time credits (48 months plus).

A BOP news release last Friday announced that the Bureau is “recalculating FTC for all eligible individuals. The recalculation is expected to be complete in the coming days.” An internal memorandum distributed to halfway house and home confinement overseers last Friday asserted that FTC “recalculation is expected to be complete by January 9, 2023” but warns that “no releases will occur prior to” that date. The BOP appears to expect a large number of releases in the coming weeks.

For anyone who had been denied FTCs because of incomplete Needs Assessments surveys, the BOP granted a “grace period” that ended December 31st to complete the work. Any prisoner who needed to complete a survey but did not is now unable to reclaim previously-lost FTCs. Beginning January 1st, those still needing to complete Needs Assessment surveys cannot earn FTCs until 30 days after they complete those Assessments.

Likewise, inmates who previously declined programs – something that disqualified them from earning FTCs – have a clean slate for earning FTCs after January 1st. But people who decline programs after that date will not be allowed to earn FTCs as long as they remain in “declined” status.

People in halfway houses or on home confinement will not be affected by the changes, and “will retain prospectively estimated FTCs despite declined programs prior to implementation of the automatic calculation or any incomplete Needs Assessment prior to community placement,” according to the press release.

youcantdothat230109There are still some serious loose ends to the FTC program that the BOP has not addressed. First, the agency is still refusing to apply FTC credits to shorten sentences for those with detainers. Another magistrate judge held two weeks ago that the BOP could not exclude prisoners with immigration detainers from using their FTCs, ruling that the BOP is “required to apply time credits to eligible prisoners who have earned them and cannot categorically make prisoners ineligible for such credits in a manner that contravenes the statutory scheme set forth in 18 USC § 3632.”

Second, the BOP has yet to apply its promise that it would issue guidance to enable the agency to “work on a case-by-case basis with eligible inmates in RRCs [halfway houses and on home confinement] to identify appropriate available programming for them to earn FSA Time Credits…” Inmates in halfway houses and home confinement, especially those doing the transitional drug abuse program required of them for RDAP credit, remain in BOP custody and thus should be eligible for FTCs. The BOP has not announced any plan for fulfilling its statutory obligation to them.

BOP, Update on Calculation of First Step Act Time Credits (January 6, 2023)

BOP, Residential Reentry Center & Home Confinement Resident’s Message Auto-Calculation of Federal Time Credits (January 6, 2023)

Sierra v. Jacquez, Case No 2:22-cv-01509, 2022 U.S.Dist. LEXIS 234525 (W.D. Wash, Dec. 27, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

Will Sentencing Based on Acquitted Conduct Get Supreme Court Review – Update for January 6, 2023

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

PUSH TO GET SCOTUS TO TAKE ‘ACQUITTED CONDUCT’ MAY BEAR FRUIT

A probable Supreme Court decision today on granting review to McClinton v. United States is gaining media notice.

McClinton examines sentencing for acquitted conduct, a judicial phenomenon described by the Associated Press as giving defendants “additional prison time for crimes that juries found they didn’t commit.”

Sentencing a defendant for what’s called “acquitted conduct” has gone on for years, based on United States v. Watts, a 1997 Supreme Court decision. There, a divided Court in a summary disposition held that use of acquitted conduct at sentencing does not offend the 5th Amendment Double Jeopardy Clause.

acquitted230106Maybe not. “But lower courts,” petitioner McClinton complains in his request for SCOTUS review, “have long misinterpreted Watts to foreclose all constitutional challenges to the use of acquitted conduct at sentencing, including under the 5th Amendment’s Due Process Clause and the 6th Amendment’s right to trial by jury.”

Since Watts, the high court has rejected several petitions asking for review of the question of whether using acquitted conduct at sentencing is unconstitutional. Nine years ago, Justice Scalia – joined by Justices Thomas and Ginsburg – highlighted the need for the Supreme Court “to put an end to the unbroken string of cases disregarding the Sixth Amendment” by enhancing sentences based on acquitted conduct, proclaiming in a dissent to the denial of review in another case. Scalia bluntly wrote, “This has gone on long enough.”

Scalia and Ginsburg have since died, but two other justices, Gorsuch and Kavanaugh, voiced concerns about using acquitted conduct at sentencing while serving as appeals court judges. “Allowing judges to rely on acquitted or uncharged conduct to impose higher sentences than they otherwise would impose seems a dubious infringement of the rights to due process and to a jury trial,” Kavanaugh wrote in United States v. Bell, a 2015 D.C. Circuit case.

scotus161130With the addition of Justice Ketanji Jackson, a former public defender (who also served on the Sentencing Commission), to the Supreme Court, there now could be the 4th vote needed to take up the issue, according to Ohio State law professor Doug Berman, a sentencing law expert and author of one of the four briefs on file support McClinton’s bid for SCOTUS review.

The Senate Judiciary Committee approved the Prohibiting Punishment of Acquitted Conduct Act of 2021 (S.601) in June 2021, which would have stopped the use of such conduct in federal sentencing. The bill never was voted on by the full Senate, however, and died last Tuesday when the 117th Congress expired.

The McClinton petition for certiorari has some horsepower behind it, having collected six amicus briefs supporting review, including one from 17 retired federal judges who say that based on their combined 300 years “experience as Article III judges… [we] emphasize the unfairness of the sentence in this case. [McClinton’s] district court relied upon acquitted conduct to essentially quadruple the defendant’s sentencing range, and its decision reflects a more widespread problem in the criminal justice system.”

The Supreme Court will announce decisions made in today’s conference on Monday.

AP, Supreme Court asked to bar punishment for acquitted conduct (December 28, 2022)

McClinton v. United States, Case No. 21-1557 (petition for certiorari, filed June 10, 2022)

United States v. Bell, 808 F.3d 926 (D.C. Cir., 2015)

Jones v United States, 135 S.Ct. 8 (2014) (dissent from denial of certiorari)

S.601, Prohibiting Punishment of Acquitted Conduct Act of 2021 (117th Congress)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Fingers crossed that SCOTUS might review acquitted conduct sentencing enhancements (December 28, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

They Begged His Pardon: Biden Finally Grants Short List at Year’s End – Update for January 5, 2023

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

BIDEN GRANTS HANDFUL OF PARDONS

Maybe I was too hasty in criticizing President Biden last week for granting no Christmas clemency petitions, with about 18,000 petitions for commutation or pardon pending (many for years).

pardon160321Biden finally issued pardons to six people last Friday, four for various low-level drug offenses, one for the illegal sale of whiskey, and one to an 80-year-old woman who killed her husband 47 years ago. Three of the crimes had occurred at least a quarter century ago, and the fourth – an Air Force enlisted man convicted of taking (but not distributing) Ecstasy – happened about 20 years ago.

The White House statement said the pardoned people had served sentences and “demonstrated a commitment to improving their communities and the lives of those around them.”

The pardons came on the last business day of the year. In October, Biden pardoned thousands of unnamed people convicted of simple marijuana possession under federal law. In April, Biden granted three pardons and granted 75 commutations.

Two of the five pardoned last week served about two years in prison. Three of the other four served under a year, and the last one got probation.

At trial, the woman who killed her husband – convicted under District of Columbia law – was denied the right to argue that he had beaten her. Her appeal, the White House said, “marked one of the first significant steps toward judicial recognition of battered woman syndrome, and her case has been the subject of numerous academic studies.”

clemencyjack161229Two years into Biden’s Administration, the theme of his clemency policy seems to be that pardons will issue, favoring very simple drug and politically-preferred offenses, when the crime happened a long time ago.  Commutations – which require actually letting people out of prison – seem to be disfavored by this White House.

A day before the pardon announcement, White House Domestic Policy Council Director Susan Rice said that Biden’s marijuana pardons and scheduling directive were among the administration’s top accomplishments in 2022. Biden issued a scheduling review order in October directing the Dept of Health and Human Services to consider rescheduling pot to a lower-level controlled substance.

Associated Press, Biden pardons 6 convicted of murder, drug, alcohol crimes (December 30, 2022)

White House, Clemency Recipient List (December 30, 2022)

Ibn-Thomas v. United States, 407 A.2d 626 (1979)

Marijuana Moment, Top White House Official Lists Biden’s Marijuana Pardons And Scheduling Review Among Top 2022 Administration Achievements (December 30, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

BOP’s Got Nowhere to Go But Up – Update for January 3, 2023

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

THE BOP’S NEW YEAR RESOLUTIONS

peters220929Director Colette Peters has been at the Bureau of Prisons now for five months. As she begins her first complete calendar year at the agency, she’s not lacking for material when she compiles a list of new year resolutions.

Starting my ninth year of writing about the BOP – and being an average joe who is happier suggesting resolutions to other people than I am adopting resolutions of my own – I have some suggestions for Director in the unlikely event her list is too short.

(1) Change the Culture: The BOP has nowhere to go but up. Last year, the Partnership for Public Service‘s 2021 rankings of the best places to work in the federal government ranked the BOP in 431st place. This was out of 432 agencies. The BOP ranked dead last in 8 of 15 categories, including “effective leadership,” “innovation” and “teamwork.”

BOPad230103(2) Hire people: Walter Pavlo observed last week that “hiring new staff in this environment is difficult.” National Council of Prison Locals president Shane Fousey called it, “a staffing crisis of epic proportions.” Staffing issues lead to inconsistent and nonexistent programming, poor healthcare, loss of opportunities for sentence credit and community confinement, and institutional safety issues.

Of course, you cannot hire the people you need to work at an agency that is feeding at the bottom of the federal employment hierarchy.  No leadership, no teamwork, no innovation… no employees.

Just last week, Pavlo wrote that an FCI Miami inmate died choking on his own blood while in a COVID quarantine. His cellmate (apparently, quarantine was in the SHU), pounded and screamed for help for 90 minutes before a CO – who was responsible for multiple housing units, came along for count. Kareen Troitino, the local CO union president, said of the incident, “As a cost savings initiative, the Agency is jeopardizing lives by forcing one officer to supervise two units. This loss of life would have never happened if we had one officer in each building as we had in the past.”

(3) Clean Up Internal Investigations: Last month, the Senate Permanent Committee on Investigations found that BOP employees had abused female prisoners in at least 19 of the 29 federal facilities over the past decade. In June 2021, the Dept of Justice revealed that as of 2018, inmates reported 27,826 allegations of sexual victimization, or a 15% increase from 2015. Of the 27,826 allegations, over half were staff-on-inmate sexual abuse. The BOP has over 8,000 internal affairs misconduct allegations that haven’t been investigated.

SIS230103The misconduct ranges from BOP leaks and lies that placed Whitey Bulger in general population at USP Hazelton (where he survived for under 12 hours) to ”corruption at the US Penitentiary Atlanta in Georgia to the Dept of Justice’s failure to count almost 1,000 deaths in custody across the country, to abusive and unnecessary gynecological procedures performed on women in Dept of Homeland Security custody,” according to Sen. Jon Ossoff (D-GA).

(4) Use the Tools Congress Gave You: Stephen Sady, Chief Deputy Federal Public Defender for the District of Oregon, recently wrote in the Federal Sentencing Reporter that the Sentencing Commission should fulfill its statutory obligation to make recommendations regarding correctional resources and programs. He told Walter Pavlo that “the BOP has failed to adequately implement critical legislation to improve the conditions of people in prison” and since the BOP hasn’t acted, the Sentencing Commission should.

The BOP could address staff shortages and morale problems by getting more people to home confinement, halfway house and early release with the need for USSC oversight, Pavlo also suggests the BOP could expand eligibility and availability of RDAP sentence reductions, “eliminate computation rules that create longer sentences… Implement broader statutory and guideline standards to file compassionate release motions any time extraordinary and compelling reasons exist… [and f]ully implement the First Step Act’s earned time credit program.’ Pavlo notes that “[n]o new legislation would be required for any of these reforms.”

nothingtosay230123(5) Practice Openness: There’s an old admonition about not picking a fight with someone who buys ink by the barrel. It’s not so much ink these days, but a blemish on Peters’s honeymoon as director is the BOP’s continued awkward of the Ft. Worth Star-Telegram’s questions about allegations of systemic abuse at the women’s FMC Carswell.

Although the Star-Telegram rated its reports of Carswell mismanagement and misconduct as one of its most important stories in 2022, the newspaper complained again this week that BOP “administrators have declined interview requests, given blanket statements in answer to questions and failed to provide detailed plans about how the Bureau of Prisons intends to address the problems.”

Associated Press, Biden signs bill forcing the federal Bureau of Prisons to fix outdated cameras (December 27, 2022)

Partnership for Public Service, 2021 Best Places to Work in the Federal Government rankings

Forbes, A Federal Public Defender Challenges U.S. Sentencing Commission To Help Fix The Bureau Of Prisons (December 28, 2022)

Forbes, Federal Inmate Dies Choking On His Own Blood While Locked In Cell At FCI Miami (December 29, 2022)

Amsterdam News, Senate committee finds widespread employee on inmate sex abuse in federal prisons (December 26, 2022)

Business Insider, Inside the federal West Virginia prison where gangster Whitey Bulger was beaten to death (December 31, 2022)

Ft Worth Star-Telegram, Fort Worth’s biggest stories of 2022: What will you remember most about this year? (December 31, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

‘Peeping Tom’ Crime Not Necessarily Child Porn, 8th Circuit Says – Update for December 30, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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8TH CIRCUIT HOLDS VOYEURISM IS NOT NECESSARILY CHILD PORN

I’ll get this out of the way right now: child pornography is creepy. What’s more, it can scar the innocent victim for life. No thinking person can see it as a harmless albeit deviant pastime.

pervert160728But feeling the need to wash your hands after even just discussing the topic is different from opposing the draconian sentences for child porn mandated by federal law. Matthew McCoy got such a sentence, 210 months (17 years plus) because he hid a video camera in a bathroom closet to record his 15-year-old niece taking a shower.

After a jury trial, Matt was convicted of two counts of producing child porn, a 15-year mandatory minimum offense. But two weeks ago, the 8th Circuit reversed.

Matt was convicted under 18 USC § 2251(a), which prohibits using a “minor to engage in… any sexually explicit conduct for or the purpose of producing any visual depiction of such conduct.” For the conduct to be “sexually explicit,” it must be “lascivious.”

The statutes define “sexually explicitly conduct” as including “actual … lascivious exhibition of the anus, genitals, or pubic area of any person[.]” 18 U.S.C. § 2256(2)(A)(v). Both McCoy and the government focus our attention on the meaning of “lascivious exhibition.”

The Circuit applied the well-known “Dost factors” – so named because they were originally used in United States v. Dost (a 36-year-old California district court case) – to Matt’s video. Those factors include

(1) whether the focal point of the visual depiction is on the child’s genitalia or pubic area;

(2) whether the setting of the visual depiction is sexually suggestive, i.e., in a place or pose generally associated with sexual activity;

(3) whether the child is depicted in an unnatural pose, or in inappropriate attire, considering the age of the child;

(4) whether the child is fully or partially clothed, or nude;

(5) whether the visual depiction suggests sexual coyness or a willingness to engage in sexual activity;

(6) whether the visual depiction is intended or designed to elicit a sexual response in the viewer.

While the child was unclothed, the Court said, the camera was fixed and thus could not focus on any particular body parts. Nothing the child did in showering constituted suggestive posing or was overtly sexual.

None of that mattered, the government argued, because the issue of how the video turned out was irrelevant. Matt intended the video depiction “to elicit a sexual response in the viewer,” the prosecutor argued, and that was all that mattered.

pornC160829The 8th Circuit rejected this subjective standard. “The statute does not ask whether the videos were intended to appeal to the defendant’s particular sexual interest,” the 8th said. “Instead, the inquiry is whether the videos, on their face, are of a sexual character.”

No question that secretly recording kids in the bathroom is creepy. The issue is whether it is a 17-year-plus sentence worth of “creepy” “Congress… defined sexually explicit conduct as the lascivious exhibition of genitals — not mere nudity,” the Circuit said. “Applying this statute to the evidence presented at trial, we conclude no reasonable jury could have found McCoy guilty beyond a reasonable doubt.

Voyeurism is disgusting. But it is not necessarily child pornography.

United States v. McCoy, Case No 21-3895, 2022 U.S.App. LEXIS 34588 (8th Cir., December 15, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

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No Clemency from Santa Biden This Year – Update for December 29, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.
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CHRISTMAS CLEMENCIES ARE A BUST

Congress is not the only underperforming branch of government this year. So far this month, President Biden granted traditional year-end clemencies to the following:

_________________
_________________
_________________
_________________

clemency170206That’s right… to no one.

Last week, sentencing law experts (and law professors) Mark Osler and Rachel Barkow took Biden to task for using the tool of clemency for symbolism rather than substance, while ignoring clemency’s official process.” Saying that he has acted like former President Trump, Osler and Barkow – writing in the New York Daily News – complained that while 17,000 petitions (it’s closer to 18,000) have piled up — a “historic backlog — and many petitioners have been waiting for answers for five years or more.”

Osler and Barkow wrote that “like Trump, Biden has simply ignored those thousands of people waiting for consideration of their heartfelt pleas for clemency; in fact, he has failed to deny a single petition by presidential action even as the pile has grown into a tower. While many clemency petitions are worthy, many others are obviously not, and it shouldn’t be hard to say “no” to the weakest petitions. Like Trump before him, Biden seems either frozen in inaction or just doesn’t care.”

Biden’s commutation so far of 82 people for nonviolent offenses (and the vague pardons to unnamed marijuana possessors) “are more about signaling and politics than helping real people,” Barkow and Osler said.

clemency220418For all of the Biden Administration’s hand-wringing over retroactively remedying the crack-powder sentencing disparity that was embraced by the failed EQUAL Act (S.79), MSNBC reported last week, “Biden, who supported the proposed legislation, could remedy these past injustices with clemency, but he hasn’t done so, despite issuing pardons ahead of the midterm elections for cannabis possession.”

NY Daily News, Biden’s cowardice on clemency (December 20, 2022)

MSNBC, Racist war on drugs is the real winner of Congress’s massive spending bill (December 23, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

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Unfair Sentence is Not Extraordinary, 6th Says – Update for December 28, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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6TH CIRCUIT SAYS NOTHING IS ‘EXTRAORDINARY’ ABOUT CHANGES IN THE LAW

The 6th Circuit last week delivered a lengthy en banc decision that seems to fly in the face of last summer’s Supreme Court Concepcion v. United States opinion.

6thConcepcion221228Concepcion held by a 5-4 majority that “Federal courts historically have exercised… broad discretion to consider all relevant information at an initial sentencing hearing, consistent with their responsibility to sentence the whole person before them. That discretion also carries forward to later proceedings that may modify an original sentence. Such discretion is bounded only when Congress or the Constitution expressly limits the type of information a district court may consider in modifying a sentence.”

Because Congress did nothing in the First Step Act to “contravene this well-established sentencing practice,” Justice Sotomayor wrote for the Concepcion majority, “Nothing in the text and structure of the First Step Act expressly, or even implicitly, overcomes the established tradition of district courts’ sentencing discretion.”

But last week, the 6th Circuit overcame that tradition right handily, ruling that in weighing a compassionate release motion, a district court may not consider non-retroactive changes in sentencing statutes or Guidelines, even when those changes mean that if the defendant were sentenced for the same offense today, the sentence would be much shorter.

David McCall, who has prior drug convictions aplenty, was convicted of serving as a middleman in a sprawling Cleveland, Ohio, drug-trafficking conspiracy. The government, emphasizing Dave’s extensive criminal history, urged the district court to sentence him to 235 months as a Guidelines career offender.
compassionlimit221228Five years into the sentence, Dave moved for an 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A)(i) compassionate release, based on his risk of COVID, his rehabilitation and the fact that under the 6th Circuit’s United States v. Havis decision, attempted drug-trafficking offenses like Dave’s priors are not controlled substance offenses under the Guidelines career offender provision.

Dave’s district court denied the compassionate release, holding that a nonretroactive change in the law like Havis was not an “extraordinary and compelling” reason for a sentence reduction under the statute. A year ago, a 6th Circuit panel agreed. Last week, the 6th Circuit sitting en banc upheld the panel decision:

The 1st, 9th, and 10th Circuits have held that nonretroactive legal developments can contribute to a finding of extraordinary and compelling reasons when viewed in combination with a defendant’s unique circumstances. The 4th Circuit’s position goes a step further… Different around the edges, all three of these decisions seem to rest on the common goals of ‘alleviating unfair and unnecessary sentences as judged by today’s sentencing laws… and of promoting ‘individualized, case-by-case’ sentencing decisions… We cannot reconcile this approach with the plain text of the compassionate-release statute. Congress prospectively amends or updates its criminal-penalty scheme. The nonretroactivity of judicial precedent like Havis is the rule, not the exception. That a defendant might receive a different sentence today than he received years ago represents the routine business of our legal system. These ordinary happenings cannot supply an extraordinary and compelling reason to reduce a lawful sentence whose term Congress enacted, and the President signed, into law.

The only good news is that within a month, the U.S. Sentencing Commission should issue a proposed USSG 1B1.13 – a new compassionate release policy statement – for public comment.  The proposal should harmonize the rules followed by the different Circuits, and do so in a way favorable to prisoners.

United States v. McCall, Case No 21-3400, 2022 U.S. App. LEXIS 35473 (6th Cir, Dec 22, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

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Blue Christmas for Criminal Justice Reform – Update for December 27, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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SENTENCE REFORM DIES WITH 117TH CONGRESS

Sentencing reform is dead for another two years.

bluechristmas221227Of all the criminal justice reform bills in Congress – the First Step Implementation Act (S.1014), the Smarter Sentencing Act (S.1013), the COVID-19 Safer Detention Act (S.312), the Prohibiting Punishment of Acquitted Conduct Act (S.601), the EQUAL Act (S.79) and the Marijuana Opportunity Reinvestment and Expungement Act (H.R. 3617) – exactly none made it past the Senate during the two-year Congress that ends in a week. Zero. Zip. Bupkis.
With both the House nor Senate closed for a Christmas-Passover-Kwanzaa-New Year’s vacation until next Tuesday, the 117th Congress is done. It’s the legislative equivalent to taking a knee in the final minute of a football game. The clock’s running out.

runoutclock221227It was clear last summer that the First Step Implementation Act, the Smarter Sentencing Act, the COVID-19 Safer Detention Act (and the Prohibiting Punishment of Acquitted Conduct Act were going nowhere. But some marijuana and cocaine reform – even though it was not quite what was in the MORE Act and EQUAL Act that passed the House – looked likely as late as last week. However, despite bipartisan support for both bills, Senate Republicans shot them down, but with plenty of help from Senate Democrats and the Biden Administration.

As for marijuana, the Senate’s failure to act comes as a repudiation of Biden’s efforts for pot reform. In October, the president pardoned thousands of people convicted of simple marijuana possession (although no one pardoned was in federal prison) and said his administration would review how the drug is categorized.

The MORE Act would have allowed cannabis companies to open bank accounts and would have retroactively permitted changes in pot-based sentences. But efforts were severely hobbled last fall when Senate Majority Charles Schumer (D-NY), Sen Cory Booker (D-NJ) and Sen Ron Wyden (D-OR) introduced their own version of weed reform, the Cannabis Administration and Opportunity Act (S.4591).

Either MORE or CAOA would have been good for prisoners, but Democratic leadership’s push of an alternative bill diluted the groundswell of support needed to get MORE passed. By last week, the only hope was for banking reform – nothing for federal prisoners – but even that was exempted from last week’s giant end-of-year spending bill, the last chance it had for passage.

congressgradecard221227If anything, the EQUAL Act’s failure was a bigger disappointment. Aimed at reducing the disparity in sentencing for crack versus powder cocaine offenses by making crack and powder sentences the same, it would have benefitted thousands of prisoners with retroactive relief. EQUAL passed the House with bipartisan support and had what seemed to be a veto-proof majority of 50 Democrat supporters and 11 Republican Senate co-sponsors.

Then, Sen Charles Grassley (R-IA), the ranking Republican on the Senate Judiciary Committee and introduced his SMART Cocaine Sentencing Act (S. 4116), which watered down EQUAL and put retroactivity in the hands of the Dept of Justice.

Still, EQUAL had a chance until Sen Tom Cotton (R–AR) single-handedly stopped the Senate from considering the bill last Wednesday. EQUAL, like the marijuana-friendly SAFE Banking Act was proposed as an addition to the catch-all spending package, an effort that Cotton frustrated.

Sen. Booker then sought unanimous consent to release the stand-alone version of the EQUAL Act from the Senate Judiciary Committee. Sen. Cotton, a hardline prohibitionist described by Beforeitsnews.com as someone “who has never met a drug penalty he thought was too severe,” objected. Sen. Booker’s “hail Mary” fell short.

Still, it appeared up until a week ago that some crack cocaine relief would be jammed into the giant end-of-year spending bill. Reuters reported a week ago that Senate negotiators had reached a potential compromise.

timing221227But then, Attorney General Merrick Garland picked the middle of the negotiations to issue a memo directing federal prosecutors to “promote the equivalent treatment of crack and powder cocaine offenses” in two ways. If they decide that a mandatory minimum should be charged, they should “charge the pertinent statutory quantities that apply to powder cocaine offenses.” And at sentencing, “prosecutors should advocate for a sentence consistent with the guidelines for powder cocaine rather than crack cocaine.”

Grassley was enraged, blasting the Garland memo as demanding that “prosecutors ignore the text and spirit of federal statutes [and] undermining legislative efforts to address this sentencing disparity.” And just like that, when the text of the 4,000-page, $1.7 trillion spending bill was released, the watered-down EQUAL Act was nowhere to be found.

“It is a searing indictment of a broken Beltway when a bill that passed the House with an overwhelming bipartisan vote, endorsed by law enforcement and civil rights leaders alike, with 11 Republican co-sponsors and filibuster-proof majority support in the Senate, and an agreement between the relevant committee Chairman and Ranking Member for inclusion in the end-of-year package, fails to make it to the President’s desk,” Holly Harris, president and executive director of the Justice Action Network, said. “The American people deserve better.”

FAMM vice president Molly Gill wants to see the EQUAL Act reintroduced next session. The politics are hard to predict: Democrats have one more seat in the Senate, while Republicans will take narrow control of the House.

The fact that a large number of House Republicans joined Democrats in passing the EQUAL Act last year is not reassuring: the trick will be getting a Republican speaker – who controls what comes up for a vote – put the bill in front of the chamber.

Any bill now pending in the House or Senate that has not passed will disappear on Jan 3, when the new 2-year Congress – the 118th – convenes. And we will start all over again, but with a much unfriendlier House of Representatives.

New Republic: Three Incredibly Popular Things That Congress Chose to Leave Out of the Spending Bill (December 20, 2022)

Reason, Congress Yet Again Fails To Pass Crack Cocaine Sentencing Reforms (December 20, 2022)

Marijuana Moment, Schumer’s “last ditch” cannabis banking push (December 19, 2022)

Reason, Merrick Garland’s New Charging Policy Aims To Ameliorate the Damage His Boss Did As a Drug Warrior (December 19, 2022)

Beforeitsnews.com, The Failure To Enact Marijuana Banking and Crack Sentencing Reforms Is a Window on Congressional Dysfunction (December 22, 2022)

Filter, The Limits of AG’s Guidelines Against Crack-Powder Sentencing Disparity (December 21, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

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