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Biden Pardons Turkeys But No Prisoners – Update for November 22, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

BIDEN ISSUES FIRST PARDONS… NO HUMANS MAKE THE LIST

turkey211122There was no shortage of complaints from criminal justice reform advocates last Friday as President Biden “pardoned” two turkeys with the rather vegan names of “Peanut Butter” and “Jelly” in a White House ceremony.

“Peanut Butter and Jelly were selected based on their temperament, appearance, and, I suspect, vaccination status,” Biden said. “Yes, instead of getting basted, these two turkeys are getting boosted.”

But when a reporter asked whether he would be pardoning “any people in addition to turkeys,” Biden treated the question as a joke. “You need a pardon?” the president quipped. He didn’t reply to a follow-up question about marijuana prisoners as he walked away from assembled journalists.

turkeyb161123The turkeys may not get roasted, but the President isn’t so lucky. Law professor and clemency expert Mark Osler wrote in the Minneapolis Star-Tribune that “those of us who work in the field of clemency are left with a bitter taste in our mouths. Biden’s pardon of those turkeys represents the first time he has shown any interest at all in clemency. The problem isn’t just that Biden isn’t granting any clemency, it’s that he isn’t denying any, either. Following the lead of his predecessor, former President Donald Trump, Biden is just letting requests sit.”

Osler cited the 18,000 pending clemency petitions – 16,000 more than when Obama took office – and the danger CARES Act people may be sent back to prison when the pandemic ends, as “two genuine crises unfolding in federal clemency.”

A few days earlier, Interrogating Justice complained that

President Joe Biden campaigned heavily on justice reform, including with the federal Bureau of Prisons. He acted swiftly after his inauguration by terminating private prisons that housed federal inmates. However, since then, there has been virtually nothing. Various justice-reform groups have called out the president for his apparent lack of action. Points of frustration start with the increased population of federal prisons, the BOP’s inept handling of the pandemic, the failure to apply First Step Act time credits and most recently the question of granting clemency to all prisoners who are at home confinement under the CARES Act. And these are just a few of the many issues that plague the BOP.

turkeyprison161114The Minneapolis Post argued that “

While campaigning for president last year, however, Biden promised sweeping changes to the criminal justice system. And Biden could not have been more clear that he was committed to reform — promising, “as president” to “strengthen America’s commitment to justice and reform our criminal justice system. Then Biden got elected. And he’s been busy with other things…”

The Hill called it Biden’s “do-nothing” approach to clemency, which

he seems to have delegated entirely to the DOJ… Most of the Democratic candidates for president endorsed this change because the DOJ had proven itself incapable of handling clemency impartially and efficiently for decades… So why doesn’t Biden take clemency away from DOJ and create the kind of advisory commission that President Ford used to aid him in processing a similar backlog of petitions from people with convictions for draft evasion during the Vietnam War? The only apparent answer is that Biden does not want to look like he is interfering with DOJ. But clemency should never have been in DOJ in the first place. It is there by historical accident — no state gives clemency decision-making power to the same prosecutors who bring cases in the first place because of the obvious conflict of interest problem it poses.

New York Times, Boosted, Not Basted: Biden Pardons 2 Turkeys in Thanksgiving Tradition (November 19, 2021)

New York Post, Biden laughs off question about clemency for humans before pardoning turkeys (November 19, 2021)

Minneapolis Star-Tribune, When it Comes to Human Pardons, Thanks for Nothing (November 19, 2021)

Interrogating Justice, The Biden Administration Has Gone Quiet on Justice Reform at the BOP (November 15, 2021)

Minneapolis Post, When will Biden make good on his promise to reform criminal justice? (November 15, 2021)

The Hill, Biden can’t let Trump’s DOJ legacy stifle reform (November 17, 2021)

 Thomas L. Root

Durbin to Carvajal: ‘Drop Dead’ – Update for November 18, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

BOP, ALREADY A ‘HOTBED OF ABUSE’, DITHERS WHILE INMATES SUFFER, INSPECTOR GENERAL SAYS

Turkeys may not be the only creatures with heads on the chopping block.

dropdead211118US Senate Majority Whip Dick Durbin (D-Illinois), chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, last Tuesday publicly demanded that Attorney General Merrick Garland fire Federal Bureau of Prisons Director Michael Carvajal, who was appointed during the Trump Administration.

Durbin’s call came after the Associated Press reported that since the beginning of 2019, over 100 federal prison workers have been arrested, convicted or sentenced for crimes, including the warden of FCI Dublin – a women’s prison in central California – indicted for sexual abuse, an associate warden at MDC Brooklyn charged with killing her husband last August, guards taking cash to smuggle drugs and weapons, and supervisors stealing property such as tires and tractors.

The Associated Press said its investigation revealed that the BOP “is a hotbed of abuse, graft and corruption, and has turned a blind eye to employees accused of misconduct. In some cases, the agency has failed to suspend officers who themselves had been arrested for crimes.” While the BOP workforce amounts to one-third of Dept of Justice personnel, its employees account for two-thirds of the criminal cases against DOJ workers in recent years. Of 41 DOJ employee arrests this year, 28 were of BOP employees or contractors.

The AP report was too much for Durbin, who said,

Director Carvajal… has overseen a series of mounting crises, including failing to protect BOP staff and inmates from the COVID-19 pandemic,failing to address chronic understaffing, failing to implement the landmark First Step Act, and more. It is past time for Attorney General Garland to replace Director Carvajal with a reform-minded Director who is not a product of the BOP bureaucracy.

choppingblock211118On Wednesday, the DOJ Inspector General put an exclamation point on Durbin’s well-justified rant. An IG report found that three years after passage of the First Step Act, the BOP has yet to implement one of the linchpins of the legislation, to reduce recidivism by giving prisoners incentives to successfully certain educational programs and productive activities. The primary holdup? BOP management and union staff have been unable to come up with ground rules for meetings to discuss how the educational and incentives programs should be implemented.

Remember how the 1968 Paris Peace Talks were stalled for months over whether the table over which “official conversations” would be held should be round or rectangular? Yeah, this has been something like that. BOP’s national union won’t conduct formal policy negotiations on Zoom, but rather demanded in-person negotiations. BOP management refused. The disagreement has resulted in a lack of formal policy negotiations for a period of 20 months, which has stalled the development of more than 30 BOP policies, about half of which were created or revised because of First Step.

The First Step Act requires the BOP to provide Evidence-Based Recidivism Reduction (EBRR) programs and productive activities to all inmates in its custody no later than January 15, 2022. The BOP has taken the position that this means that no credits need be awarded until then. No one believes that. In litigation, even the United States Attorney’s Offices defending the BOP have abandoned that tortured interpretation of the Act. The IG’s report said:

In August 2021, the BOP told us that the [First Step Act] contemplates a phased-in approach to time credit implementation and requires that all inmates be assigned to programming based on their assessments no later than January 15, 2022. As a result, the BOP stated that “implementation of time credits is fully permissible as a phased approach.” While we agree that the FSA affords the BOP a 2-year phase-in period to provide all inmates with EBRR programs and productive activities, we also note that the phase-in statute makes no reference to delaying the use of incentives and rewards, including time credits. Instead, the statute states that by January 15, 2020, the BOP “may offer to prisoners who successfully participate in such programs and activities [with] incentives and rewards.”

As a result of the BOP’s failure to talk to its union, as many as 60,000 inmates have not properly received earned-time credits for successful completion of First Step Act’s recidivism programs, the Department of Justice inspector general found. “We are concerned that the delay in applying earned time credits may negatively affect inmates who have earned a reduction in their sentence or an earlier placement in the community,” the report stated.

unsupervised211118Inmates around the country have filed petitions for habeas corpus against the BOP, demanding credit, with mixed results. Even now, the BOP stands firm. The courts are wrong. The US Attorneys are wrong. And, the latest, the Inspector General is wrong:

BOP disagrees with OIG’s characterization of the agency’s delayed implementation of FSA requirements… Although the COVID- 19 pandemic has created unprecedented challenges for the federal government, BOP has taken significant steps in implementing the FSA’s requirements, consistent with the FSA’s phased approach, and has complied with all mandatory statutory guidelines to-date.

Happy Thanksgiving, Director Carvajal. Use some of the long weekend to dust off your resume.

Press release, Durbin Calls On AG Garland To Dismiss BOP Director Carvajal (November 16)

Associated Press, Workers at federal prisons are committing some of the crimes (November 14, 2021)

Associated Press, Durbin calls for Garland to remove federal prisons director (November 17, 2021)

Forbes, Office of Inspector General Critical of Federal Prison Implementation of First Step Act (November 17, 2021)

ABC, DOJ finds Bureau of Prisons failed to apply earned time credits to 60,000 inmates (November 17, 2021)

Dept of Justice, Office of Inspector General, Management Advisory Memorandum 22-007 (November 16, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

A (Sentencing) Army of One – Update for November 16, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

JUDGE BREYER TELLS BIDEN HE’S LONELY ON THE SENTENCING COMMISSION

Senior District Judge Charles Breyer, who sits on the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California, is the last man standing.

lastman211116The U.S. Sentencing Commission’s lone remaining member last Thursday called upon President Biden to act now to nominate enough new commissioners to put the Commission back in business so it can help implement the 2018 First Step Act.

“I would be surprised and dismayed if nominees are not sent to the Senate by the early part of next year,” Judge Breyer said in an interview with Reuters.

The U.S.S.C. lost its quorum after the December 2018 meeting, which ironically enough occurred just about a week before First Step was signed into law. Judge Breyer said the lack of quorum meant the Commission could not provide guidance on how to implement the law, creating a “vacuum” in which judges inconsistently decide whether inmates under the measure can secure compassionate release amid the COVID-19 pandemic.

noquorum191016“Some people were granted compassionate release for reasons that other judges found insufficient,” he said. “There was no standard. That’s a problem when you try to implement a policy on a nationwide basis.” The Commission’s outdated Guideline 1B1.13, ignored by most circuits but used as a bludgeon by others, was perhaps the primary mischief-maker, but with no quorum, the U.S.S.C. was powerless to fix things.

Judge Breyer said that was aware that nominees are currently being vetted. The White House had no immediate comment.

Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman has been beating the drums in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog to revitalize the USSC for several years. So far, no one – including the “criminal justice reform” President Biden – has listened.

Reuters, U.S. sentencing panel’s last member Breyer urges Biden to revive commission (November 11, 2021)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Should I give up hoping Prez Biden will soon make long-needed nominations to US Sentencing Commission? (October 24, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Fecklessness Is No Legal Strategy, 1st Circuit Says – Update for November 15, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

SOMETIMES THE DIFFERENT DRUM IS POUNDING OUT THE WRONG BEAT

diffdrummer211115Sandy Flores-Rivera was one of 46 people charged with a drug-trafficking conspiracy. At trial, most of the evidence against Sandy and her co-defendants came from three cooperating witnesses, all of whom fingered Sandy and helped the government present non-testimonial evidence.

After the jury returned guilty verdicts against Sandy and the other defendants, the government belatedly disclosed some pretrial documents created by a cooperating witness. One was a letter to the lead prosecutor, in which the witness described himself as the government’s “best cooperator: “I promised you to do everything you said and I have done it to the point that you know how this has gotten, we have more than we expected, more evidence and more strength for the case…” Another document consisted of notes that the cooperating witness kept of conversations he had with other cooperators while they were in prison together, in which he had encouraged them to testify. Finally, the government disclosed a note showing the FBI knew the cooperating witnesses were talking to each other in jail.

Of course, the government’s failure to disclose this evidence – which suggested the cooperating witnesses were singing a version of the “truth” they thought would be most pleasing to the authorities who controlled their fates – was a slam-dunk violation of the constitutional requirement of disclosure enshrined in Brady v. Maryland.

[Remember Brady? Brush up on it here]

Sandy and the other defendants moved for a new trial under Rule 33(b) of the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure due to the Brady violation, but the district court turned them down. On appeal, the other defendants again raised the Brady violation, and this time someone listened: the 1st Circuit granted those other defendants new trials because the court found it was “reasonably probable that the impeachment evidence would have caused the jury to acquit” them.

lawyerjoke180807Sandy’s lawyer, however, marched to a different drummer: he didn’t bother raising the Brady issue in Sandy’s appellate brief, but rather argued a couple of loser claims that hadn’t even been preserved in the lower court record. Those issues ran into what the 1st Circuit called “a stone wall of controlling precedent.” In fact, the Circuit even pointed out in amazement that Sandy’s counsel had joined in the new trial motion at the district court but inexplicably “did not renew the argument despite his clear awareness of his ability to adopt a co-appellant’s arguments in a consolidated case… since he reserved his right to do so in Sandy’s opening brief.”

After losing her appeal while her co-defendants won theirs, Sandy filed a post-conviction motion under 28 USC § 2255 claiming her attorney rendered ineffective assistance on appeal. Last week, the 1st Circuit agreed.

The Circuit said the government’s case against Sandy “depended quite heavily on the largely uncorroborated testimony of the three cooperators. Hence, she would have prevailed on the Brady issue just like her co-defendants had she raised the issue. And for that reason, she establishes prejudice under Strickland.”

Appellate counsel performs deficiently, the Circuit said, when he or she “ignor[es] issues that are clearly stronger than those presented.” Forgoing an argument is not a reasonable strategic decision when there is no downside to objecting to an error or when the omitted argument would not “detract from” but would rather “build upon” another challenge.

feckless211115“Here,” the 1st ruled, “any reasonable attorney handling Flores-Rivera’s appeal would have known of the Brady claim’s availability even after a cursory review of the district court docket and the arguments offered by Flores-Rivera’s co-defendants… Appellate counsel opted to forgo an obviously serious, preserved Brady claim in favor of two dubious plain-error challenges, one of which was foreclosed by binding precedent. That choice resembles rejecting a lifeboat in favor of two lily pads… Fecklessness is not a strategy.”

Flores-Rivera v. United States, Case No. 18-1963, 2021 U.S. App. LEXIS 32404 (1st Cir. Oct 29, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Freaky Friday – Update for November 12, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

NEWS OF THE WEIRD

What’s Done is Done: In the 1st Circuit, Junito Melendez was denied a First Step Act § 404 sentence reduction under the Fair Sentencing Act (FSA). Junito finished his prison sentence in 2007 and got off supervised release three years later. Unfortunately, after ten years as a free man, he is now facing a new drug conspiracy charge.

goingback211112Therein lies the problem. Junito was released from his prior 109-month sentence within 15 years of the current conspiracy charge, so he faces a mandatory 10-year minimum sentence under 21 USC § 841(b)(1)(B). But if the prior sentence were to be changed consistent with the FSA, his release date would have been much earlier, and it would thus have fallen well more than 15 years before the current case. Had that been the case, he’d be facing no mandatory minimum now.

The 1st Circuit turned him down, holding that the word “release” in 21 USC § 802(57), which defines a “serious drug felony,” focuses on the “historical facts of a defendant’s sentence when determining whether § 802(57)‘s definition is met.” Regardless of what a different, shorter sentence might have yielded, the historical fact is that Junito was released in 2007. What’s more, the Circuit said, “Congress used the phrase ‘serious drug felony’ in the statute, signaling its intent for the backward-looking language of § 802(57)… to apply to the 10-year mandatory minimum.”

There just ain’t no shortening a sentence that’s already completely in the past tense.

I Should Have Been Watching Him While He Was Watching Me: Jason Sheppard, on supervised release after a drug sentence, discovered that his girlfriend had developed a cozy “personal relationship” with his probation officer, one Jeff Sciarrino. That’s one way to keep tabs on your supervisee, we suppose.

[Read the salacious details here]

Needless to say, the discovery did not enhance Jason’s relationship with his girlfriend. They broke up over her cheatin’ heart.

breakingup211112In his grief, Jason moved for early termination of supervised release under 18 USC § 3583(e), arguing that the breakup “was negatively impacting his rehabilitation, thereby undermining any utility in continued supervision.” Jason made the rather obvious claim to the district court that “the probation officer was never concerned with [his] rehabilitation and appears to use his position for his own personal interests.”

The district court denied Jason’s motion, and last week the 3rd Circuit agreed. It held the District Court acted within its discretion to conclude that  Probation Officer Sciarrino’s amorous misconduct “has little to do with whether Sheppard should continue under the supervision of a different officer.”

The Circuit criticized the District Court, however, for holding that the PO’s misconduct “actually undermines” Jason’s motion for early termination, because the upset may interfere with Jason’s mental health treatment.” The Circuit said, “the District Court’s order includes an inference that Sheppard is responsible not only for his own conduct, but also must shoulder any and all negative repercussions from the misconduct of his probation officer. This inference is improper… when evaluating a motion for early termination, a district court, particularly in the absence of holding an evidentiary hearing, may not impute a probation officer’s alleged improper actions to a defendant serving a term of supervised release, so as to justify continued (or additional) rehabilitative oversight.”

Nevertheless, the Court was not very happy with the U.S. Probation Office:

A probation officer’s communications of such a “personal” nature with an assigned defendant’s significant other are not only entirely inappropriate and unprofessional, but they also undermine the primary objective of supervised release – i.e., “to facilitate the integration of offenders back into the community rather than to punish them.” It also challenges the role of probation officers as trusted government officials who, in performing their duties, are “supposed to have in mind the welfare of the probationer…” In Sheppard’s case, his probation officer implicated Sheppard’s personal life in his own — and to such a degree that, according to Sheppard, it caused him to break up with his live-in girlfriend, with whom he considered to be in a “lifelong commitment.” If this is not the antithesis to assisting Sheppard in transitioning back into the community, and having his “welfare” in mind, we do not know what is.
supervisedleash181107In all candor, I am constrained to note that even when Probation Officers act appropriately, they provide little benefit to supervisees beyond what Probation Officer Lothario provided to Jason. Supervised release is largely a snare for the unwary supervisee, with a sorry record of violating about one of three post-release folks entrusted to the Probation Office’s care.

United States v. Melendez, Case No 20-1575, 2021 U.S.App. LEXIS 31858 (1st Cir., October 22, 2021)

United States v. Sheppard, Case No 20-3088, 2021 U.S.App. LEXIS 32722 (3d Cir., November 3, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Supreme Court Adds Drug, Bivens Cases to Docket – Update for November 10, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

SCOTUS TO HEAR BIVENS, ‘PILL MILL’ CASES

policeraid170824Fifty years ago, the Supreme Court ruled in Bivens v. Six Unknown Agents of the Federal Bureau of Narcotics that a person could sue federal agents and employees for violating his or her constitutional rights, even when there was not a specific law authorizing such a suit. (Bivens had its genesis in agents kicking down the door to Webster Bivens’ apartment, searching it and arresting him on drug charges, all without a warrant. The charges were later dismissed, and Webster was held to have the right to sue the agents for money damages arising from their violation of his 4th Amendment rights.

Since then, the Supreme Court recognized Bivens claims for damages for violations of the 4th, 5th and 8th Amendments, but in 2017 froze things by holding in Ziglar v. Abbasi that “expanding the Bivens remedy is now a disfavored activity.”

Last Friday, the justices agreed to decide in whether a Bivens remedy should be available to the owner of an inn on the US-Canada border who complained a Border Patrol agent violated both his 1st and 4th Amendment rights, while declining to reconsider Bivens itself.

feelgood211019The Court also granted certiorari in Ruan v. United States and Kahn v. United States, consolidating those cases to decide whether when the government prosecutes a doctor under 21 USC § 841 for issuing a prescription outside “the usual course of professional practice,” the government must also prove that the doctor knew or intended that the prescription be outside the scope of professional practice. The Court will also decide whether a “good faith” defense protects doctors who have an honest but mistaken belief that they have issued professional practice.”

Those cases relate to so-called pill mills, where doctors allegedly dispense opioids to patients much too freely to feed addictions rather than for a medical purpose. The Supreme Court will consider where the line is to be drawn between doctor discretion – especially in experimenting with pain management techniques – and garden-variety illegal drug dealing.

Egbert v. Boule, Case No 21- 147 (certiorari granted November 5, 2021)

Ruan v. United States, Case No 20-1410 (certiorari granted November 5, 2021)

Kahn v. United States, Case No 20-5261 (certiorari granted November 5, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

POTUS Pot Pardons Possible, CRS Says – Update for November 9, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

COULD BIDEN USE BLANKET CLEMENCY ON POT OFFENDERS?

A Congressional Research Service report issued last week concluded that if President Joe Biden’s easiest path to fulfilling his goal of getting the federal government out of marijuana regulation business is to use his clemency power.

marijuana160818While the study concluded that Biden could not lawfully deschedule marijuana as a controlled substance, it nevertheless said the President has substantial control over how the law is enforced and may use his clemency authority at any time “after an offense is committed: before the pardon recipient is charged with a crime, after a charge but prior to conviction, or following conviction. The power is not limited to pardons for individual offenders: the President may also issue a general amnesty to a class of people.”

In addition, the Report notes, “the President could direct the Department of Justice to exercise its discretion not to prosecute some or all marijuana-related offenses. Although DOJ generally enjoys significant independence, particularly with respect to its handling of specific cases, the President has the authority to direct DOJ as part of his constitutional duty to ‘take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed’.”

The CRS is Congress’s public policy research institute, working primarily for members of Congress and their committees and staff on a nonpartisan basis.

Meanwhile, an article in Inquest last week observed that “there is deeply rooted legal precedent for presidents to use their authority to grant clemency to large classes of people. Presidents have deployed this authority to advance the public welfare, whether following a war or in response to unjust punishments, or simply to help heal a nation torn by crisis… Broad clemency has been issued by presidents George Washington, John Adams, James Madison, Abraham Lincoln, Theodore and Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Harry Truman, Lyndon B. Johnson, Gerald Ford, and Jimmy Carter.”

A lot of people are hoping to see this on the news...
A lot of people are hoping to see this on the news…

Noting that “the federal system… is the single largest incarcerator in the nation,” the article argued “ President Biden can lead by example, embracing categorical clemency as a tool to mitigate the system’s structural injustices… The president can act by issuing categorical clemency through a proclamation to a class of people based on two categories of eligibility: Personal characteristics or membership in a certain group, or shared circumstances. Such a proclamation should contain a presumption that all people who fit the criteria announced by the president will have their sentences commuted unless the DOJ can prove an articulable and current threat of violent harm.”

Of course, all of the foregoing supposes the President will use his clemency power at all. The Administration has thus far said not to expect pardons or commutations prior to late next year.

Congressional Research Service, Does the President Have the Power to Legalize Marijuana? (November 4, 2021)

Inquest, Mass Clemency (November 2, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

6th and 7th Circuits Pound Compassionate Release – Update for November 8, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

ROUGH WEEK FOR COMPASSIONATE RELEASE

A trio of cases last week suggest that at least two other federal circuits are joining the 11th in taking a dismissive view of compassionate release for COVID reasons.

ratchet211108Rachel Effect: About 22 years ago, John Bass – who ran a substantial drug-trafficking organization in Michigan for about a decade – began serving two concurrent life-without-parole sentences for murdering a hitman whom John had hired to kill his half-brother.

Yes, there is a certain amount of irony in murdering a hitman, even one you hired to hit someone else, but we’ll save that for another time.

In 2020, John filed a motion for sentence reduction under 18 U.S.C. § 3582(c)(1)(A)(i) – commonly called a motion for compassionate release – due to his frail medical condition and susceptibility to COVID. The district court granted his motion in January 2021, but John only enjoyed a few weeks of freedom before the government convinced the 6th Circuit to stay John’s release, sending John back to prison.

Last week, the Circuit held the district court abused its discretion is letting John out, and reversed the release permanently.

In its 2-1 decision, the 6th Circuit focused almost exclusively on the seriousness of John’s crime, disagreeing with the district court that 22 years in prison was “sufficient, but not greater than necessary to fulfill the purposes of his punishment.” The Circuit held that the crimes “were so severe that the Government sought the death penalty, and Bass’s own defense counsel assured the jury that Bass would never leave prison in an effort to avoid imposition of the death penalty.”

violent160620The district court justified its decision to release John by repeatedly emphasizing his rehabilitation and education. But, the 6th wrote, the district court “failed to square this lengthy rehabilitation analysis with the fact that Bass’s original sentence was life imprisonment without the possibility of release… In deciding Bass’s original sentence, the jury and the district court had already considered and rejected the possibility that he could be rehabilitated, or that his capacity for rehabilitation warranted the potential for an early release. This is not to say that compassionate release is never available for a defendant sentenced to life imprisonment without the possibility of release. We assume that there are circumstances that would warrant compassionate release for a defendant so sentenced. But the nature of Bass’s life sentence calls into question the district court’s decision to afford substantial weight to his efforts at rehabilitation after only 22 years in prison.”

The decision includes an interesting discussion of sentence disparity. The district court had ruled John’s sentence was too long compared to a co-conspirator who was sentenced in a state court for his crimes. The Circuit disagreed, holding that although “district courts may consider disparities among codefendants, the only disparities relevant are those among federal defendants on a national scale… By considering state court sentences, a district court actually is re-injecting the locality disparity that the Sentencing Reform Act of 1984 was designed to guard against.”

[Editor’s note]: The whole “disparity” argument comes down to (1) fairness to the defendant, and (2) perception of the public. A defendant figures 10 years is 10 years, or life is life, whether it’s served in a federal prison or a state joint. Likewise for the public, there’s no difference in where the sentence is served: if one guy gets five years in state while another gets 20 in a federal prison, the public sees a disparity that tends to cause disrespect and lack of confidence in the judicial system. But implicit in the 6th Circuit holding is that the public understands and appreciates the nuances in the system, the “separate sovereigns” and all that claptrap.]

double211108I don’t usually mention dissents, but Judge Helene White wrote a notable one in this 2-1 case. She quite rightly suggested the majority was applying a different standard because it was the government appealing a compassionate release decision favorable to the defendant, instead of the usual disappointed prisoner appealing the district court’s siding with the government. Judge White admits that if she had been the district judge, she would not have granted John’s motion. “However,” she said, “the district court adequately explained its decision and did not abuse its discretion in concluding otherwise. We must apply the same rules on review without regard to whether the government or the inmate is aggrieved by the district court’s decision… We require district courts to provide only the most minimal explanation, and we must defer to their judgment in weighing the § 3553(a) factors and not substitute our own…”

It looks like a ratchet: if the district court denies a compassionate release motion, it has almost untrammeled discretion. If, however, it grants one, the circuit court will examine its decision with a magnifying glass and gimlet eye.

COVID Isn’t the Only Thing the Vaccine Prevents: In two other cases last week, the 6th and 7th Circuits held that a vaccinated inmate is disqualified from receiving a COVID-19 compassionate release. The 6th flatly held that “a defendant’s incarceration during the COVID-19 pandemic – when the defendant has access to the COVID-19 vaccine – does not present an extraordinary and compelling reason warranting a sentence reduction… The COVID-19 vaccine is available to inmates at Traylor’s facility, and Traylor has received both doses of the Pfizer vaccine.”

Vaccinesticker211005The 7th Circuit also slammed the door on COVID-19 compassionate release, holding that “unless a prisoner can show they [sic] are unable to receive or benefit from a vaccine… the availability of a vaccine makes it impossible to conclude that the risk of COVID-19 is an ‘extraordinary and compelling’ reason for immediate release… Because the prisoner is vaccinated, he is ineligible for relief on remand.”

The fly in the ointment – as the death of General Colin Powell illustrates and the data all support – is that vaccine efficacy fades over time. No one knows for how long that time is, but the CDC has already recommended boosters, which could be. At the same time, vaccine effectiveness varies according to a person’s condition, with studies showing that it is less effective in obese people. With a new COVID delta subvariant just identified in the UK, not to mention the increasing occurrence of “breakthrough” infections among the vaccinated, the appellate courts may discover that the effects of the coronavirus is quite resistant to the “one-size-fits-all” vaccine approach.

United States v. Bass, Case No. 21-1094, 2021 U.S. App. LEXIS 32738 (6th Cir., Nov 3, 2021)

United States v. Traylor, Case No. 21-1565, 2021 U.S. App. LEXIS 32493 (6th Cir., Nov 1, 2021)

United States v. Kurzynowski, Case No. 20-3491, 2021 U.S. App. LEXIS 32966 (7th Cir., Nov 5, 2021)

National Geographic, An Offshoot of the Delta Variant is Rising in the UK (November 2, 2021)

The Wall Street Journal, Rising Covid-19 Breakthrough Cases Hinder Efforts to Control Virus (November 6, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Waive It ‘Goodbye’? – Update for November 5, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

ONE AIN’T DONE

oneanddone200616A lot of possible objections or defenses can be waived if they aren’t raised at the right time. If a defendant doesn’t raise an objection to the indictment or venue or speedy trial before the jury is seated, the objections are lost. Rule 12 of the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure lists a whole bevy of such issues.

Many other rights are often waived if the defendant enters into a plea agreement with the government. Such rights, which have to be specifically and expressly waived in the plea agreement, usually include the right to appeal, the right to file other types of post-conviction challenges, and even – often enough – the right to file requests for documents under the Freedom of Information Act.

A plea waiver is common and enforceable. But the government has to raise the defense of plea waiver in order to get any traction. Let’s say a defendant signs a plea deal with the government that includes a promise not to appeal or bring a collateral attack on a conviction or sentence. Later, she files a habeas corpus motion under 28 USC § 2255 claiming, for example, her lawyer screwed up at sentencing. If the government doesn’t raise the plea waiver as a defense at the time it files its objection to the § 2255 motion, it can’t come back later and assert the defense.

It’s “one and done.”But how long is “done?” Derrick Borden found that out last week. Despite having signed a plea waiver that prevented any post-conviction challenges to his conviction, Derrick filed motion to vacate his 18 U.S.C. § 924(c) conviction after the Supreme Court’s decision in United States v. Davis invalidated the basis for that count. The government, agreeing that the § 924(c) conviction should be vacated, did not raise the plea waiver as an objection.

After the § 924(c) was vacated, Derrick was resentenced. Not liking how that turned out, he appealed the new sentence as being too much. The government raised the plea waiver as a defense to the new § 2255, arguing Derrick had no right to appeal.

Derrick argued that the government – having waived its right to invoke the waiver against his first § 2255 motion – was not allowed to selectively enforce the plea deal, and that the letter it wrote the district court waiving the waiver the first time around should be read to have abandon its right to enforce the waiver for all time.

Waivers160215Last week, the 2nd Circuit turned him down, apparently a bit miffed that Derrick tried to sandbag the government for having done the right thing. “To start, the Circuit said, “consenting to permit Borden to move to vacate his § 924(c) conviction was in Borden’s interest, in the interest of judicial economy, and in the interests of justice… we see no reason to discourage the Government from consenting to the correction of a constitutional error by offering limited relief from an appeal waiver (or waiver of other post-conviction relief) that benefits the defendant.”

The 2nd said the government’s letter let Derrick “obtain precisely the relief he sought. And although courts construe plea agreements strictly against the government, that standard does not necessarily extend to a letter that is not a separate plea agreement upon which the defendant relied in waiving any rights.

United States v. Borden, Case No. 19-4316-cr, 2021 U.S. App. LEXIS 32030 (2d Cir., Oct. 26, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Weed, Yes; Washington, No? – Update for November 4, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

BUT WAIT, THERE’S MORE

An opinion piece in The Hill last week (admittedly written by the political director of NORML, who certainly has no particular point of view) argued that because marijuana is popular, but Congress is not, the Senate should quickly take up and pass the Marijuana, Opportunity, Reinvestment, and Expungement (MORE) Act, H.R. 3617, which would repeal marijuana prohibition by removing cannabis from the Controlled Substances Act, ending the existing state/federal conflict in cannabis policies.

marijuana-dc211104

The bill passed the full House in the last Congress with a bipartisan vote of 228-164, but died at the end of December when the two-year Congress ended without a Senate vote on the measure.

The Hill piece argued, “Given that Senate Majority Leader Charles Schumer (D-NY) along with Sens Cory Booker and Ron Wyden (D-Ore) have released their own draft proposal to repeal prohibition, which largely includes the MORE Act, it would be prudent for House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) along with Leader Steny Hoyer (D-MD) and Whip James Clyburn (D-SC) to again pass the act and demonstrate to the American public that congressional leadership can be responsive to the public’s overwhelming desire to see cannabis legalized.”

potscooby180713That may be overly rosy. Morgan Fox of the National Cannabis Industry Assn, said last week that while the House will probably pass MORE this year, “it doesn’t look like any sort of comprehensive de-scheduling and regulation bill is going to be able to get through the Senate this year, just because of the politics at play. Democrats want something that’s very robust and contains a very strong social and restorative justice provisions. Republicans are not on board with that, even the ones that are pretty staunch supporters of ending federal prohibition.”

He said that watering down the bill would be required to get the 10 Republican votes needed to pass a filibuster in the Senate. “So I think that at this point, we’re really just trying to feel out where lawmakers are and see where we can compromise in terms of bigger legislation,” he said.

The Hill, Reforming marijuana laws before the holidays: A three-pronged approach (October 27, 2021)

Cannabis Administration and Opportunity Act (July 2021)

Insurance Journal, Takeaways from Our Conversation on Federal Legalization (October 26, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root