‘Reckless Is Not Violent,’ Supremes Say – Update for June 14, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

SCOTUS TAKES ANOTHER SWIPE AT ACCA

The Supreme Court last Thursday further limited the types of offenses that constitute crimes of violence for purposes of the Armed Career Criminal Act. In a 5-4 ruling in favor of the prisoner in Borden v. United States, the majority (if you can call it that) ruled that crimes that can be committed through recklessness rather only through specific intent are not crimes of violence.

borden210614Justice Elena Kagan wrote an opinion that was joined by Justices Stephen Breyer, Sonia Sotomayor, and Neil Gorsuch. Justice Clarence Thomas did not join Kagan’s opinion but concurred in the result. So for you math-inspired people, that makes the final tally on the decision 4-4-1. At the Supreme Court, the fact that five Justices agreed with the result makes that result the winner. However, it can complicate figuring out what opinion as to how the Court got there is in the majority. That’s the Marks v. United States problem, boys and girls, and that is a topic for another time.

For now, we’re focusing on Borden. The case involved the definition of “violent felony” set out in 18 USC § 924(e)(2)(B)(i), defined as any felony that “has as an element the use, attempted use, or threatened use of physical force against the person of another.”

The defendant, Chuck Borden, pled guilty to an 18 USC § 922(g)(1) felon-in-possession charge, which the district court enhanced under the ACCA to a statutory minimum of 15 years, The defense argued the ACCA did not apply because one of the three priors relied on by the district court was a Tennessee conviction for reckless aggravated assault. That crime can result from reckless conduct – a lower legal standard than “purposefully or knowingly” assaulting someone. Chuck argued that only purposeful or knowing conduct can meet ACCA’s definition of “violent felony.” Mere recklessness, he argued, does not qualify.

bordennunss210615The decision turned on the meaning of “physical force against the person of another.” The government argued that “against” had a meaning similar to “I tripped and fell against the guy ahead of me in line,” suggesting referring to one body contacting another. That way, if you were driving recklessly, and careened into a busload of nuns, the crime would be an ACCA predicate, because you employed physical force against a busload of “anothers.”

The majority, however, agreed with the defendant that “against” means something more. “The phrase ‘against another,’ when modifying the ‘use of force,’ demands that the perpetrator direct his action at, or target, another individual,” the opinion holds. “Reckless conduct is not aimed in that prescribed manner.”

Justice Thomas concurred, but did so not because of the definition of “against.” Instead, he argued that the phrase “use of physical force” is limited to intentional acts designed to cause harm.

habeas_corpusThe immediate question raised by Borden is whether current prisoners can use it to attack now-illegal sentences. Because the decision does not make a ruling on constitutional law, it will not be retroactive under 28 USC 2255(f)(3). However, it probably is attackable under 28 USC 2241, relying on the § 2255(e) “saving clause.”

Ohio State University law prof Doug Berman said in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog, “I am truly making a wild guess here, and I am eager to hear from folks in the field about whether they agree that only hundreds of sentences may be potentially disrupted by Borden or if in fact it could end up being thousands. Whatever the exact number, as I will explain in a future post, every ACCA defendant with a viable Borden claim should be thankful for the First Step Act making ‘compassionate release’ motions available to bring directly to court.”

Borden v. United States, Case No 19-5410, 2021 U.S. LEXIS 2990 (June 10, 2010)

Sentencing Law and Policy, How many federal prisoners might now be serving illegal sentences after Borden? (June 11, 2021)

SCOTUSBlog.com, Court limits definition of “violent felony” in federal gun-possession penalty (June 10, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Ted Fumes, Committee Votes, Prisoners Hope – Update for June 11, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

RETROACTIVE FIRST STEP CLOSER TO REALITY

The Senate Judiciary Committee yesterday approved sending the First Step Implementation Act (S.1014) to the full Senate by a 13-9 vote.

retro160110The FSIA extends retroactive treatment to changes in 18 U.S.C. § 924(c) gun charges and 21 USC 841(b)(1) drug penalties made by the First Step Act in 2018. As well, the legislation extends a more lenient definition of prior drug offenses to the lower level penalties of 21 USC § 841(b)(1)(C), (D), and (E).

Additionally, FSIA changes application of the drug offense safety valve (18 USC 3553[f]) to let judges apply safety valve sentences where the court finds that a defendant’s criminal history score overstates the seriousness of a criminal past. The bill also includes extensive changes in the review of juvenile sentences and expungement of records.

A charge of using or carrying a gun during a drug trafficking crime (18 USC § 924(c)) carried a mandatory consecutive sentence of at least five years. If the offense was the second or a successive § 924(c) offense, the minimum sentence was 25 years. The government often would charge multiple § 924(c) counts in a single indictment. So if a defendant carried a gun while selling drugs on Monday, the sentence would be perhaps 36 months for selling the drugs, but an extra 60 months for carrying a gun. If the defendant carried a gun while selling drugs on Tuesday as well, the sentence would be a total of 36 months for selling the drugs on both days, but another 300 months would be added for carrying a gun the second day, for a total sentence of 396 months. If the defendant carried a gun while selling drugs on Wednesday, another 300 months would be added, and so on.

Sentencestack170404The First Step Act changed the law so that the 300-month additional time would not be added unless a defendant had previously been convicted of a § 924(c) offense. That change would give Tuesday’s defendant a total sentence of 156 months instead of 396 months. However, the First Step Act did not make the change retroactive, leaving people sentenced on December 20, 2018, with 300-month add-on sentences, while those sentenced on December 22, 2018, would only get 60-month additional sentences.

The same retroactivity would apply to changes in the drug mandatory minimum sentences mandated by the First Step Act. The mandatory life sentence under 21 USC § 841(b)(1)(A) for offenses enhanced by prior drug convictions was reduced to 25 years, and the 20-year mandatory minimum in 21 USC § 841(b)(1)(B) for offenses involving lesser drug quantities was cut to 15 years.

The First Step Act included another change. People convicted of drug trafficking under 21 USC § 841 would receive higher sentences if they had prior “felony drug convictions,” even if they had received probation for the offense. First Step substituted “serious drug felony,” which requires that the defendant have served more than a year in prison for the offense. That change has been extended to all punishment sections of § 841(b)(1) and made the changes retroactive.

The Judiciary Committee approved the FSIA to move on to the Senate on a bipartisan vote. All 11 Democrats and three Republicans voted for FSIA, but only after Sen Ted Cruz (R-Texas) argued for three amendments that would have limited judges’ authority to reduce sentences. All three amendments failed, after which Cruz delivered a polemic against Democrats, predicting that FSIA would never pass the Senate because his amendments were rejected. The diatribe was epic, one in which Cruz used the phrase “murderers, rapists and child molesters” as a substitute for prisoners no fewer than ten times.

cruz210611A dramatic moment occurred when, part way through Cruz’s denunciation of more lenient sentences, Committee Chairman Richard Durbin (D-Illinois) interrupted to report that the union representing BOP corrections officers had thrown its support behind FSIA. That would have given more reasonable people reason the reflect on their denunciation of the dangers of letting judges make decisions on reducing sentences. I mean, if the people who spend their careers guarding federal inmates think that a little flexibility and leniency in sentencing is appropriate, maybe a guy who leaves his constituents freezing in the dark while he jets off to Cancun should defer to their judgment.

But reflection and reason are for lesser mortals, not Ted (who has been described by a fellow Republican in terms not normally associated with mortals).

Even if Cruz is wrong, the FSIA and other bills – the COVID-19 Safer Detention Act (S.312), passed by the Committee on May 27, and the Prohibiting Punishment of Acquitted Conduct Act of 2021 (S.601), approved yesterday – have a long way to go. The full Senate and House of Representatives both must pass the measures. There is no schedule for full Congressional action.

First Step Implementation Act of 2021

Senate Judiciary Committee, Hearing (June 10, 2021)

Office of Senator Charles Grassley, Senate Judiciary Committee Advances Two Bipartisan Durbin, Grassley Criminal Justice Bills (June 10, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Flip-Flops in Cincinnati – Update for June 10, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

IF THIS IS MONDAY, ‘YES, YOU CAN…’ IF IT’S TUESDAY, ‘NO, YOU CAN’T’

Confusion reigns in the Queen City, nestled on the banks of the Ohio River (and home of the United States Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit, a few professional sports teams, and some pretty good brewskis).

Four weeks ago, I reported that the 6th Circuit had decided in United States v. Owens that despite two contrary Circuit decisions – United States v. Tomes and United States v. Wills – a prisoner with stacked 18 USC § 924 sentences could rely on First Step Act changes in 18 USC § 924 as one of several extraordinary and compelling reasons for a compassionate release sentence reduction.

flipflop170920But a week ago, a different 6th Circuit panel said despite Owens, the deal is off. In a 2-1 decision, the Court ruled that “non-retroactive changes in the law [can] not serve as the ‘extraordinary and compelling reasons’ required for a sentence reduction.” However, if movants have some other fact that is an extraordinary and compelling reason for a sentence reduction, “they may ask the district court to consider sentencing law changes like this one in balancing the § 3553(a) factors — above all with respect to the community safety factor.”

Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman, writing in his Sentencing Policy and Law blog, called “the majority ruling problematic from a straight-forward application of textualism. There is absolutely nothing in the text of § 3582(c)(1)(a) that supports the contention that non-retroactive changes in the law cannot ever constitute “extraordinary and compelling reasons” to allow a sentence reduction, either alone or in combination with other factors. The majority here, presumably based on its own sense of sound policy, seems to be just inventing an extra-textual categorical limitation on the authority Congress gave to district courts to reduce sentences.”

United States v. Jarvis, Case No. 20-3912, 2021 U.S. App. LEXIS 16596 (6th Cir. June 3, 2021)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Split Sixth Circuit panel further muddles what grounds can contribute to basis for sentence reduction under § 3582(c)(1)(a) (June 3, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Flip-Flops in Cincinnati – Update for June 10, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

IF THIS IS MONDAY, ‘YES, YOU CAN…’ IF IT’S TUESDAY, ‘NO, YOU CAN’T’

Confusion reigns in the Queen City, nestled on the banks of the Ohio River (and home of the United States Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit, a few professional sports teams, and some pretty good brewskis).

Four weeks ago, I reported that the 6th Circuit had decided in United States v. Owens that despite two contrary Circuit decisions – United States v. Tomes and United States v. Wills – a prisoner with stacked 18 USC § 924 sentences could rely on First Step Act changes in 18 USC § 924 as one of several extraordinary and compelling reasons for a compassionate release sentence reduction.

flipflop170920But a week ago, a different 6th Circuit panel said despite Owens, the deal is off. In a 2-1 decision, the Court ruled that “non-retroactive changes in the law [can] not serve as the ‘extraordinary and compelling reasons’ required for a sentence reduction.” However, if movants have some other fact that is an extraordinary and compelling reason for a sentence reduction, “they may ask the district court to consider sentencing law changes like this one in balancing the § 3553(a) factors — above all with respect to the community safety factor.”

Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman, writing in his Sentencing Policy and Law blog, called “the majority ruling problematic from a straight-forward application of textualism. There is absolutely nothing in the text of § 3582(c)(1)(a) that supports the contention that non-retroactive changes in the law cannot ever constitute “extraordinary and compelling reasons” to allow a sentence reduction, either alone or in combination with other factors. The majority here, presumably based on its own sense of sound policy, seems to be just inventing an extra-textual categorical limitation on the authority Congress gave to district courts to reduce sentences.”

United States v. Jarvis, Case No. 20-3912, 2021 U.S. App. LEXIS 16596 (6th Cir. June 3, 2021)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Split Sixth Circuit panel further muddles what grounds can contribute to basis for sentence reduction under § 3582(c)(1)(a) (June 3, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

The Bad News Bears Visit the BOP – Update for June 8, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

LAST WEEK WAS NOT THE BEST  FOR THE BOP

You should understand if Bureau of Prisons Director Michael Carvajal stops reading the news after last week.

herd210609Writing in Forbes, Walter Pavlo explained why the vaccine may not fix the BOP’s COVID-19 problem. “The vaccine was made available to inmates and BOP staff earlier this year. The numbers of vaccinations have not been impressive, which hovers around 50% for both inmates and staff… not a good number,” Pavlo wrote. “However, even if those vaccination numbers increase, a recent study suggests that that might not be enough to control infections in prison.”

As of last Friday, 19,000 BOP staff (51.5%) and 75,150 inmates (49.2%) have been vaccinated. Eighty-five inmates and 130 staff (in 68 facilities) have COVID, with 253 federal prisoners dead.

Pavlo cited an article published in the New England Journal of Medicine (NEJM) that found “even a vaccine with seemingly adequate efficacy, pace, and coverage may be insufficient to alter the fundamental population dynamics that produce high disease prevalence,” such as prisons. This is due to “the extraordinarily high rate of transmission in jails and prisons attributable to rampant overcrowding, inadequate testing and health care, high-volume daily inflow and outflow of staff and detainees, lack of personal protective equipment, and normalized systematic neglect of the welfare of incarcerated people.”

“Vaccination of incarcerated people is important for changing this dynamic, but it is not enough,” the NEJM authors concluded. “We believe that it must be coupled with large-scale decarceration to increase the real-world effectiveness of vaccination, disrupt wide-ranging viral transmission chains, and turn off the epidemiologic pump that puts the health of all at risk from mass incarceration.”

fail200526In a separate article, Pavlo reported “it will take years… to discover the depths of the failures with the BOP response to the COVID-19 pandemic. The Department of Justice Office of Inspector General has released multiple reports on the BOP’s reaction to COVID-19 and those reviews have been quite critical of the agency… One of the most cited weaknesses by OIG has been in the area of staffing, particularly in the availability of medical staff.”

The two BOP correctional officers who lied in their reports about monitoring Jeffrey Epstein when he killed himself in August 2019 got a sweetheart deferred prosecution deal from the government. The New York Daily News last week reported the COs planned to defend themselves as scapegoats for a deeply dysfunctional BOP system had they gone on trial.

Sources close to the pair, as well as insiders at the MDC New York, the Daily News reported, offered possible reasons why the feds backed off of the case. The sources said falsification of documents is common at the jail and throughout the Bureau of Prisons. One source described falsely filling out paperwork as “closer to a norm than an anomaly” in federal lockups.

Finally, a disturbing news release from the BOP last week reports for the first time that Manuel Roach, an inmate at USP Leavenworth, died of COVID – four and a half months ago.

COVIDdeath201001The BOP said Mr. Roach caught COVID last September, but was “converted to a status of recovered following the completion of medical isolation and presenting with no symptoms.” At least, no symptoms for four months, until he died of COVID at the end of January.

The June 2 news release does not explain why it took the BOP another four months to figure out he had died of the pandemic.

Benjamin Barsky, et al, Vaccination plus Decarceration — Stopping Covid-19 in Jails and Prisons (New England Journal of Medicine, April  29, 2021)

Forbes, Even After Vaccine, Federal Prisons Still Have COVID-19 Concerns (May 31, 2021)

Forbes, Office Of Inspector General Critical Of Bureau of Prisons In Extensive Reports (May 31)

New York Daily News, Correctional officers who slept while Jeffrey Epstein hanged himself planned to slam federal prison system at trial (May 31, 2021)

BOP, Inmate Death at USP Leavenworth (June 2, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Supreme Court Makes It Safe to Lie on Facebook – Update for June 4, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

SUPREMES SCRAPE THE EXCESS ICING OFF THE COMPUTER FRAUD STATUTE

The Supreme Court yesterday fired a shot across the Government’s bow, rejecting the Dept. of Justice’s expansive reading of the Computer Fraud and Abuse Act to criminalize almost everything. The decision is notable not only for declaring that prosaic misconduct is not a federal felony, but for what it portends for other sweeping applications of federal criminal law by DOJ.

bidenmeme210604Nathan Van Buren was a cop who was indebted to a loan shark. After the FBI got wind of the relationship (the loan shark was cooperating with the Feds), it convinced the shark to get Nate to run a license plate through the law enforcement system in exchange for some debt forgiveness. Nate did so, and the Feebs had their man.

Nate was charged under the Computer Fraud and Abuse Act, 18 USC 1030(e)(6), which criminalizes breaking into a computer without authorization as well as conduct that “exceeds authorized access” of a computer. The statute defines that term as meaning “to access a computer with authorization and to use such access to obtain… information… that the accesser is not entitled so to obtain.” Nate was convicted because while he was authorized to use the license-plate search program for official purposes, he was not authorized to run plates for his own profit and amusement. He got 18 months.

The question the Supreme Court addressed in Van Buren may seem a little technical, whether users violate that statute by accessing information for improper purposes or instead whether users violate the statute only if they access information they were not entitled to obtain.

plate210604The Supremes, with junior Justice Amy Comey Barrett writing, said the CFAA only makes it a crime to access information a user is not entitled to obtain. She wrote that the key to understanding the statute is that the user exceeds authorized access only by obtaining information “that the accesser is not entitled so to obtain.” She cited Black’s Law Dictionary, among others, for the proposition that the word “so” is “a term of reference that recalls ‘the same manner as has been stated.’” Under that reading, the sole question is “whether one has the right, in ‘the same manner as has been stated,’ to obtain the relevant information.”

What the CFAA prohibits is obtaining “information one is not allowed to obtain by using a computer that he is authorized to access,” the majority said, rejecting the government’s argument that the circumstance under which it is obtained – think of a cop running a plate on a car he’d pulled over versus running a plate on a strange truck parked in his girlfriend’s driveway – was what made the access illegal or not.

icing210604The Court noted only in passing the main topic that had dominated the amicus filings and much of the time at oral argument in this case: the “breathtaking amount of commonplace computer activity” that the government’s reading would criminalize. For the majority, that reality “underscores the implausibility of the Government’s interpretation,” which provides (in words Justice Elena Kagan coined in an earlier case) “extra icing on a cake already frosted.” Justice Barrett noted that extending the statute to “every violation of a computer-use policy” would make criminals of “millions of otherwise law-abiding citizens,” offering examples of such trivial conduct as “embellishing on online-dating profile” and “using a pseudonym on Facebook” – activities that violate website use restrictions and thus would fall within the government’s understanding of the CFAA.

There was an interesting liberal-conservative split in the 6-3 decision. The majority included the liberal wing, Justices Sotomayor, Kagan and Breyer, as well as Gorsuch and Kavanaugh, two more conservative Justices. That left Chief Justice John Roberts and conservative Justices Alito and Thomas in the dissent.

Careful textualism in interpreting federal criminal statutes is a good thing. Now, if the Court would only take up aggravated identity theft…

Perhaps less should be made of the “liberal” and “conservative” labels on the Court.

Van Buren v. United States, Case No. 19-783, 2021 U.S. LEXIS 2843 (June 3, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Judicial Odds and Ends – Update for June 3, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

AN ANNIVERSARY OF A MYSTERIOUS DEATH… AND A COUPLE OF CASE SHORTS

odetobilliejoe210603We have a couple of notable decisions from last week for this, the traditional day we all commemorate the untimely death by suicide of Billie Joe McAllister, the 1967 first-person ballad sung by Bobbie Gentry. As Bobbie began the song, “It was the third of June, just  sleepy, dusty delta day…”

As The Independent reported in 2017, the reason for Billie Joe’s mythical death remains a mystery: “Fifty years on we’re no wiser as to why Billie Joe did what he did and in the context of the song and Gentry’s intentions, that’s just as it should be.”

Let’s try to demystify some gleanings from last week’s federal appellate decisions:

The Eighth Joins the Party: The 8th Circuit joined other circuits that have ruled on this issue, holding last week that two brothers whose cases involved the distribution of both crack and powder were eligible for the retroactive Fair Sentencing Act reduction authorized by the First Step Act, despite the fact that the powder cocaine in their cases was such that the Fair Sentencing Act did not lower their Guidelines ranges.

The Circuit ruled that Sec 404(a) of the First Step Act says that covered offenses are those whose penalties “were modified by section 2 or 3 of the Fair Sentencing Act.” Their crack penalties were reduced, even if the brothers “ultimately would be subject to the same statutory sentencing range as a consequence of” the powder cocaine. Thus, the sentencing judge now had to decide whether they should be granted a lower sentence.

The Eleventh Goes Its Own Way (Again): A week or so ago, I reported on United States v. Lopez, a 9th Circuit case that interpreted the First Step Act to dramatically expand the application of the drug offense safety valve set out in 18 USC § 3553(f).

goyourownway210603The 11th Circuit (who else) has helpfully provided an opinion going absolutely the opposite direction. Julian Garcon got the safety valve when sentenced for cocaine distribution, because he didn’t meet all three subsections of the law required to be disqualified. The government appealed, arguing that the word “and” in the statute really meant “or.”

Who would be twisted enough to think that? The 11th Circuit, that’s who. The panel held that “based on the text and structure of § 3553(f)(1), the “and” is disjunctive. Accordingly, we vacate the sentence and remand for resentencing…”

Ohio State University law prof Doug Berman said last week in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog that the case “produced a crisp circuit split on the proper interpretation of a key provision of the First Step Act on a matter that impacts many hundreds of federal drug cases every month… It is surely only a matter of time before other circuits weigh in on this important issue, and I assume this split will be deepened in the coming months and that the Supreme Court will have to take cert.”

United States v. Spencer, Case No 19-2685, 2021 U.S. App. LEXIS 15862 (8th Cir, May 27, 2021)

United States v. Garcon, Case No 19-14650, 2021 U.S. App. LEXIS 14683 (11th Cir, May 18, 2021)

Sentencing Law and Policy, In contrast to Ninth Circuit panel, Eleventh Circuit panel gives narrow reading to FIRST-STEP-amended mandatory-minimum safety valve provision (May 27)

– Thomas L. Root

Procedure Talks, Substance Walks – Update for June 1, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

DOES INNOCENCE MATTER? NOT MUCH.

I had a recent email exchange with a guy who, years after his conviction, believes he has the golden bullet to convince his judge that he should be allowed to withdraw his plea. When I pointed out he had no procedural route for raising the argument, given that he’s known about the issue for years, he responded that all he has to do is convince the judge of the righteousness of his claim, and the procedure will take care of itself.

innocent210504But procedure never takes care of itself. That is to say, procedure rules over substance. Years ago, Professor Henry J. Friendly complained that habeas corpus procedure had gotten so hidebound that a petitioner’s claim that he or she was actually innocent simply didn’t matter. The title of the law review article said it all: Is Innocence Irrelevant: Collateral Attack on Criminal Judgments. Even after Friendly’s now-famous 1970 article, the Supreme Court was unable to untether actual innocence from procedure: in Herrera v. Collinsit held that “a claim of ‘actual innocence’ is not itself a constitutional claim, but instead a gateway through which a habeas petitioner must pass to have his otherwise barred constitutional claim considered on the merits.  In other words, a prisoner who is actually innocent must show a constitutional violation to obtain relief.  As dissenting Justice Blackmun complained, the only principle this position espouses is “the principle that habeas relief should be denied whenever possible.”

Two cases this week reminded the defendants that the righteousness of their causes paled in significance next to the “angels-on-the-head-of-a-pin” arguments over procedure. In an 11th Circuit case, Sandchase Cody (we’ll call him “Sandy”) initially won his § 2255 motion, having proven to the sentencing court that some of his prior state convictions should not count as Armed Career Criminal Act predicates.

But his victory turned to ashes at resentencing. Initially, Sandy had been sentenced to 294 months for drug distribution and a concurrent 294 months for the ACCA charge. But instead of resentencing on both counts, the judge merely cut his ACCA count to 120 months – the statutory max without the ACCA – keeping the 294 months on the drug count.

angels170726“Unfair!” Sandy cried, apparently laboring under the misappreciation that fairness actually mattered. He appealed, arguing he should have been resentenced on both counts. But because the appeal only challenged the resentencing, not his favorable § 2255 decision, Sandy did not ask for a certificate of appealability (COA). He argued to the 11th Circuit that because he was appealing the new sentence – and not the § 2255 decision vacating the prior sentence – a COA was not necessary.

Background: Under 28 USC § 2253, a prisoner may not appeal a “final order in a proceeding under § 2255” unless a circuit justice or judge issues a certificate of appealability, finding that reasonable judges could debate whether the prisoner’s claim has merit. The intent of the COA procedure is to reduce frivolous appeals, just another way that the Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act has strangled habeas corpus.

Last week, the 11th Circuit dismissed Sandy’s appeal, holding that the COA requirement applies “not only to an appeal from the final order in a proceeding under section 2255 but also to an appeal from an amended criminal judgment, to the extent it raises section 2255 issues.” By contrast, the Circuit said, direct appeal matters that arise after the § 2255 proceeding — for example, an argument that the district court misapplied the sentencing guidelines at a prisoner’s resentencing — do not require a COA. But Sandy complained in his appeal that § 2255 required he get a complete resentencing, not just a resentencing on one count. That was an argument, the 11th said, over the remedies authorized by § 2255. Thus, it was a § 2255 appeal, and it required a COA.

It seems a trifling point, but procedure prevented his argument from being heard.

In the 6th Circuit, on the other hand, the appeals court ruled that a piece of arcane procedure worked for Edres Montgomery. Edres got resentenced under First Step § 404, the retroactive Fair Sentencing Act. But at resentencing, everyone – including Edres’s lawyer – assumed Edres’s Criminal History range was VI (that’s “6” for the Latin-challenged among us).

But it was only a V (that’s a “5”), Edres discovered afterward, so he appealed. The government argued Edres waived his right to appeal it by not objecting at sentencing. This gave the 6th a chance to expound on waiver, forfeiture, and invited error.

A “defendant can only waive a right that he knows of and actively abandons,” the 6th said. When a claim is waived, it is unappealable. “Forfeiture is at the other end of the spectrum… the passive failure to make a timely assertion of a right.” If a defendant forfeits a claim, “Federal Rule of Criminal Procedure 52(b) allows us to consider such unpreserved arguments for plain error.”

errorA160425In the middle is “invited error”, where the defendant contributes in some way to the district court’s error without intentionally relinquishing his rights. Here, Edres invited the error when his own lawyer agreed Edres’s Criminal History was VI. This left Edres “more responsible for the district court’s error than when he merely forfeits an argument, but he had not made the conscious choice to waive the argument.” Thus the appeals court said, “the consequences fall in between those for forfeiture and waiver… [and while] we do not review invited errors as a matter of course, but we are also not foreclosed from reviewing them; instead, we review for plain error when “the interests of justice demand” it.

The Court said that under a Rule 52 “plain error” analysis, the mistake should be corrected.

United States v. Cody, Case No. 19-11915, 2021 U.S. App. LEXIS 16019 (11th Cir. May 28, 2021)

United States v. Montgomery, Case No. 20-1201, 2021 U.S. App. LEXIS 15382 (6th Cir. May 24, 2021)
– Thomas L. Root

Senate Judiciary Committee: A Win, A Tie and A Rain Delay – Update for May 28, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

AN ONLY PARTLY SATISFYING DAY AT THE JUDICIARY COMMITTEE

The Senate Judiciary Committee considered three criminal justice reform bills yesterday, with results that were a little heartening, a little disheartening.
heartening210528
The Committee approved the COVID-19 Safer Detention Act, S.312, 14-8. The bill now goes to the full Senate. The vote came despite the strenuous objections of Sen. Tom Cotton (R-Arkansas), who claimed that the bill would let dangerous criminals out on the street to violently accost fair maidens (or that’s how he sounded). Cotton didn’t cotton to approving something with “COVID-19” in the title, when BOP Director Michael Carvajal assured the Committee last month that by May 15th, every BOP inmate that wanted the vaccine would have received it.

That the BOP did not meet its deadline two weeks ago had little meaning. In fact, at 23 facilities – including some camps – fewer than 300 inmates had gotten the vaccine as of May 14. FPC Alderson, according to BOP records, had only 57 inmates vaccinated. While it’s possible that fewer than 10% of Alderson’s 622 inmates (all female) agreed to take the vaccine, but that’s pretty unlikely.

cotton171226Cotton tried to amend the bill so that it would apply only to inmates who had not been vaccinated for medical reasons approved by the BOP. That amendment failed.

An amendment that was approved, however, struck the bill’s proposed age reduction from 60 to 50. As amended, an elderly offender still must be 60, but he or she need only serve two-thirds of the statutory sentence (the total sentence minus good conduct time). It also adds judicial review for denial of elderly offender home detention, cuts the period for administrative exhaustion for compassionate release. Finally, during the pandemic, any defendant considered to be at a higher risk for severe illness from COVID–19, including because the defendant is 60 years of age or older or has an underlying medical condition, would by definition “an extraordinary and compelling reason” under 18 USC 3582(c)(1)(A)(i) for compassionate release.

Committee Chair Sen. Richard Durbin, D-Ill., who sponsored the proposed legislation, told the committee before the bill’s passage that the pandemic has shown that the BOP can’t be trusted to identify and release prisoners who are vulnerable to the coronavirus.

fail200526“The Bureau of Prisons failed,” Durbin said, noting that nearly 31,000 inmates requested compassionate release during the pandemic and the Bureau of Prisons approved only 36, fewer requests than it approved in 2019, before the pandemic. Durbin said that 35 federal inmates died while waiting for the BOP to rule on their requests.

The Committee began debating the Prohibiting Punishment of Acquitted Conduct Act of 2021 (S. 601). That bill would prohibit judges from considering conduct underlying an acquitted count in sentencing. Predictably, Cotton opposed that as well, but concerns were also expressed by Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas) and Sheldon Whitehouse (D-Rhode Island).

Cornyn said that judges should be allowed to consider acquitted offenses in some cases, giving the example of a sexual offender who has repeatedly abused a victim and has some charges dropped because they are based on abuse that happened too long ago to be prosecuted. He apparently did not distinguish between dropped charges and charges a jury refused to convict on.

“There are circumstances that would endure to the benefit of a guilty criminal defendant and violate the rights of crime victims to be heard as provided by law,” Cornyn said.

Whitehouse, a former prosecutor, argued that judges should not have their hands tied at sentencing because some technical reason prevented conviction for conduct that clearly occurred. Sen. Amy Klobuchar (D-Minnesota), another former prosecutor, supported the measure.

Durbin decided to hold further consideration on S.601 to incorporate amendments.

disheartening210528The Committee adjourned for a Senate roll-call vote, and thus did not start discussing the First Step Implementation Act of 2021 (S. 1014), the star of the day’s hearing. This is the most consequential of pending bills, one which would grant judges the option to apply the 18 USC 3553(f) safety valve to a larger number of drug offenders and – most significant – make the reductions in mandatory minimums for drug and gun offenses granted in § 401 and 403 of the First Step Act retroactive.

The Committee should be taking up the First Step Implementation Act of 2021 soon. That is heartening.

Senate Committee on the Judiciary, Executive Business Meeting (May 27)

– Thomas L. Root