All posts by lisa-legalinfo

8th Circuit Says Supervised Release Violation Hearing Still Has Some Due Process Left – Update for August 9, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

(HEAR)SAY WHAT?

Hearsayevidence210809Once a federal prisoner is released, he or she spends a period of several years (on the average) on “supervised release,” under which he or she is supervised by a United States Probation Officer who (often enough) lives to declare that the former prisoner has violated the terms of supervised release and should be sent back to prison. It is not surprising that about one out of three people get “violated” at least once during their terms of supervised release. Not all get sent back to prison, but enough do.

When the former prisoner is declared to have violated supervised release, a hearing is held that seems pretty short on due process guarantees. One of the most pernicious attributes of the hearing (besides the low standard of proof required, a mere 51% “preponderance of the evidence” standard) is hearsay.

Very simply, hearsay is any testimony about a statement made by someone not present in the courtroom introduced to prove the matter asserted. If defendant Larry Lowlife is accused of stealing candy from a baby, a witness’s statement that “my mother told me she saw Mr. Lowlife take the candy bar from the baby would be hearsay” if the statement is intended to prove Larry’s guilt.

Such testimony is generally not admissible, because – at least in criminal trials – it denies a defendant his or her 6th Amendment right to confront witnesses. Maybe Mom was standing 200 yards from Larry and the baby. Maybe Mom stood to make a lot of money writing a book about Larry’s theft. Maybe Mom took the candy, and was trying to deflect blame. If Mom is not present to testify, Larry can’t mount a defense.

hearsay210809To be sure, there are dozens of exceptions to hearsay, from excited utterances to dying declarations. That’s for law school evidence class. For now, it’s enough to understand that hearsay can be dangerous and that courts have been all too willing to allow it to send people back to prison.

People like Derone Coleman. Derone’s Probation Officer moved to revoke his supervised release after his former squeeze Kippie House complained of a more current “squeeze.” She said Derone “squeezed” her around the neck, choking her, biting her on the face, and pulling a gun on her while reminiscing about their prior relationship.

Kippie’s cousins were present for the alleged assault, giving the government an impressive witness list at Derone’s supervised release violation hearing. But Kippie had moved, and she and her cousin Lashonda made themselves scarce when the PO tried to subpoena them. What’s more, after reporting Derone to the Probation Officer, Kippie declined to press charges locally.

The government told the court that its “efforts to serve” Kippie and Lashonda “have been unsuccessful,” and instead offered three other witnesses, who could only recount what Kippie or Lashonda had told them. Derone objected to the hearsay evidence, arguing that he had a right to confront his accusers. The district court disagreed, holding that the government’s explanation showed there was good cause for House’s absence at the revocation hearing. The district judge had his own doubts about the photo evidence of Kippie’s alleged injuries, but even so he viewed the photos as consistent with what the witnesses said Kippie had told them about the assault.

The district court revoked Derone and gave him 60 months.

Last week, the 8th Circuit reversed. Although at the revocation stage, a defendant has less than the full panoply of protections afforded by the rules of evidence, he or she is still entitled to the “minimum requirements of due process.” Among those requirements is the right to confront and cross-examine adverse witnesses, the 8th said, “unless the hearing officer specifically finds good cause for not allowing confrontation.”

dodgesubpoens210809“In assessing whether a defendant should have been allowed to confront an adverse witness,” the Circuit ruled, “we balance his due process rights against the grounds asserted by the government for not requiring confrontation.’” To show good cause for denying a defendant his confrontation rights, the district court needed to assess the government’s reason for not producing Kippie; and the reliability of the hearsay offered in place of her testimony. “The government needed to show both prongs,” the Circuit said. “A failure under either prong negates good cause.”

Generally, unless a witness has moved out of state, the government has no excuse for not producing her to testify. Here, the government argued that the Probation Officer had tried to call Kippie without success. The 8th observed, “If we were to adopt the government’s position, then we would effectively equate missed calls to an interstate move.” While witnesses who refuse to testify out of fear have been excused in the past, the Circuit noted, while Kippie “changed her mind about pressing charges… nothing in the record suggests she refused to comply with a subpoena or said that she would not testify.”

Beyond that, the 8th said, the government never established a causal link between the photographic evidence and the hearsay. Derone argued Kippie, as a jilted girlfriend, had a motive to get Derone locked up. The government argued on the other hand that the very fact Kippie refused to press charges meant that she knew her honest testimony would lock up someone she still cared about, and thus her failure to testify actually corroborated her testimony.

The Circuit punted on those arguments, dryly noting that “regardless of the truth of Kippie’s out-of-court allegations, the government needed to offer additional indicia of reliability when a possible motive to implicate Derone indisputably existed.”

The 8th told the district court to cut Derone loose.

United States v. Coleman, Case No 20-2623, 2021 U.S.App. LEXIS 23037 (8th Cir., Aug. 4, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Pells Expanded, But Not Pell Mell – Update for August 6, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

PELL GRANT EXPANSION ANNOUNCED

The Dept of Education announced last week it will expand the Second Chance Pell Grant experiment for the 2022-2023 award year.

pell160627Launched in 2015, the Second Chance Pell Experimental Sites Initiative provides need-based Pell grants to people in state and federal prisons. The expansion announced last Friday will allow up to 200 colleges and universities (up from 131 currently) to offer prison education programs with support from the Pell Grant program. Current participants number 131.

Unfortunately, the bureaucracy crawls. The expansion does not become effective until July 2022.

Students in this program have earned over 7,000 credentials, build new skills and improve their odds of success. The DOE cited a Vera Institute for Justice study showing that incarcerated people who participated in postsecondary education programs are 48% less likely to return to prison than those who do not.

The expansion will also expand the geographic range of the program, with the goal of including a wider variety of postsecondary education programs serving a more diverse population, according to the DOE.

The Crime Report, ‘Second Chance’ Pell Grants Program Expands to 200 Schools in 2022 (July 30, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Criminal Justice Reform Wonders Where the President Is – Update for August 5, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

I PROMISE…

promise210805Every week, I get dozens of emails asking about new criminal justice laws that have passed (zero) and the status of the EQUAL Act or First Step Implementation Act or the Safer Detention Act or any of a dozen really good criminal reform bills pending before Congress.

What, you think I’m not going to cover any progress or, better yet, the passage of the bills in this blog? I promise – if there’s significant progress on any criminal justice bill (or even insignificant progress), I will cover it. Right away.

I mention this because more and more articles are being written about President Biden as a disappointment on criminal justice reform. Last week, Law 360 said, “One of President Joe Biden’s most powerful tools for advancing criminal justice reform is his voice and yet, despite his campaign promises, he has been mostly silent on the issue while in office, frustrating criminal justice reform advocates.”

The criminal justice reform people “would have liked Biden to do more than just talk about criminal justice reform in his first six months in office, but they are even more frustrated by the fact that he isn’t loudly advocating for reform and isn’t letting people know when he will act on his reform promises.”

biden210805Andrea James, a former criminal defense attorney, said she attended a White House virtual discussion in May about reducing mass incarceration, shortly after Biden’s first 100 days in office. James has been fighting for clemencies through her organization, the National Council for Incarcerated and Formerly Incarcerated Women and Girls, a group that sought clemency for 100 women within Biden’s first 100 days.

Biden promised during his presidential campaign that he would use his presidential clemency power to secure the release of individuals facing unduly long sentences for certain nonviolent and drug offenses. “The president can do this with the stroke of a pen and there is absolutely no reason to wait,” James said.

Meanwhile, AP reported last Thursday that while Biden took quick action after his inauguration to shift federal inmates out of privately run prisons, promising it was “just the beginning of my administration’s plan to address systemic problems in our criminal justice system,” the President is overlooking a prime — and, in some ways, easier — target for improving the conditions of incarcerated people: the federal Bureau of Prisons.

The administration has full power to control staffing, transparency, health care, most of all, BOP leadership, the article says. BOP Director Michael Carvajal, “a Trump holdover… who has been in charge as the coronavirus raged behind bars, infecting more than 43,000 federal inmates, still runs the agency. Administration officials have been mulling whether to replace him, but no decision has been made, according to officials who spoke to The Associated Press.

First Step Act programs to reduce recidivism are hampered because there are not enough workers to facilitate them. Nearly one-third of federal correctional officer jobs in the United States are vacant, forcing prisons to use cooks, teachers, nurses and other workers to guard inmates. “There need to be enough people working in a prison to keep people housed in a prison safe. And they must be able to get access to the programs that should allow their release,” said Maria Morris of the American Civil Liberties Union’s National Prison Project.

A key part of Biden’s agenda racial justice, and nowhere is racial equity a more pressing issue than inside prison, where the inmate population is “still disproportionately filled with Black people.”

Advocates say that while Biden “has talked a good game, his actions tell a different story, particularly because the Justice Department has refused to reverse a legal opinion requiring inmates released during the pandemic to return to prison.”

return161227“There isn’t an appetite in the administration to act,” said Inimai Chettiar of the Justice Action Network.

The Hill reported last week that the White House continues to say nothing about whether Biden will do something to permit people on CARES Act home confinement to stay on home confinement. The Administration has been under pressure for months to revoke the Trump era legal memo, which concludes that CARES Act people have to go back to prison when the COVID emergency ends.

Some have proposed Biden use clemency to immediately end the sentences for those who have been living outside prison walls or push for the expanded use of compassionate release for the inmates.

“With a new rise in COVID-19 cases across the country, it’s unlikely the pandemic will be declared over any time soon,” The Hill said. “But as it currently stands, thousands will have to return to prison when it ends, and the Biden administration has not offered any public guidance on whether that could change.”

Law 360, Advocates Frustrated By Biden’s Silence On Justice Reform (July 25, 2021) 

Associated Press, Is Biden overlooking Bureau of Prisons as reform target? (July 29, 2021)

The Hill, Inmates grapple with uncertainty over Biden prison plan (July 30, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

“What Is It Exactly That You Want?” Courts Ask Defendants – Update for August 3, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

FUTILITY

futility180705Two decisions last week should serve as cautionary tales for people seeking a sentence break from the courts, without really being able to explain to the courts why they are seeking the break they want.

In the 7th Circuit, Mike Millis filed a 28 USC § 2241 petition for writ of habeas corpus, arguing that his career-offender Guidelines enhancement (USSG § 4B1.1) should not have been applied in his case. As a result of his 1994 crime spree, Mike was convicted of several robbery counts, which included two 18 USC § 924(c) counts for using a gun. The § 924(c) counts, of course, were stacked. When the dust settled, Mike’s sentencing range began at 562 months.

That was too much for his judge, who departed downward to a still-shocking 410 months.

In the intervening 26 years, Mike filed and lost a 28 USC § 2255 motion in his Eastern District of Kentucky home. But well after that, the 6th Circuit held in a different case that one of the prior convictions relied on to make Mike a Guidelines career offender – an Ohio aggravated assault conviction – could not be used as a basis for career offender. Because the change in the law did not open the door to a new § 2255 motion. But Mike relied on the § 2255(e) “saving clause,” which lets prisoners use a § 2241 motion where the § 2255 would be “inadequate or ineffective to test the legality of his detention.”

Last week, the 7th Circuit shot him down. One of the standards for being able to use the 28 USC § 2255(e) saving clause, the Circuit said, is that the prior conviction or sentence has to constitute a miscarriage of justice. Here, Mike’s sentence range had started at 567 months. But if he had not been a career offender, the Circuit said, his 410-month sentence would still have fallen within what his non-career sentencing range would have been.

miscarriage-of-justiceBecause of that, the sentence – although the career offender status was wrong – was not a miscarriage of justice. This made the § 2255(e) saving clause unavailable to Mike.

So what was Mike’s point? I am guessing that he was looking to get rid of the career-offender label, because he is or will soon seek to get his second § 924(c) conviction cut from 300 months to 60 months, which is all he could have gotten under the law since passage of the First Step Act made clear that the 300-month mandatory sentence only applies after a prior conviction for a § 924(c) offense. Knocking 240 months off his sentence would let Mike out after having only served 260-some months (21 years) in prison.

Talk about soft on crime!

Meanwhile, over in the 8th Circuit, Brett Corrigan got a mandatory-minimum sentence of 60 months in prison, based on quantity of drugs involved in his case. At sentencing, his district court gave him a 2-level enhancement under USSG § 2D1.1(b)(1) for possessing a dangerous weapon, which gave him an advisory sentencing range of 60 to 71 months in prison. The judge gave him 60 months, the bottom of the range, (which, incidentally, was his mandatory minimum sentence).

softoncrime190307That did not stop Brett, who appealed the 2-level enhancement to the Court of Appeals. Last week the 8th Circuit denied him any relief. “Nothing we do here will affect Corrigan’s sentence, meaning that we lack the ability to provide any effectual relief.,” the Circuit said. “Win or lose, it makes no difference—his sentence will remain 60 months because of the mandatory minimum. In jurisdictional terms, Corrigan lacks a cognizable interest in the outcome, which means that there is no longer a live case or controversy under Article III.”

So why bother appealing? I suspect what Brett was fighting for was to get the 2-level gun enhancement lifted, because the enhancement made him ineligible to take the Bureau of Prison’s Residential Drug Abuse Program. The RDAP would entitle him to another 12 months off his sentence under 18 USC § 3621(e)(2)(B), meaning that Brett very much had something at stake here. It’s just that the courts generally seem not to appreciate the adverse effects that enhancements like that – which often get added on the flimsiest of evidence – have on a defendant’s prison term.

Millis v. Segal, Case No. 20-1520, 2021 U.S. App. LEXIS 22349 (7th Cir., July 28, 2021)

United States v. Corrigan, Case No. 20-1682, 2021 U.S. App. LEXIS 22166 (8th Cir., July 27, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Biden Lowers the Boom on Unvaccinated Feds (Which Includes about Half of BOP Employees) – Update for August 2, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

JUST WHEN WE THOUGHT WE WERE DONE WITH COVID

The Delta variant of the coronavirus is gaining a foothold in the Federal Bureau of Prisons, just as it is in the rest of the country. As of yesterday, the U.S. was again charting 100,000 new cases a day. The BOP has gone from a low of 29 sick inmates three weeks ago (and only 108 staff sick a week ago), to last Friday’s numbers of 261 inmates and 151 staff down with COVID. The virus is present in 65% of all BOP facilities.

corona200313Yet only 52.5% of BOP employees and 55.3% of inmates have gotten vaccinated, according to BOP numbers. One prisoner complained last week, “Being in here with only half or less of the guards having gotten the vaccine is crazy. I feel like a trapped animal waiting for my turn to be killed.” Reuters reported last week that at FCI Oakdale – one of the first BOP facilities to suffer a COVID outbreak in March 2020 – “about 70% of its inmates have been vaccinated against the coronavirus – a rate more than double the 34% of Bureau of Prisons staffers there who have taken the shot, according to Ronald Morris, president of the Oakdale AFGE Union Local representing BOP workers.

“The low rate reflects how responses to COVID-19 – whether getting vaccinated or wearing face masks to slow transmission – has turned into a partisan issue in the United States,” Reuters reported, “with many Republicans rejecting both.”

That may be changing. Late last week, President Biden ordered all federal employees and contractors – including the BOP – to attest to their vaccination status or be subject to masking, social distancing, and COVID-19 testing requirements.

“Anyone who does not attest to being fully vaccinated will be required to wear a mask on the job no matter their geographic location, physically distance from all other employees and visitors, comply with a once- or twice-weekly screening testing requirement and be subject to restrictions on official travel,” the White House said in a fact sheet on the new policy, which it released Thursday afternoon.

Good luck enforcing that on the BOP staff.

Unconfirmed reports have at least one BOP facility announcing that by the end of the month, all unvaccinated inmates will be put in special unvaccinated units with limited recreation, no jobs, and social-distanced education. Now, it seems BOP employees are going to be feeling the effect of restrictions arising from their refusal to be vaccinated.

communications210802Meanwhile, in a master example of understatement, the Government Accountability Office last week issued a report on the BOP’s coronavirus response, complaining of inadequate COVID guidance communication to staff, and suggesting the agency should identify the practices that worked the best in order to prepare for future public health emergencies. “With about 46,000 positive inmate cases and 237 inmate deaths related to COVID-19 as of May 2021, and nearly 7,000 staff cases and four staff deaths related to COVID-19 as of May 2021, COVID-19 has highlighted key opportunities for BOP to better protect staff and inmates in response to the current pandemic and any future public health emergencies,” said GAO.

stupid160711The study said BOP staff reported confusion in how to implement BOP’s guidance. The Department of Justice’s Office of Inspector General surveyed BOP staff and reported that of the 59% of BOP employees responding to a survey thought BOP’s guidance was not clear. “Routinely evaluating how it communicates its COVID-19 guidance to staff, and modifying its approach as needed based on staff feedback, would help BOP ensure that staff can understand and effectively implement the protocols for COVID-19 and any future public health emergency,” the GAO said.

Forbes reported last week that over 400 inmates were transferred in July to FDC Miami, a facility that usually gets fewer than 100 inmates each month, many for court proceedings at the nearby federal courthouse. “The result of the inmate transfers has been 19 inmates associated with the transfer into FDC Miami have tested positive for COVID-19 and there is concern from BOP union representatives that this represents a huge challenge for both staff and inmates,” Eric Speirs, AFGE Local 501 President, told Forbes. “The decision to send this number of inmates in here over such a short period of time is reckless and adds to other pressures we already have here in Miami.”

Reuters, Vaccinated prisoners, unvaccinated guards illustrate Biden’s tricky road (July 29, 2021)

Federal News Network, Federal employees must attest to vaccination or submit to testing, per new Biden policy (July 29, 2021)

Government Executive, Coronavirus Roundup: Pandemic IG Asks for Expansion of Jurisdiction Again; GAO Looks at Contracting and Federal Prisons During COVID (July 30, 2021)

GAO, BOP Could Further Enhance its COVID-19 Response
by Capturing and Incorporating Lessons Learned (July 29, 2021)

Forbes, Bureau Of Prisons Transfers Hundreds Of Inmates Into Miami’s COVID-19 Hotbed (July 30, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

BOP’s COVID Comeback – Update for July 30, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

COVID’S BACK, AND THE BOP’S GOT IT

It wasn’t even three weeks ago that the BOP was doing a happy dance about having delivered the 200,000th shot of COVID vaccine. Only 29 inmates and 130 staff had the coronavirus, and only half of the institutions had a case.

coviddelta210730Then came the COVID-19 Delta variant. As of last night, 236 inmates and 145 staff at 79 facilities were sick. One out of four of those cases is at FCI Texarkana, where the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention is reportedly looking at why Delta has gained a foothold.

The Delta breakout comes amid increased concerns over slowed vaccination rates among prisons corrections staff.

The Crime Report last week said, “prison staff have refused the vaccine in vast numbers, leaving entire prison populations — and surrounding communities — at risk.” According to the report, only 48% of prison staff members nationwide had received at least one dose. As of last Friday, the BOP staff vax rate was 52.4%, slightly lower than the 54.8% inmate acceptance of the vaccine.

Unvaccinated officers travel between, bringing the virus with them, according to Anne Spaulding, an associate professor in epidemiology at Emory University. Sick officers can also cause staff shortages (already a serious BOP problem), which reduces programming, recreation, and visitation. “It’s going to affect the mental health of those incarcerated, who already have restricted lives,” Spaulding said.

stopvax210730Yesterday, President Biden issued a directive that requires about 2 million federal employees to disclose whether they’ve been vaccinated against COVID-19 or else submit to regular testing, as the highly transmissible Delta variant drives up new infections nationwide. That number would include the approximate 19,000 BOP employees who have so far refused the shot.

Federal workers and on-site contractors will have to attest to their vaccination status, the White House said. Those who don’t must wear masks at work regardless of their geographic location and get tested once or twice a week for Covid-19. Employees who don’t disclose being fully vaccinated also will be subject to work travel restrictions and must physically distance from colleagues and visitors, the administration said.

Given that numerous inmate reports I’ve gotten say that BOP staff widely ignore mask and distancing mandates, enforcement of this should be interesting to watch.

BOP COVID-19 statistics website (July 29)

KTBS-TV, Shreveport LA, Coronavirus cases rise at FCI Texarkana (July 19, 2021)

The Crime Report, Is Anti-Vax Movement Gaining Traction Among Corrections Staff? (July 12, 2021)

Politico, Biden rolls out aggressive plan to jump-start vaccination (July 29, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Biden Says Trump Got It Right on CARES Act Home Confinees Going Back to Prison – Update for July 29, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

BIDEN DOJ AGREES CARES ACT REQUIRES HOME CONFINEES TO RETURN TO PRISON, BUT ALL IS NOT LOST

comeback201019In a dying gasp last January, Donald Trump’s Dept of Justice Office of Legal Counsel interpreted § 12003 of the CARES Act to mean that anyone sent to home confinement during COVID-19 had to return to prison a month after the official state of emergency for the pandemic ends, according to officials.

Since taking office, President Biden’s administration has come under pressure from FAMM, other activists, and lawmakers – including Senate Judiciary Committee Richard Durbin (D-Illinois) and Sen Charles Grassley (R-Iowa) – to revoke the memo. But last week, The New York Times reported the Biden DOJ has concluded that the January memo correctly interpreted the law.

The COVID state of emergency is not expected to end this year, in part because of the rise of the Delta variant. “But the determination means that whenever it does end,” The Times said, “the department’s hands will be tied.”

The Times said several Administration officials “characterized the decision as an assessment of the best interpretation of the law, not a matter of policy preference.” But that didn’t slow the barrage of criticism.

backstab160404“We took President Biden at his word that he wanted to reduce mass incarceration, but this choice, to send thousands back to prison, would be doubling down on the worst parts of his legacy,” Holly Harris, president of Justice Action Network, said. “It’s time for President Biden to keep his promise, and keep these people home.” The Hill complained that “Biden and Attorney General Merrick Garland could have rescinded that policy.” Lauren-Brooke Eisen, director in the Brennan Center’s Justice Program, said, “No public interest is served in having this group of individuals reincarcerated.”

The Justice Action Network and the Brennan Center both noted that Biden campaigned heavily on criminal justice reform last year.

“On the campaign trail, President Biden vowed to take bold action to reduce our prison population, create a more just society, and make our communities safe. He said he believed in offering second chances,” Eisen said.

Forbes said, “The position of both administrations seems odd when the program has been such a success… Of the 20,000 on home detention (CARES Act plus those on home confinement because they were near the end of their prison term) there had only been 20 individuals returned to prison institutions as a result of violations. That’s a 99.9% success rate.”

interpretation210729I think the critics are missing the point. The fact that the Biden DOJ thinks the prior OLC legal analysis of the CARES Act is solid has no effect on what policy the Administration will follow. If anything, the criticism Biden is taking over last week’s Times story makes it more likely than not that Biden or Congress will find some means of keeping CARES Act people on home confinement.

The New York Times, Biden Legal Team Decides Inmates Must Return to Prison After Covid Emergency (July 19, 2021)

The Hill, Biden administration criticized over report that it is not extending home confinement for prisoners (July 20, 2021)

Forbes, Biden Administration Signals That Federal Inmates On Home Detention Will Return To Prison (July 20, 2021)

The Crime Report, Prisoners Freed During COVID are ‘Twisting in the Wind,’ say Reformers (July 23, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

No Vax, No Love, 7th Circuit Says – Update for July 27, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

ANTI-VAXXERS GET NO COMPASSION, 7TH CIRCUIT SAYS

District Courts have been struggling with what to do with prisoners seeking compassionate release under 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A)(i) because of COVID-19, now that vaccines are generally available. You might think all of this is akin to perfecting buggy whips, what with the COVID pandemic over with, but the virus has a way of sticking around like that dinner-party guest who just won’t leave.

antivax210727The BOP numbers of sick inmates are climbing again, with 214 sick as of last night. More ominous: three weeks ago, the number of BOP institutions with COVID present had fallen to a 13-month low of 64. As of last night, it had shot up to 84. Something tells me COVID behind the fence is soon to become an issue again.

Other numbers you should know: 53.9% of federal prisoners had been vaccinated. A good number of those who have not taken the vaccine still have § 3582(c)(1)(A)(i) compassionate release motions pending. Last week, the 7th Circuit warned them that they may have nothing coming.

Brian Broadfield filed a compassionate release motion, claiming his medical conditions made him susceptible to COVID-19. His district court denied him, finding that a prior weapons conviction made him a danger to the community. That was error: Brian had no prior weapons conviction. But when he appealed, and asked the 7th Circuit to remand the case, the appeals court declined.

“A remand would be appropriate only if reconsideration could produce a decision in Broadfield’s favor,” the 7th said, “and it could not. When Broadfield filed his application for compassionate release, and when the district judge denied it, COVID-19 was a grave problem in America’s prisons, where people cannot engage in social distancing. Today, however, effective vaccines are available.”

Brian said he had refused to get vaccinated because he feared an allergic reaction, but he did not show he had ever had such a reaction before. Even if he had, the Circuit said, “the policy statement provides that prisoners with a history of allergic reactions to vaccines will receive extra evaluation before vaccination and additional observation afterward.”

coffee210521(An aside: That policy and $3.75 will get you a Starbucks frappe menu. Dr. Homer Venters – an epidemiologist who, among other positions, has been designated by the U.S. District Court for the Central District of California to inspect FCI Lompoc – reported to that Court that

[i]t is apparent that BOP has performed well in their efforts to secure, distribute and offer COVID-19 vaccine, a significant accomplishment… there appears little effort focused on engaging staff and incarcerated people about their questions or concerns regarding the vaccine. In speaking with the leadership, it was clear that they view the periodic, mass offering of the vaccine as more than adequate. They reported no efforts to identify and follow up with high-risk patients who refused vaccination, and stated several times that because those people would be re-offered again at a later time, in the same manner as before, that the process was adequate. This is consistent with the reports of patients themselves, many of whom reported that despite having questions about the vaccine and their own health issues, these questions were not addressed during the vaccine offer or afterwards. The CDC has entire toolkits and guidance documents designed to increase vaccine update, but the basic foundation of these efforts is engaging with patients; ‘By taking time to listen to their concerns and answer their questions, we can help people become confident in their decision to be vaccinated.’ The approach of BOP Lompoc not only fails to engage with patients, it has a paradoxical effect of creating a pool of extremely high-risk unvaccinated patients. Many of these high-risk patients were initially offered the vaccine 3 or 4 months ago, and the insistence by BOP leadership that their very valid and predictable questions and concerns go unaddressed during this time significantly increases the risk of preventable death from COVID-19.

[Note: Hyperlink to CDC guidance not in Dr. Venters’ statement – I added it]. In other words, any prisoner with questions about the vaccine had better not hope for any wise counsel from the quackery that is BOP Health Services. End of aside.)

sthup210727The 7th concerned itself only with the policy statement, not with its execution. It ruled that “for the many prisoners who seek release based on the special risks created by COVID-19 for people living in close quarters, vaccines offer relief far more effective than a judicial order. A prisoner who can show that he is unable to receive or benefit from a vaccine still may turn to this statute, but, for the vast majority of prisoners, the availability of a vaccine makes it impossible to conclude that the risk of COVID-19 is an ‘extraordinary and compelling’ reason for immediate release.”

Ohio State law professor Doug Berman said in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog, “Critically, by using the phrase “the vast majority of prisoners,” this final sentence still suggests that, at least for a few prisoners, the risk of COVID-19 can still provide an “extraordinary and compelling” reason for compassionate release. Even more important may be whether lower courts might read this paragraph to mean that COVID risks cannot be combined with other factors to make out extraordinary and compelling reasons. Even if COVID risks are low for the vaccinated, they are not zero and so should be, as I see it, still a potential contributor to assessing what qualifies as an extraordinary and compelling reason when combined with other factors.”

United States v, Broadfield, Case No 20-2906, 2021 US App LEXIS 21580 (7th Cir. July 21, 2021)

Second Report of Dr. Homer Venters, ECF 239, filed May 12, 2021, in Torres v. Milusnic, Case No. 20-cv-4450 (C.D.Cal.)

Santa Barbara Independent, Doctor ‘Extremely Concerned’ About Low Vaccination Rate Among Lompoc Prisoners (, May 20, 2021)

Bureau of Prisons, COVID-19 Vaccine Guidance: Federal Bureau of Prisons Clinical Guidance (Jan. 22, 2021)

Sentencing Law and Policy,  Seventh Circuit panel states (in dicta?) that vaccine availability “makes it impossible” for COVID risks to create eligibility for compassionate release (July 22, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

The Law’s Still Majestic… – Update for July 26, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

“THE LAW, IN ITS MAJESTIC EQUALITY…

… forbids the rich as well as the poor to sleep under bridges, to beg in the streets, and to steal bread,” so goes a famous 19th quotation. If you recall it, you have either read The Red Lily (which is unlikely) or remember that I’ve used the quotation before.

quackdoc210707It’s just that the observation is so apt, especially where prisoners try to bring Federal Tort Claim Act cases alleging medical malpractice by the quackery that is BOP healthcare.

In an effort to cut down on worthless medical malpractice (“med-mal”) claims, most state procedural rules require that such a claim be accompanied by an expert’s affidavit attesting that the plaintiff’s cause of action has some merit. If you’re the average man or woman on the street, and you watch mid-day game shows, you have already lined up a lawyer who will take your case for a 40% cut of the winnings. So it’s no problem: your lawyer has a compliant expert who will provide an affidavit swearing that some imbecile medical provider cut off your right leg and attached it to your ear.

But if you happen to be in prison, you’ve got a couple of hurdles to jump. First, finding a personal injury lawyer who wants to devote her time and money (yeah, PI lawyers front the expenses of the trial, which may hit six figures in some instances) is tough. As hard as it is to believe, juries do not have a lot of sympathy for federal prisoners who say they were hurt by lousy doctoring. Second, the biggest components of damages are lost earnings and medical costs. Inmates have no medical costs (except for the occasional $2.00 health service co-pay) or any lost earnings.

Because damages are what fire up a jury to award big bucks, the personal injury bar does not see inmate cases as being worth much.

pay210708‘No lawyer’ means that inmates have to pony up $5,000 right from jump to hire an expert, in order to get the affidavit they need to avoid having their FTCA claims thrown out.

Seems fair, right? After all, the requirement applies to all med-mal plaintiffs, rich and poor alike. The guy left in a wheelchair by a negligent truck driver, being represented by some megafirm needs an expert. So does an inmate making 25¢ an hour, Equality realized!

A couple of years ago, the 6th and 7th Circuits ruled that the Federal Rules do not require such affidavits, and thus are inconsistent with state rules. The Supremacy Clause of the Constitution holds that federal rules displace inconsistent state rules, and the FTCA expressly holds that federal rules govern its application.

notapply210726Last week, the 4th Circuit followed the 6th and 7th, holding that a West Virginia law requiring medical certifications before filing med-mal suits does not apply to FTCA actions. “About half of all states similarly demand that medical malpractice plaintiffs secure some sort of early support from a qualifying expert,” the Circuit said. “But there is now a growing consensus that certificate requirements like West Virginia’s do not govern actions in federal court, because they conflict with and are thus supplanted by the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure… We agree, and hold that failure to comply with West Virginia’s MPLA is not grounds for dismissal of Pledger’s federal-court FTCA action.”

Pledger v. Lynch, Case No 18-2213, 2021 U.S. App. LEXIS 21587 (4th Cir, July 21, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Yes, We’re Back From Vacation… and the House Has Been Busy – Update for July 23, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

HOUSE JUDICIARY COMMITTEE PASSES EQUAL ACT ON TO FULL HOUSE

The House Committee on the Judiciary approved the Eliminating a Quantifiably Unjust Application of the Law (EQUAL) Act (HR 1693) on Wednesday by a 36-5 vote, making the measure the leading contender for the first criminal justice reform bill to be passed by the 117th Congress.

crackpowder191216

The EQUAL Act would eliminate the federal crack and powder cocaine sentencing disparity and retroactively apply it to those already convicted or sentenced. The sentencing disparity between crack and powdered cocaine, at one point as high as 100 to 1, helped fuel the mass incarceration epidemic; 77.1% of crack cocaine trafficking offenders were Black, whereas most powder cocaine trafficking offenders were either white or Hispanic, according to a Fiscal Year 2020 report from the USSentencing Commission.

Even under the Fair Sentencing Act of 2021, which was intended to reduce the ratio to 1:1, compromises made to satisfy certain troglodytes in the Senate (yes, Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III, we’re talking about you) imposed an 18:1 ratio. That ratio meant that while one must be convicted of a crime involving 500 grams of cocaine to qualify for a minimum five-year sentence, a mere 28 grams of crack is enough to earn a defendant the same sentence.

The EQUAL Act was introduced earlier this year by Senators Cory Booker (D-New Jersey) and Richard Durbin (D-Illinois), as S.79. Beyond getting rid of the disparity, the bill would entitle those previously convicted of drug offenses to request a sentence reduction (which, like prior retroactive sentencing changed) would permit the sentencing judge to exercise discretion on granting or denying a lower sentence.

“For over three decades, unjust, baseless and unscientific sentencing disparities between crack and powder cocaine have contributed to the explosion of mass incarceration in the United States and disproportionately impacted poor people, Black and Brown people, and people fighting mental illness,” Booker said.

congress210723For those readers who skipped government class in high school, HR 1693 must still be voted on by the House of Representatives, just as the Senate version (S.79) – while receiving a lot of happy talk during a June 22 hearing – must be passed out of Committee and then put on the full Senate’s calendar. As of today, the measure is not on the Senate Judiciary Committee executive meeting calendar. As FAMM put it in an email blast yesterday, “The EQUAL Act goes to the full House of Representatives for a vote next, and then must be passed by the Senate and signed by President Biden before it can become law. The fight isn’t even close to over yet.”

House Judiciary Committee, Markup of H.R. 1693 (July 22, 2021)

Brooklyn Eagle, House Committee Passes EQUAL Act (July 22, 2021)

Regina, Saskatchewan, Leader-Post, U.S. politician wants everyone to ‘get real’ and admit weed doesn’t enhance performance, except maybe for hot dog eating (July 22, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root