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Building on the Gifts of Predecessors’ Struggles: Thank You, Congresswoman Jackson Lee – Update for July 22, 2024

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

OBIT FOR A JUSTICE REFORM WARRIOR

Representative Sheila Jackson Lee (D-TX), a leading liberal voice for racial and criminal justice reform during her three decades in the House of Representatives, died last Friday of pancreatic cancer at age 74.

jacksonlee240722Jackson Lee, elected to Congress in 1994 representing a district in urban Houston, has served in the past as chairwoman of the Judiciary Subcommittee for Crime, Terrorism and Homeland Security (and currently had been the ranking member). She was a senior member of the Judiciary, Homeland Security and Budget committees. She was the author and lead sponsor of the legislation that in 2021 established Juneteenth, commemorating the end of slavery in the United States, as the first new federal holiday in 38 years.

Jackson Lee’s life ambition back in 1960s was to be a secretary, but she received a college scholarship created after Rev. Martin Luther King was assassinated in 1968. She made the most of her opportunity, graduating from Yale with a political science degree and earning a law degree in 1975 from the University of Virginia.

She said she had benefitted from “the hills and valleys, the broken bodies and broken hearts, the loss of life of many who have gone on before me.”

Federal prisoners may remember her for her dogged determination to reduce sentence length. Starting in 2003, she introduced what inmate lore generally calls the “65% law,” a measure that would have let prisoners convicted of nonviolent offenses serve only a portion of their sentences. She would introduce the bill at the beginning of every two-year Congress, always as the only sponsor, only to see it die a lonely death without getting as much as a subcommittee hearing.

The current version, the Federal Prison Bureau Nonviolent Offender Relief Act of 2023 (H.R. 54) calls for nonviolent offenders who are at least 45 years old and who have zero criminal history points and no incident reports to serve only 50% of their sentences. This bill, like her prior efforts, has zero percent chance of passage.

On the House committee she chaired, Jackson inhumanecovidinmate220124Lee will be remembered for lambasting then-director Michael Carvajal for the Bureau of Prisons’ myriad COVID failures. In 2022, she worked with Majority Whip Richard Durbin (D-IL) in a failed push to pass a bill, the Terry Technical Correction Act (H.R. 5455), that would have clarified that individuals convicted of the lowest level crack offenses under 21 USC § 841(b(1)(C) before the First Step Act passed could apply for its retroactive application under Section 404 of the Act. The bill would have undone a Supreme Court decision that prohibited this known as Terry v. United States.

Many of her attempts to pass reform legislation failed, but she never stopped swinging above her weight. Criminal justice reform will be the poorer for her untimely passing.

New York Times, Representative Sheila Jackson Lee, a Champion for Progressive Causes, Dies at 74 (July 20, 2024)

H.R. 54, Federal Prison Bureau Nonviolent Offender Relief Act of 2023

Hearing, Oversight of the Federal Bureau of Prisons (Feb 3, 2022)

Press Release, Senators Introduce Legislation to Correct Scotus Ruling on Retroactivity of Crack Cocaine Sentencing Reform (Oct 1, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

DOJ Report Contains Recidivism Detail – Update for July 19, 2024

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

WELCOME BACK, RECIDIVISTS!

welcomeback240719There has been little in compassionate release litigation that has been more disappointing (and intellectually dishonest) than the government’s ratchet-like arguments about the danger that the prisoner seeking a sentence reduction poses to the public if he or she gains a release earlier than the expiration of the original sentence.

The Dept of Justice PATTERN system provides a metric comparing an inmate’s likelihood of general recidivism and violent crime recidivism to the universe of federal prisoners by rating the inmate in 15 categories. The resulting ratings place an inmate in categories of minimum, low, medium or high risk of recidivism.

PATTERN was adopted to work hand-in-glove with the recidivism reduction program adopted in the First Step Act. A prisoner could, through good conduct and successful completion of programs designed to decrease recidivism, lower his or her recidivism level and benefit from the rewards of good programming, time reduction of up to a year and early placement in halfway house or home confinement.

DOJ officially has a fan of PATTERN, saying that it has “confidence in the accuracy of PATTERN,” a system that uses “many factors that are scientifically-weighted based on their predictability of reduced recidivism… factors most predictive of the risk of recidivism… The Department [has] measured PATTERN to ensure that it was predictive across all races and genders.”

At least, it’s been a fan except where fandom is inconvenient. Where an inmate’s risk of recidivism is “medium” or “high,” you can depend on the government to argue to the court that the risk to the public of early release is too elevated to justify compassionate release. But when a prisoner’s recidivism risk is “low” or “minimum,” you can usually count on the US Attorney to argue that despite the rating, grant of compassionate release will endanger the public anyway.

headsiwin240719Heads, I win. Tails, you lose.

Up to now, a prisoner’s risk to the public has been an easy issue for the government to demagogue. An FSA-eligible prisoner seeking to convince a court that the DOJ’s own rating is reliable facing a dearth of real-world data to cite. However, the DOJ’s First Step Act Annual Report – June 2024 contains ample recidivism data that underscores the likelihood that PATTERN has it right.

People with minimum PATTERN recidivism ratings reoffend at the rate of 2.8%. People with low ratings reoffend at the rate of 5.6%. The medium-rating folks commit new crimes at the rate of 21.9%, while the high-rating people top the charts at 38.2%.

What is surprising is that sentence length appears to be largely untethered from recidivism. People serving five years or less reoffend at the rate of 7%. Those who do 6-10 years recidivate at the rate of 10.5%, while those serving 11-15 years have a reoffense level within three years of 20.4%. Only people who have done more than 15 years reverse the trend, with a recidivism rate of 15.6%.

Still, these reoffense rates undermine the conventional wisdom that longer sentences are effective in curbing recidivism.

Recidivismtable240719Protection of the public, one of the sentencing factors listed in 18 USC § 3553(a), is undoubtedly an important element of corrections policy. The First Step requirement that the BOP keep track of its FSA “graduates” makes an important contribution to addressing the issue with fact instead of hyperbole.

Dept of Justice, First Step Act Annual Report – June 2024

Dept of Justice, The First Step Act of 2018: Risk and Needs Assessment System (July 19, 2019)

Dept of Justice, The First Step Act of 2018: Risk and Needs Assessment System Update – January 2020 (January 15, 2020)

– Thomas L. Root

5th Circuit Endorses District Court Discretion on Compassionate Release Motions – Update for July 18, 2024

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

5TH CIRCUIT DERAILS DOJ EFFORT TO DELEGITIMIZE GUIDELINES

ratchet211108I suppose it is unsurprising that the Dept of Justice sees appropriate judicial discretion as a ratchet. It’s fine if a judge employs his or her flexibility to tighten the screws on a defendant, but any attempt to fashion a remedy that seeks to ameliorate harsh sentences that could not be imposed today is seen by the denizens of the US Attorney’s offices as a threat to the republic.

After the First Step Act permitted prisoners to bring so-called compassionate release motions – petitioning courts under 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A) to reduce sentences for extraordinary and compelling reasons – courts labored for almost five years to pound square-peg Sentencing Guideline 1B1.13 into the new round hole of defendant-initiated compassionate release motions. The old version of 1B1.13, written back in the day when only the Federal Bureau of Prisons could initiate a compassionate release request, was minimally relevant to the new regime. However, the Sentencing Commission lost its quorum a mere 11 days after First Step was signed into law, and could not promulgate a new § 1B1.13 for prisoner-brought motions.

Nearly all courts of appeal rejected DOJ demands that the old § 1B1.13 be slavishly applied to compassionate release motions, holding that commentary for motions brought by the BOP was inapplicable to motions brought by defendants and that what constituted extraordinary and compelling reasons for compassionate release motions was left to the broad discretion of district courts, limited only by the statute’s directive that rehabilitation alone was an insufficient basis for a sentence reduction.

In the absence of a guiding Sentencing Commission policy statement, appellate courts split on whether district courts could consider non-retroactive changes in the law in deciding whether extraordinary and compelling reasons existed for compassionate release. Such was a major concern. First Step changed mandatory minimum sentences for a number of drug offenses and clarified a drafting blunder in 18 USC § 924(c) – which imposes mandatory consecutive sentences for using or carrying a gun in a drug offense or crime of violence – but did not make those changes retroactive.

In some circuits, prisoners with draconian 50-year-plus sentences for 924(c) offenses that today would carry 15 years could get relief. In other places, appellate courts ruled that such reductions were impermissible because old § 1B1.13 did not permit it.

draconian170725That was the state of things until last November, when the reconstituted Sentencing Commission’s rewritten 1B1.13 became effective. The new 1B1.13 provided ample guidance as to what a district court must consider to be “extraordinary and compelling” reasons for grant of a 3582(c)(1)(A) motion, including

[i]f a defendant received an unusually long sentence and has served at least 10 years of the term of imprisonment, a change in the law (other than an amendment to the Guidelines Manual that has not been made retroactive) may be considered in determining whether the defendant presents an extraordinary and compelling reason, but only where such change would produce a gross disparity between the sentence being served and the sentence likely to be imposed at the time the motion is filed, and after full consideration of the defendant’s individualized circumstances.

The USSC also added a “catch-all,” authorizing district courts to consider as extraordinary and compelling reasons “any other circumstance or combination of circumstances that, when considered by themselves or together with any of the reasons [listed in 1B1.13] are similar in gravity…”

The DOJ immediately mounted a nationwide attack on the new 1B1.13, arguing (among other things) that allowing the consideration of changes in the law that made the old sentences disparately long exceeded the Commission’s legal authority and supplanted Congress’s legislative role by permitting the revision of sentences that Congress did not wish to make retroactive.

This full-throated attack on the new 1B1.13, which Congress had six months to reject but chose not to, finally got to an appellate court.

careeroffender22062Joel Jean was locked up in 2009 for a cocaine distribution crime and a § 924(c) offense. He had three prior state drug convictions, and as a result, he was classified as a Guidelines “career offender,” which came with a recommended sentencing range of 352-425 months. The district court gave him a break, sentencing him to 292 months’ imprisonment.

In the years following Joel’s conviction, a series of Supreme Court and 5th Circuit cases redefined what could be considered a qualifying offense for the “career offender” enhancement. Those held that some of Joel’s Texas convictions no longer qualified to make him a “career offender.” As a result, “it is undisputed that if he were to be sentenced today, Joel would not be classified as a career offender under § 4B1.1.”

Joel filed a compassionate release motion, arguing that non-retroactive changes in the law would result in a substantially shorter sentence today if he were sentenced today and that his post-sentencing conduct and rehabilitation weighed in favor of compassionate release.

To be sure, Joel’s rehabilitation efforts – good conduct, successful programming, and comportment that resulted in laudatory letters from BOP staff – were exceptional. The district court was impressed, granting Joel’s motion and resentencing him to time served. The government, however, was dissatisfied with the decade-length pound of flesh it had gotten from Joel. It appealed, arguing that the district court could not consider non-retroactive changes in the law and that Joel should return to prison.

Last week, the 5th Circuit rejected the government’s position, holding that a sentencing court has the “discretion to hold that non-retroactive changes in the law, when combined with extraordinary rehabilitation, amount to extraordinary and compelling reasons warranting compassionate release.”

The Circuit ruled that “there is no textual basis [in statute] for creating a categorical bar against district courts considering non-retroactive changes in the law as one factor” nor did appellate precedent or 1B1.13 prohibit including such factors in a compassionate release calculus.

In Concepcion v. United States, the 5th observed, the Supreme Court held that

Federal courts historically have exercised this broad discretion to consider all relevant information at an initial sentencing hearing, consistent with their responsibility to sentence the whole person before them. That discretion also carries forward to later proceedings that may modify an original sentence. Such discretion is bounded only when Congress or the Constitution expressly limits the type of information a district court may consider in modifying a sentence… [T]he Concepcion Court concluded that nothing limits a district court’s discretion except when expressly set forth by Congress in a statute or by the Constitution. And in the case of the FSA, though the Court noted that “Congress is not shy about placing such limits where it deems them appropriate,” Congress had not expressly limited district courts to considering only certain factors there.

The Circuit noted that Congress “has never wholly excluded the consideration of any factors. Instead, it appropriately affords district courts the discretion to consider a combination of ‘any’ factors particular to the case at hand, limited only by the proscription that “rehabilitation alone was insufficient… [but] did not prohibit district courts from considering rehabilitation in conjunction with other factors.”

discretion220629

Congress adopted § 3582(c)(1)(A) due to the “need for a ‘safety valve’ with respect to situations in which a defendant’s circumstances had changed such that the length of continued incarceration no longer remained equitable,” the Court ruled: “It is within a district court’s sound discretion to hold that non-retroactive changes in the law, in conjunction with other factors such as extraordinary rehabilitation, sufficiently support a motion for compassionate release. To be clear, it is also within a district court’s sound discretion to hold, after fulsome review, that the same do not warrant compassionate release. For this court to hold otherwise would be to limit the discretion of the district courts, contrary to Supreme Court precedent and Congressional intent. We decline the United States’ invitation to impose such a limitation.”

United States v. Jean, Case No. 23-40463, 2024 U.S. App. LEXIS 17274 (5th Cir. July 15, 2024)

Concepcion v United States, 597 US 481 (2022)

– Thomas L. Root

No Free Drinks While You Lose to the House – Update for July 16, 2024

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

LONG ODDS

compeddrink2400716There’s a difference between Las Vegas and asking the Bureau of Prisons to bring a compassionate release motion under 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A) on your behalf. In Vegas, they comp you drinks while you’re trying to beat impossible odds.

Under § 3582(c)(1)(A), a prisoner seeking grant of a compassionate release sentence reduction from his or her court must first ask the BOP to file the motion on the inmate’s behalf. This provision was a bone thrown to the BOP when Congress – disgusted after years of the BOP being the exclusive gatekeeper for compassionate release motions without using the authority as Congress intended (or even competently, for that matter) – changed the statute as part of the First Step Act to empower inmates to file directly for compassionate release. Just so the Director wouldn’t pout that power had been stripped from the BOP to lord it over prisoners even beyond control needed for legitimate penological purposes, Congress wrote in a requirement that the prisoner ask the BOP to file the motion on the inmate’s behalf before the inmate was able to bring the motion on his or her own motion.

Of course, in the real world, this creates no incentive for a warden, who has three choices when confronted with such a request:

• If the warden grants the prisoner’s compassionate release request, a package justifying the recommendation that the BOP involve a U.S. Attorney to bring the motion has to be prepared and forwarded to the BOP Regional Office. If the Regional Office approves, the request goes to the BOP Office of General Counsel. If the GC OKs it, it goes to the Director. If the Director approves it, the motion must be prepared by the appropriate US Attorney and filed with the prisoner’s sentencing judge.

•  If the warden denies the request, a document must be prepared and delivered to the prisoner explaining the denial, after which the prisoner may file a motion with his or her sentencing judge.

• If the warden ignores the request, after 30 days the prisoner may file a motion with his or her sentencing judge.

Knowing that a bureaucracy, like water and electricity, seeks the path of least resistance, which of these options is the easiest for the warden? Or which is least likely to reflect badly on the prison administration if a compassionate release turns into a Willie Horton?

denied190109The Dept of Justice knows. In its First Step Act Annual Report – June 2024, the DOJ disclosed that from January 2019 — the first time prisoners could file for compassionate release on their own — through January 2024, prisoners filed 32,991 motions for compassionate release in federal courts. Of that number, the BOP approved 172 such requests. Of that number, 127 approvals were based on the prisoner’s terminal illness, 39 approvals were based on the inmates’s debilitated medical condition, two approvals were for “elderly inmates with medical conditions,” and four requests were based on sexual abuse the prisoner experienced while in custody.

In other words, BOP compassionate release approval stands at 0.5214%, about one out of 200.

And what of those requests for compassionate release that prisoners filed after being turned down? The Sentencing Commission reports that through March 2024, 32.412 such motions had been filed in court, and 5,190 of those (16%) had been granted. Every one of those 5,190 grants was first rejected as unworthy by the BOP.

The rule in the BOP? Deny, deny, deny. Or maybe ignore, ignore, ignore.

So why should the prisoner not just take the commutation route, asking President Joe Biden – who promised to fix the exercise of presidential clemency – for early release?

clemency231222Axios reported last weekend that President Biden has continued a trend of increasingly stingy grants of commutation or pardon. In four years, Jimmy Carter granted 21.6% of clemency petitions. Ronald Reagan granted 11.9% over eight years. Bill Clinton granted 6.1%, Barack Obama 5.3%. Even Donald Trump granted 2.0%.

So far, excluding Biden’s meaningless mass pardon of marijuana possession offenses that promised 13,000 pardons but has so far only delivered for about 205 people, Biden has granted 1.3% of clemency requests, the lowest percentage of any president in at least the last 50 years.

A clemency petition passes through seven layers of review, a cumbersome process Biden has worsened by requiring input from the Domestic Policy Council. Mark Osler, a law professor and expert on clemency, said, “Biden seems to be stuck with is a system of analysis that doesn’t work and hasn’t worked for his predecessors either.” 

Frank Bowman, a law professor who has written extensively on the pardon power, cited the “nasty politics of our era” as a significant factor in making the use of clemency power problematic.

horton230317No president wants to needlessly create a Willie Horton moment, to grant clemency to someone in prison who then commits a new offense that becomes grist in the campaign mill.

Thus, denial (or just inaction) becomes as appealing to a president as it is to a warden.

US Sentencing Commission, Compassionate Release Data Report – Fiscal Year 2024, 2nd Quarter

Dept of Justice. First Step Act Annual Report – June 2024

Axios, Why presidents are wielding their pardon powers less and less (July 13)

– Thomas L. Root

Thinking About a Report… And a Big White Bear – Update for July 15, 2024

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

THE FSA CREDIT’S BIG WHITE BEAR

whitebear171129Some say that as a boy, Russian author Leo Tolstoy and his brother formed a club. To be initiated, the aspirant was required to stand in a corner for five minutes and not think about a big white bear

[Some say it was first raised by Fyodor Dostoevsky’s Winter Notes on Summer Impressions, an 1863 account of his travels in Western Europe. Choose whichever origin story you like. As crusty old Judge Miller used to lecture us young lawyers, “you pays your money and you takes your chances”].

Last week, the Dept of Justice issued its annual report on the First Step Act, and puts both Tolstoy and Dostoevsky to shame. The Report manages in 50 pages to explore the FSA’s nooks and crannies without ever thinking about (let alone mentioning) the Act’s big white bear: Prisoners are amassing large numbers of FSA credits that they are being denied their right to use because the BOP’s sloth in expanding halfway house capacity has resulted in there simply being no room in the halfway house inn.

There’s a lot in the Report worthy of mention, and I intend to cover more of it this week. But first, a discussion of what the Report does not say.

FSA credits (previously called “ETCs” for “earned-time credits” or “FTCs” for “federal time credits”) are awarded to prisoners for successful completion of evidence-based recidivism reduction programs (“EBRRs,” in the BOP’s acronym-heavy bureaucratic speak). Such credits entitle prisoners to one of two benefits. First, the BOP may (but is not required to) apply up to 365 credits to shorten the inmate’s sentence by up to a year. Second, the BOP shall use any credits not used to shorten the sentence to place the prisoner in a halfway house or home confinement (known as “residential reentry centers” or “RRCs”).

This second option, enshrined in 18 USC § 3624(g)(2), says that “[a] prisoner shall be placed in prerelease custody as follows…”

The problem is that there isn’t nearly enough halfway house space to accommodate people now entitled to longer stays. It’s not like no one saw this coming: inmates have been complaining in my email for a year that they are being denied use of their FSA credits because of a lack of halfway house space. Walt Pavlo wrote about it in Forbes six months ago. NBC reported on it last month.

Unsurprisingly, the BOP has fought hammer and tong against any suggestion that it was violating First Step, arguing in courthouses across America that despite the Act, it had the discretion to decide whether the FSA credits earned by an inmate were gold bullion or play money.

planning240715This brings us to Alphonso Woodley, a BOP “adult in custody” who had amassed a pile of FSA credits (something over 450, even after 365 had been applied to reduce his sentence by a year). The BOP, however, told him he couldn’t be sent to an RRC in the Orlando, Florida, area because there was no bed space. Al said to the BOP, “That’s your problem,” and filed a 28 USC 2241 habeas corpus action.

The BOP rolled out its tired refrain that designation of prisoners to RRCs was its exclusive prerogative. The district court conceded that this was generally true, but where a prisoner had a statutory right to placement, the BOP had no choice. The First Step Act guaranteed Al designation to an RRC under 18 USC 3624(g)(2) as long as he had credits to spend and met the statutory criteria. Everyone agreed Al met the criteria. The judge called that game, set and match.

He wrote that the BOP’s

excuse for delaying petitioner’s transfer to an RRC is that bed space is not available in a particular RRC until September. No such condition concerning bed availability is included among the requirements for eligibility under § 3624(g), however, and thus immediate placement in prerelease custody is nevertheless required under § 3632(d)(4)(C)… That statute uses the mandatory “shall” (as distinguished, for instance, from the provision in § 3624(g)(3) that the BOP “may” transfer a prisoner to early supervised release). Numerous courts have held that the BOP has no discretion to delay or refuse transfer of an eligible prisoner to prerelease custody, which transfer is mandatory.

The court said that the BOP is required by the Act to “ensure there is sufficient prerelease custody capacity to accommodate all eligible prisones,” suggesting that the Bureau’s failure to plan ahead does not excuse its noncompliance with the law. To the court, it was fairly simple:

“Because the BOP’s failure to transfer petitioner to prerelease custody violates federal law, the Court grants the petition for relief.”

whitebear2407715The BOP probably doesn’t like that big white bear, the fact that it is required to deliver on RRC placement despite the agency’s utter failure over five years to ensure that there was enough RRC space. But as Dostoevsky or Tolstoy (or both) figured out, just because you can force yourself to not think about it doesn’t mean it isn’t there.

Dept of Justice. First Step Act Annual Report – June 2024

Woodley v. Warden, Case No 24-3053, 2024 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 87521 (D. Kan. May 15, 2024)

– Thomas L. Root

Supremes Delay The Day of Reckoning for Felon-in-Possession – Update for July 12, 2024

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

CAN I CALL ‘EM OR WHAT?

gun160711In the wake of the Rahimi decision holding that the 2nd Amendment does not prevent the Feds from prohibiting people subject to domestic protection orders from having a gun, the Solicitor General filed a surprising request with the Supreme Court that it immediately grant review to a swath of felon-in-possession cases in order to settle the issue of whether 18 USC § 922(g)(1) can be constitutionally applied to a variety of situations and disqualified people.

I jubilantly reported this development and confidently hinted that a new day would soon dawn on the application of a statute responsible for about one-fifth of all federal criminal convictions. Content with my prognosis, I departed for a week in windswept but beautiful Iceland.

I returned to find out that my prediction was (once again) wrong. But then, I had plenty of company, including the SG, who lost her bid for a quick turnaround on felon-in-possession. On July 2, the Supreme Court cleared its plate of five pending § 922(g)(1) petitions for review by GVR, ordering them back to the lower courts to be reheard in light of Rahimi.

This means that the horizon for a definitive decision on the constitutionality of 18 USC § 922(g)(1) is now more like two years than one. The various courts of appeal will have to review the remanded cases through the Rahimi lens, one which permits an expanded view of what historical gun ban precedents are suitable analogues to § 922(g)(1)’s ban on felons possessing guns (which as a blanket prohibition only became law in the 1960s).

She now rests in peace, but was she ever dangerous?
She now rests in peace, but was she ever dangerous?

Rahimi emphasized that laws about general dangerousness could justify § 922(g)(8)’s banning gun possession while under a domestic violence restraining order. The Washington Post, however, complained last Sunday that “experts say the decision was written so narrowly that it does not make clear how to address other clauses of the same federal law… Critics say the Rahimi ruling does not solve the inherent problem created by Bruen — that judges are being asked to evaluate history, based on limited records assembled by dueling teams of lawyers.”

More importantly, Rahimi’s cautionary language that the Court was skeptical of broad categorical bans untethered to findings of dangerousness means that the Range holding that § 922(g)(1) is unconstitutional as applied to a guy who was convicted of a minor food stamp fraud 25 years ago will not change. At the same time, it is hard to believe that the 10th Circuit will not have to reverse its holding that Melynda Vincent – convicted of passing a bad $500 check 15 years ago when she was addicted to drugs but now a respected community leader in developing science-driven drug and criminal justice reform — can be prohibited from owning a gun consistent with the 2nd Amendment.

doggun240213The other cases are closer calls. Can a guy  with prior violent offenses be banned under § 922(g)(1)? How about a guy whose felon-in-possession conviction was in connection with drug trafficking? Both of those issues will have to be addressed by courts of appeal before the issue is ripe for SCOTUS review.

Writing in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog, Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman said,

It seems SCOTUS has GVRed all the felon-in-possession cases that the US Solicitor General suggested be taken up right away in light of Rahimi. I am not really surprised the Justices are content to kick federal felon-in-possession cases down the road, but it simply ensures a lot more legal churn in lower courts (and perhaps a lot more people unconstitutionally prosecuted) as the Justice go off on their summer vacation and the rest of us try to read Rahimi tea leaves. There is little doubt in my mind that the Justices will have to resolve the constitutionality of § 922(g)(1) sooner or later, but they ultimately get to decide just when and how, while the rest of us deal with the legal uncertainty.

United States v. Rahimi, Case No. 22-915, 602 U.S. —,  219 L.Ed.2d 351 (June 21, 2024)

Garland v. Range, Case No. 23-374, 2024 U.S. LEXIS 2917 (July 2, 2024)

Vincent v. Garland, Case No. 23-683, 2024 U.S. LEXIS 2931 (July 2, 2024)

The Reload, Analysis: SCOTUS Passes Up Gun Ban Case… For Now (July 5)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Supreme Court grants cert on First Step resentencing, GVRs gun issues, and lots of statements in (final?) order list (July 2)

Washington Post, The Supreme Court upended gun laws nationwide. Mass confusion has followed. (July 7)

– Thomas L. Root

Senate Unanimously Passes Prison Oversight Bill – Update for July 11, 2024

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

We thoroughly enjoyed our week off (our first in several years). Now, we’re back at it…

“ACCOUNTABILITY, IF YOU CAN KEEP IT”

adultsupervision240711The Senate passed legislation yesterday to bring adult oversight to what the Associated Press calls “the crisis-plagued” Federal Bureau of Prisons.

The Federal Prison Oversight Act (S. 1401), sponsored by Sens. Jon Ossoff (D.GA), Mike Braun (R-IN), Richard Durbin (D-IL), Shelley Caputo (R-WV), Joe Manchin (D-WV) and Tim Kaine (D-VA), sailed through the Senate on a unanimous vote.

The House of Representatives passed the same legislation as H.R. 3019 last May by a lopsided 392-2 vote. The bill now goes to President Joe Biden for signature.

The bill provides for the appointment of an ombudsman within the Dept of Justice who will investigate the health, safety, welfare, and rights of incarcerated people and staff. The ombudsman would establish a secure hotline and online form for family members, friends, and representatives of incarcerated people to submit complaints and inquiries. The measure prohibits BOP retaliation against those who complain or institute any investigation or inspection under this bill.

inspector240711FPOA also requires the DOJ Inspector General to conduct risk-based inspections of all 122 federal prisons, identify deficiencies, recommend changes to address shortcomings and assign each facility a risk score. Higher-risk facilities would then receive more frequent inspections. The IG must report its findings and recommendations to Congress and the public, and the BOP will be required to respond to inspection reports with a corrective action plan within 60 days.

The Associated Press — whose reporters Michael Balsamo and Michael Sisak deserve kudos for their relentless reporting on BOP peccadillos — said that the bill comes “in the wake of rampant sexual abuse and other criminal misconduct by staff, chronic understaffing, escapes and high-profile [inmate] deaths.”

Ossoff, Durbin, and Braun launched the Senate Bipartisan Prison Policy Working Group in February 2022. That group’s efforts resulted in the bill’s passage in the Senate. Reps Kelly Armstrong (R-ND) and Lucy McBath (D-GA) backed the House version of the bill.

“We applaud today’s actions by the Senate in passing this landmark bill, which paves the way to ensuring conditions in prisons are safer and more humane for staff and incarcerated people alike,” Heather Rice-Minus, president and CEO of Prison Fellowship, said in a statement. Prison Fellowship, a Christian nonprofit serving currently and formerly incarcerated people and their families, blitzed Capitol Hill three weeks ago with a “Day of Action,” during which over 40 Prison Fellowship employees, most of which were formerly incarcerated, visited 29 congressional offices to urge passage of FPOA.

Benjamin Franklin famously answered a question posed to him by Elizabeth Willing Powel – who asked him after the Constitutional Convention in 1789 whether the document delivered a republic or a monarchy – with the response, “A republic, if you can keep it.”

The FPOA establishes within the DOJ a mechanism intended to make the BOP accountable for its management of the custody of 158,646 inmates. True, under Director Colette Peters, we eschew “inmate” for the “woker” term “Adult in Custody.”

BOPsexharassment191209Catchy name (and we all love acronyms). However, those AICs continue to suffer sexual abuse, harassment, gross mistreatment, and denial of their statutory right to release and placement in community programs. It brings to mind a pseudo-Franklin quip (that is actually just a line in the Broadway plan-turned-movie musical “1776”): It “is like calling an ox a bull. He’s thankful for the honor, but he’d much rather have restored what’s rightfully his.”

Calling inmates “AICs” so far has been both the most visible and the most hollow change ordered by Director Peters. It has not moved the needle on the treatment of the AICs (although the female inmates being bussed from FCI Dublin would probably have preferred being called “AICs” to being called “bitches.”

Congress may figure that FPOA solves its federal prison problem, but asking the DOJ – the same folks who have permitted the situation at its component agency BOP to fester and continue to impede judicial efforts to address BOP misconduct – to exercise “oversight” hardly ensures accountability.

We now may have BOP accountability. If we can keep it.

Associated Press, Congress OKs bill overhauling oversight of troubled federal Bureau of Prisons (July 10, 2024)

Federal Prison Oversight Act (S.1401)

Sen Jon Ossoff, Senate Passes Sens. Ossoff, Braun, & Durbin, Rep. McBath & Armstrong’s Bipartisan Federal Prison Oversight Act (July 10, 2024)

Federal Prison Oversight Act (HR 3019)

Prison Fellowship, Prison Fellowship Applauds U.S. Senate for Passing the Federal Prison Oversight Act (July 10, 2024)

– Thomas L. Root

SCOTUS Takes Bear Spray To Cherished DOJ Legal Theory – Update for July 2, 2024

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

HOW IS A CROOKED ACCOUNTANT LIKE BEAR REPELLANT SPRAY?

bearspray240702Hint: The Supreme Court says he’s not.

SCOTUS ruled last week in a 6-3 opinion that 18 USC § 1512(c)(2) – which bars obstruction of an official proceeding – applies only to evidence tampering, such as destruction of records or documents, in official proceedings.

The law, intended to plug a hole in the criminal code after the Enron scandal in 2001, was meant to criminalize tampering with records to obstruct their use in government proceedings. After listing “altering, destroying, mutilating or concealing objects” to impair their use in an “official proceeding,” the subsection adds a “catch-all” provision that it also applies to anyone who corruptly “otherwise obstructs, influences, or impedes any official proceeding, or attempts to do so.”

j6240702The government unsurprisingly has seized on the “catch-all” to prosecute people who rioted on January 6, 2021, at the Capitol, including more than one person who used bear spray on Capitol Hill police. This is not to say that the “tourists” who trashed the place with human feces on the walls and beat up the police didn’t have it coming: what they did was rioting, pure and simple.

However, you can always trust the Dept of Justice to stretch a criminal statute like a taffy pull when the government wants to convict someone. Why be simple – say, charging them with riot, mayhem, assaulting a federal officer, criminal trespass – when you can be cute?

bewareaccountant240702The Supreme Court effectively vacated about 300 of those January 6th § 1512(c)(2) convictions, holding that the general principles used to construe statutes instruct courts that “a general phrase can be given a more focused meaning by the terms linked to it.” Because subsection (c)(2) immediately follows examples that relate to messing with “objects” to be used as evidence, SCOTUS said “the most sensible inference” is that the scope of (c)(2) is limited by the examples in (c)(1).

The government’s expansive construction of subsection (c)(2) would have other effects as well, the majority opinion suggested. It “would criminalize a broad swath of prosaic conduct, exposing activists and lobbyists alike to decades in prison.”

Fischer v. United States, Case No 23-5572, 2024 USLEXIS 2880 (June 28, 2024)

– Thomas L. Root

Pay Me Now or Pay Me Later – Update for July 1, 2024

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

TIMING IS EVERYTHING

bribeB160627It’s a crime for state and local officials to “corruptly” solicit, accept, or agree to accept “anything of value from any person, intending to be influenced or rewarded” for an official act. That’s a bribe, prohibited by 18 USC § 666.

Last week, the Supreme Court ruled that § 666 only applies to bribes, not gratuities. The law prohibits state and local officials from accepting bribes that are promised or given before the official act. But gratuities, which are given after the facts, are not covered.

It’s the graft version of “viva la difference.”

viveladifference240701An Indiana mayor got $13,000 after his city bought a million bucks worth of garbage trucks from a local dealer. Hizzoner said the payment was for “consulting.”  Uh-huh.

The government couldn’t prove the deal was in place before the truck purchase but told the jury that didn’t matter, because the gratuity after the fact was as illegal under § 666 as the bribe would have been.

Not so, the Supremes said last Friday.

The Court explained that bribes are payments made or agreed to before an official act to influence the official regarding that future official act. American law generally treats bribes as inherently corrupt and unlawful. Gratuities, on the other hand, are typically payments made to an official after an official act as a token of appreciation.

Gratuities, thus, are different. The majority opinion held

Gratuities are typically payments made to an official after an official act as a token of appreciation. Some gratuities can be problematic. Others are commonplace and might be innocuous. A family gives a holiday tip to the mail carrier. Parents send an end-of-year gift basket to their child’s public school teacher. A college dean gives a college sweatshirt to a city council member who comes to speak at an event. A state legislator’s neighbor drops off a bottle of wine to congratulate her for her work on a new law.

As those examples suggest, gratuities after the official act are not the same as bribes before the official act. After all, unlike gratuities, bribes can corrupt the official act—meaning that the official takes the act for private gain, not for the public good. That said, gratuities can sometimes also raise ethical and appearance concerns. For that reason, Congress, States, and local governments have long regulated gratuities to public officials.

garbagetruck240701However, such regulation of state or local officials has been left to states and localities. “State and local governments often regulate the gifts that state and local officials may accept,” Justice Kavanaugh wrote in the 6-3 opinion. “Section 666 does not supplement those state and local rules by subjecting 19 million state and local officials to up to 10 years in federal prison for accepting even commonplace gratuities. Rather, § 666 leaves it to state and local governments to regulate gratuities to state and local officials.”

Justice Gorsuch filed a concurring opinion. Justice Jackson wrote a dissent, in which Justices Sotomayor and Kagan joined.

The Mayor has since served his entire 21-month sentence, making his victory (especially since he was also convicted of an IRS-related felony) a bit hollow.

Snyder v. United States, Case No 23-108 (June 26, 2024) 2024 USLEXIS 2843 (June 26, 2024)

– Thomas L. Root

Felon-in-Possession Constitutionality Decision May Be Within ‘Range’ – Update for June 28, 2024

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

GOVERNMENT WANTS DEFINITIVE 2ND AMENDMENT FELON-IN-POSSESSION RULING NOW

gunknot181009The pundits sprouted like mushrooms after a rain shower this past week, making all manner of interpretations and predictions on the future of the 2nd Amendment in the wake of the Supreme Court’s United States v. Rahimi decision.

“The Court has endorsed taking guns from convicted felons, a category that now includes Donald Trump,” wrongly declared the New Yorker.

“One of the first things that’s going to happen is that the Supreme Court is going to take up a bunch of lower-court decisions on the 2nd Amendment, vacate them, send them back down for reconsideration in light of Rahimi. So we’re about to get a spate of second bites at the apple from the lower courts trying to apply this,” predicted Slate.

“The majority repeated Heller’s statement that “prohibitions… on the possession of firearms by ‘felons and the mentally ill’ are ‘presumptively lawful’… This suggests that the Court remains generally open to those restrictions… I expect that the Court will send Range back to the 3rd Circuit for further consideration in light of Rahimi; we’ll see what the 3rd Circuit judges say on remand,” UCLA law prof Eugene Volokh wrote in Reason.

Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman asked whether, in Rahimi’s wake, Donald Trump (a convicted felon subject to 18 USC 922(g)(1)) or Hunter Biden (a drug abuser when he bought his gun subject to 18 USC 922(g)(3)) can constitutionally be barred from firearm possession:

I do not believe Donald Trump or Hunter Biden “poses a clear threat of physical violence to another,” and § 922(g)(1) notably serves to permanently disarm anyone with a felony conviction. Further, the federal government has, since Bruen, generally argued for the constitutionality of 922(g)(1) based on the notion that only “responsible” individuals have 2nd Amendment rights. The Rahimi court directly and expressly rejected that notion. But still, as we saw before in 2nd Amendment cases like Heller and McDonald, the Court in Rahimi seems to still embrace dicta that can be read to suggest that the very broad criminal prohibition set forth in 18 USC § 922(g)(1) is still constitutional.

William & Mary law professor Kami Chavis wrote, “Although the court upheld Section 922(g)(8)… barriers to other attempts to implement modern gun regulations likely remain.”

iloveguns221018After the pundits all pontificated, the Solicitor General checked in last Monday, filing a surprising supplemental brief in Garland v. Range that asked the Court to quickly grant cert in a “range” of felon-in-possession cases to clarify who it can disarm under § 922(g)(1) consistent with the 2nd Amendment.

Specifically, SG Elizabeth Prelogar has asked SCOTUS to review some or all five separate pending cases dealing with the federal gun ban for felonies of varying severity. She argued that “we believe [the Court] should grant plenary review to resolve Section 922(g)(1)‘s constitutionality… Although this Court’s decision in Rahimi corrects some of the methodological errors made by courts that have held Section 922(g)(1) invalid, it is unlikely to fully resolve the existing conflict.”

The government argues that the conflict is important. Out of about 64,000 criminal cases reported to the Sentencing Commission in Fiscal Year 2022, more than 7,600 were § 922(g)(1) cases, 12% of all federal criminal cases.

It seems that just about everyone expected a spate of GVR orders on pending petitions for cert. (A GVR is a single-sentence order in which the Supreme Court grants certiorari, vacates the appellate court decision, and remands the case for further consideration in light of a new SCOTUS decision, in this case, Rahimi).

The government’s supplemental brief argues that “a GVR order is inappropriate if the delay and further cost entailed in a remand are not justified by the potential benefits of further consideration by the lower court. In our view, that is the case here. Section 922(g)(1)’s constitutionality has divided courts of appeals and district courts. Although this Court’s decision in Rahimi corrects some of the methodological errors made by courts that have held Section 922(g)(1) invalid, it is unlikely to fully resolve the existing conflict. And given the frequency with which the government brings criminal cases under Section 922(g)(1), the substantial costs of prolonging uncertainty about the statute’s constitutionality outweigh any benefits of further percolation. Under these circumstances, the better course would be to grant plenary review now.”

gun160711The government recommends that SCOTUS grant cert on multiple cases to be heard in one ultimate felon-in-possession case, including Doss v. United States (whether applying felon-in-possession is constitutional where the petitioner has “a lengthy criminal record” that “includes over 20 convictions, many of them violent”) and Jackson v. United States (petitioner has “previous felony convictions for non-violent drug crimes”). The government also asked that the Court add to the mix either Range v. Attorney General (3rd Circuit held 922(g)(1) was unconstitutional as applied to a man convicted of food-stamp fraud from 25 years before) or Vincent v. United States (10th Circuit held 922(g)(1) was constitutional as applied to addicted woman convicted of bank fraud 15 years before but now drug-free and running large charity).

As for Range and Vincent, the Government argues that “[g]ranting review in one of those cases would enable this Court to consider Section 922(g)(1)’s application to non-drug, non-violent crimes.”

A statement in the supplemental brief suggests the Government may have concluded that Rahimi means that it cannot win arguing that 922(g)(1) is constitutional in all circumstances. SG Preloger says that granting “review in cases involving different types of predicate felonies” would “enable the Court to consider Section 922(g)(1)’s constitutionality across a range of circumstances that are fully representative of the statute’s applications.”

guns170111If the government were convinced that it can defend 922(g)(1) in all circumstances, it would be happy with certiorari in either Range or Vincent, because winning on either of those cases would establish that 922(g)(1) is constitutional and thus immune to an “as applied” challenge. The fact that the government suggests that the Court hear swath of cases with defendants ranging from saint to sinner implies that the SG has conceded that the “as applied” constitutional line is going to fall somewhere in between Mr. Doss and Ms. Vincent.

Such a conclusion is almost foreordained by the Rahimi court’s warning that its Rahimi ruling is narrow:

Our resolution of Mr. Rahimi’s facial challenge to § 922(g)(8) necessarily leaves open the question whether the statute might be unconstitutional as applied in particular circumstances… We do not decide today whether the government may disarm a person without a judicial finding that he poses a “credible threat” to another’s physical safety… We do not resolve whether the government may disarm an individual permanently… We do not determine whether § 922(g)(8) may be constitutionally enforced against a person who uses a firearm in self-defense… Nor do we purport to approve in advance other laws denying firearms on a categorical basis to any group of persons a legislature happens to deem, as the government puts it, “not ‘responsible.’”

The Court will accept the SG’s invitation, if at all, early next week (although the Solicitor General has substantial influence with the Court). If the Supremes do take the cases, it will move up by at least a year the time we’ll have a definitive ruling on the constitutional limits of the felon-in-possession statute.

United States v. Rahimi, Case No 22-915, 2024 U.S. LEXIS 2714 (June 21, 2024)

United States v. Doss, Case No. 22-3662, 2023 U.S. App. LEXIS 31748 (8th Cir. Dec. 1, 2023)

United States v. Jackson, 69 F.4th 495 (8th Cir. 2023)

Vincent v. Garland, 80 F.4th 1197 (10th Cir. 2023)

Range v. Attorney General, 69 F.4th 96 (3d Cir. 2023)

Supplemental Brief, Garland v. Range, Case No. 23-374

New York State Rifle & Pistol Association v. Bruen, 597 U.S. 1 (2022)

New Yorker, The Supreme Court Steps Back From the Brink on Guns (June 22, 2024)

Slate, John Roberts Tried to Clean Up Clarence Thomas’ Mess. He May Have Invited More Chaos (June 24, 2024)

Reason, Some Takeaways from Today’s Rahimi 2nd Amendment Opinions (June 21, 2024)

Sentencing Law and Policy, After Rahimi, can Donald Trump legally possess a gun? How about Hunter Biden? (June 24, 2024)

Bloomberg Law, Narrow Gun Opinion Says Law Not in ‘Amber,’ But History Rules (June 25, 2024)

The Reload, DOJ Asks Supreme Court to Resolve Question of Gun Rights for Felons (June 25, 2024)

– Thomas L. Root