All posts by lisa-legalinfo

The Short Rocket – Update for March 26, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.


SOME BRIEF ITEMS FROM LAST WEEK…

rocket190620Senators Want BOP COVID Deaths Investigated: Twenty-two Democrat senators asked the Justice Department inspector general on Thursday to review all of these deaths. “Although BOP investigates each case involving the death of an individual in their custody, these one-off reviews of each individual COVID-19-related death may not be sufficient to determine system-wide failures in care across the entire federal prison system,” they wrote. “A comprehensive review would not only provide a full accounting of the circumstances surrounding each individual loss of life but would also help policymakers establish whether the appropriate BOP policies were in place and being followed in each case, as well as whether new policies or practices should be implemented to reduce risk during the current pandemic and to prevent similar outbreaks in the future.”

Letter to Michael Horowitz from Sen. Elizabeth Warren and others (March 18, 2021)

BOP Launches Newsletter: The BOP Reentry Services Division announced last week it has launched a national inmate newsletter “to enhance communication with the inmate population.” Entitled “Reentry Quarterly,” this publication includes a variety of articles focused on reentry resources for a diverse audience with a goal of providing something meaningful for every inmate. Topics have included post-release housing, inmate discipline, financial responsibility, Medicare, anger management, education, drug treatment, career/work, and parenting.

BOP, Bureau Introduces National Inmate Newsletter (March 18, 2021)

numberone210326Immigration Offenses Are Number 1 in 2020: Immigration offenses, followed by drug trafficking, were the most common crimes sentenced in federal courts last year, according to a US Sentencing Commission issued last week.

Reflecting the Trump administration’s crackdown on undocumented immigrants, immigration violations alone accounted for 41% of the caseload, a slight uptick from 38% the previous year, the USSC said in its annual report.

The majority of those sentenced were Hispanic and just over 46% of the Hispanics were non-US citizens.

The Crime Report, Immigration Cases Took 41% of Federal Caseload in 2020 (March 16, 2021)

COVID News: The BOP vaccinated 2,481 inmates last week, bringing the total to 11.3% of the inmate population. During his testimony on March 18, BOP Director Michael Carvajal told the House Subcommittee on Commerce, Justice, Science and Related Agencies said that 100% of inmates will have been offered the vaccine by July 2021.

According to Carvajal, home confinement has been successful. Only 21 people sent home have been returned to prison, and only one of those for new criminal conduct. The others were sent back for violations of conditions.

House Subcommittee on Commerce, Justice, Science and Related Agencies, COVID Outbreaks and Management Challenges: Evaluating the Federal Bureau of Prisons’ Pandemic Response and the Way Forward (March 18, 2021)

BOP, COVID-19 (March 19, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Some Reform Advice for Uncle Joe – Update for March 25, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

HOW BIDEN CAN REFORM CRIMINAL JUSTICE

Sometimes, it’s hard to remember the three things my wife wants me to pick up at the local IGA. For that reason, I have empathy for our septuagenarian President trying to wrap his head around the 14 steps that law professors Mark Osler (a clemency expert) and Rachel Barkow (former Sentencing Commission member) proposed last week that he take to reform criminal justice.

henhouse180307Writing in The Appeal, the profs argued (among other things) that “Biden inherits a clemency crisis. There are currently more than 15,000 petitions waiting for an answer, having piled up over the course of the Trump presidency… The current structure bears not one but two fatal flaws: It is overly bureaucratic and is a captive of the deeply conflicted DOJ.” It’s no secret that the fox has been guarding the henhouse – too much of clemency decision-making is embedded in the Department of Justice, the very institution that sought the too-long sentences in the first place and is thus inclined to say no to requests to overturn its initial judgments.

They also called on Biden to reform how the BOP processes sentence reduction motions filed pursuant to 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A)(i), the so-called compassionate release motions. “DOJ needs to shift course,” Barkow and Osler said, “particularly during the pandemic. It should identify elderly and infirm people in prison for release — not merely home confinement — and, at a minimum, it should support their release when requested.”

In addition, they argued the Administration should make CARES Act home confinement permanent for those who have been sent there during the pandemic, and that the DOJ commit to programming that allows people in prison to earn time off their sentence after participating in programming. “During the Trump Administration,” they said, “BOP proposed a rule that would block reduction eligibility for far too many people, make it too difficult to earn credits, and far too easy to lose them. While public comment on that proposal closed on January 25, it is not too late for DOJ to shift course and propose a different rule that makes this programming—and therefore release eligibility—as widely available as possible.”

social210325Most significantly, they argued that “flawed compassionate release and First Step Act implementation are emblematic of larger problems at the BOP. Nearly everyone outside of government who deals with the BOP finds it to be dysfunctional; it’s inefficient, overly bureaucratic, and prone to cruelty.” They propose legislation to shift the BOP to the Department of Health and Human Services. “In the end, the work of the BOP is to not only securely detain people but to prepare them for life after incarceration. They are much better at the first task than the second. A shift to a department dominated by social work would help change the culture that produces the BOP’s current problems.”

Along with that, they argued, the BOP needs to do a better job of the basic “blocking and tackling in their field, and that starts with ensuring adequate staffing throughout the system. There needs to be additional resources for mental health needs, and even for basic issues like ensuring there is a state ID for every person in prison when they are released.”

The Appeal, 14 Steps Biden’s DOJ Can Take Now to Reform America’s Criminal Legal System (March 15, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

BOP Director Called ‘Incompetent’ in Subcommittee Hearing – Update for March 23, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

ZOOM, BOP, POW!

zoom2103423Federal Bureau of Prisons Director Michael Carvajal testified last week before the House Subcommittee on Commerce, Justice, Science and Related Agencies. The nearly two-hour session, conducted over Zoom for COVID reasons, got ugly fast.

The headline grabber was Carvajal’s disclosure that all 37,000-plus of BOP employees have been offered the COVID vaccine, but only 49% have taken it. Congressman Ed Case (D-Hawaii) said with some incredulity, “Something is wrong when half of the officers that can take it, don’t… it is a public health matter… We’ve got to get the guards vaccine. It risks health safety and welfare of those prisoners.”

clueless210323Congressman Mike Garcia (R-California) asked Carvajal to compare the BOP’s management of COVID to private prisons housing federal inmates, looking at inmate deaths for each. “It’s hard to compare them because our numbers are so different,” Carvajal responded rather evasively. The information, of course, is easily obtained from the BOP’s own website, and it isn’t even embarrassing to the BOP. The prison systems’ experience is about the same, with 12.5 deaths per 10,000 inmates in private prisons, 14.9 deaths in the BOP.

Congresswoman Brenda Lawrence (D-Michigan) braced Carvajal about conditions at FCI Danbury camp, where, she said, female inmates were denied soap, medical supplies, and feminine hygiene products, while be temporarily housed in the visiting room of the men’s prison. The director denied knowing anything about that, but told Lawrence that reports of harsh pandemic conditions were “often mischaracterized or exaggerated.” He said hygiene and medical supplies were ample, dismissing Lawrence’s report: “I don’t believe that to the level that people didn’t have them.”

But the real fireworks came from two Congressmen. Steve Palazzo (R-Mississippi) complained that his office was inundated by complaints from families of elderly, non-violent inmates eligible for CARES Act release, but the BOP delayed home confinement placement. This accusation will not come as much of a shock to many inmate families. Carvajal responded that the BOP had done a wonderful job placing inmates on home confinement.

But when Congressman David Trone (D-Maryland) began questioning, the kid gloves came off. He reminded Carvajal of a meeting he had with the Director over a year before, at the end of which Carvajal promised to get Trone information he had requested. When nothing was forthcoming after a few weeks, Trone wrote to the BOP on March 31, 2020, repeating his request. Nothing happened. So the Congressman wrote again on April 17, 2020. Again he received nothing. He then sent his staff to meet with the BOP on April 23, 2020, again asking for the information.

Being stonewalled by the BOP because you’re simply unimportant? Wow. No inmate or family member has ever experienced that. Trone implied that the BOP’s dismissive treatment of his request had something to do with his not being on the Subcommittee on Commerce, Justice, Science and Related Agencies at the time. He was just one of a thundering herd of 435 members of the House. Now, he’s in a position to mess with BOP appropriations.

oops170417Oops.

Trone told Carvajal he had just sent the letter again, asking for information the BOP had first promised him over a year ago. The Congressman said pointedly, “I recommend to the Biden Administration that you and your staff are incompetent and be fired. So my question for you is, can I get a ‘yes ‘to answering all of our questions?”

A chastened Carvajal promised the information.

“That would be just great,” Trone shot back, “one year later.”

Trone also went after the BOP on First Step Act recidivism programming. Carvajal said 51,000 inmates were currently taking such programming, and 21,000 have completed it. But Trone cited the December 2020 Independent Review Commission report that bluntly predicted that the BOP will fall woefully short in meeting the January 2022 programming deadline, even while institutions are returning First Step programming money that they say they can’t use. Trone asked what additional resources the BOP needed to meet the deadline.

word210323Carvajal said he’d have to get back to Trone on that.  After all, Mr. Director, who could have supposed that Congress might be interested in the implementation of First Stepthe biggest criminal justice bill in almost 30 years? Carvajal’s assurance that he would provide the Subcommittee with information he should have on hand but did not led Chairman Mike Cartwright (D-Pennsylvania) to close the session with what anyone would read as an admonition to Carvajal: “We’re going to take your promises at face value.”

That, of course, begs the question: What is the face value of a BOP promise to provide Congress with information? This would probably not be a good time to ask Congressman Trone that question.

House Subcommittee on Commerce, Justice, Science and Related Agencies, COVID Outbreaks and Management Challenges: Evaluating the Federal Bureau of Prisons’ Pandemic Response and the Way Forward (March 18, 2021)

Govt Executive, Less Than Half of Federal Bureau of Prisons Staff Have Accepted COVID Vaccines From the Agency (March 18, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Government Cries ‘Uncle’ on Fair Sentencing Act Retroactivity – Update for March 22, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

A MOST SIGNIFICANT CONCESSION

Last week, the Biden Dept of Justice told the Supreme Court that it would no longer argue that the § 404 of the First Step Act – the provision that made the Fair Sentencing Act of 2010 (FSA) retroactive, thus letting people given draconian sentences prior to that date a chance to bring their prison terms more in line with powder cocaine sentences – did not apply to people who did not fall under a mandatory minimum at their pre-2010 sentencing.

crackpowder191216

At first blush, it sounds rather arcane. Section 404 permitted anyone with a “covered offense” to apply to his or her sentencing judge for a sentence reduction. A “covered offense” is defined in § 404(a) as “a violation of a Federal criminal statute, the statutory penalties for which were modified by section 2 or 3 of the Fair Sentencing Act of 2010.” The Act lowered the ratio of crack-to-powder from 100:1 – which punished 5 grams of crack as though it were 500 grams (over a pound) of powder – to 18:1. This had the effect of requiring a defendant to have 28 grams of crack (instead of 5 grams) before the five-year mandatory minimum sentence of 21 USC 841(b)(1)(B) would apply, and 28 grams of crack before the 10-year mandatory minimum in 21 USC 841(b)(1)(A) would apply.

Essentially, the drug distribution penalties are hierarchical. The people with the most drug are sentenced under 21 USC 841(b)(1)(A), with penalties starting at 10 years and going up. The people with a lesser amount are punished under 21 USC 841(b)(1)(B), with penalties starting at five years. People convicted of having amounts less than the minimum needed for (b)(1)(B) – which is 28 grams for crack under the FSA – are punished under 21 USC 841(b)(1)(C), where the penalties start at zero.

A number of judicial circuits have ruled on whether a person with a pre-2010 (b)(1)(C) sentence had a “covered offense” under § 404. After all, the reasoning went, the FSA did not change the pre-2010 mandatory minimum, which was zero before the FSA and zero after. Unsurprisingly, the DOJ has fought hammer-and-tong against any (b)(1)(C) defendant getting resentenced under the FSA, and it so far has won in four circuits but lost in three.

crackpowder160606Now for Terry: In Terry v. United States, the Supremes are to weigh in on the issue, whether defendants sentenced for low-level crack-cocaine offenses under (b)(1)(C) before the FSA are eligible for resentencing under First Step. This is important for those defendants, because on resentencing, the courts are not bound to merely adjusting the sentence to reflect the FSA. Instead, they can consider post-sentence conduct and rehabilitation, and vary downward rather freely. Even if this were not so, most of those (b)(1)(C) people are nearing the end of their sentences.

The Trump DOJ consistently took positions to limit § 404 crack retroactivity as much as possible, and argued in Terry that unless a defendant had a mandatory minimum, § 404 did not apply. But in a letter to the Supreme Court last week, the DOJ said that following the change in Administration, it “began a process of reviewing the government’s interpretation of Section 404 of the First Step Act. As a result of that review, the Department of Justice has concluded that petitioner’s conviction is a “covered offense” under Section 404, that petitioner is entitled to request a reduced sentence, and that the court of appeals erred in concluding otherwise.”

The letter was filed on the day the Government’s brief was due. The petitioner filed an immediate response, criticizing DOJ for waiting to the last minute and urging the Court to decide the case without any further delay. DOJ, exhibiting the heart of a bureaucrat, noted,

According to the Federal Bureau of Prisons, petitioner is scheduled to complete the remainder of his term of imprisonment, which he will serve almost entirely on home confinement, on September 22, 2021… Were the case not to be decided before September 22, a question of mootness would arise that would need to be addressed before any decision on the merits.

wrong210322Of course, not a word about Tarahrick Terry, whose paltry 3.9 grams of crack netted him a sentence that – had the district court been told by the government that the FSA applied – would have gotten a reduction which nationally was averaging 26%. In other words, Tarahrick and the kids would have been coloring Easter eggs at home two years ago.

The Supreme Court is unwilling to delay a decision on relief for Tarahrick until it no longer matters. Last Friday, it appointed a lawyer to argue the position abandoned by the government (which is common practice when the government refuses to defend a case). Argument had been set for April. The Court postponed that but still promised a decision by the end of June.

The Terry case has drawn a lot of interest. Senators Richard Durbin, Charles Grassley, Cory Booker, and Mike Lee also filed a joint brief, as have several major think tanks and advocacy organizations spanning the spectrum from the American Civil Liberties Union to the American Conservative Union. Groups of retired federal judges, former federal prosecutors, and defense lawyers, have filed as well. None of the amici favors the government.

hope160620The DOJ confession of error is interesting for another reason more based in policy. It is still too early for any comprehensive Biden criminal justice reform legislation to have been introduced in Congress, but the DOJ letter strongly indicates interest at high levels of the Administration to favor maximizing current statutes to reduce federal sentences. Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman said last week the DOJ letter “is big news that the new Administration is open to a broader application of the First Step Act here, and I am hopeful that this kind of Justice Department new thinking may end up being applied in a whole host of other sentencing settings.”

Such as maybe a legislative push for criminal justice reform, perhaps?

Reuters, Biden reverses course in U.S. Supreme Court drug sentencing case (March 15, 2021)

DOJ, Letter to Supreme Court in Case No 20-5904 (March 15, 2021)

Federal Public Defender, Letter to Supreme Court in Case No 20-5904 (March 15, 2021)

Washington Standard, Coalition Calls For Reform Of Drug Laws That Delivered Harsher Prison Sentences By 100–1 Ratio To Minorities For Low-Level Offenses (March 13, 2021)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Acting SG tells SCOTUS that new administration now supports broad application of crack retroactivity provision of FIRST STEP Act in Terry (March 15, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

What Did Counsel Know And When Did He Know It? – Update for March 19, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

WHAT WAS THE LAWYER THINKING? 4TH CIRCUIT REMANDS § 2255 CASE TO FIND OUT

interrog170124James Pressley (aka Bubba, according to the court) was interrogated after an alleged drug buy. He said the interrogation was custodial, and no one read him his rights. The cop said it was a friendly, roadside consensual chat. Whatever it was, Bubba implicated himself and got convicted.

On a post-conviction habeas corpus motion filed pursuant to 28 USC § 2255, Bubba claimed his lawyer rendered ineffective assistance by failing to file a motion to suppress his incriminating statements. Bubba said he asked counsel to file such a motion, but counsel never did so. The district court denied Bubba’s § 2255 motion without holding an evidentiary hearing. The court found Bubba admitted that he made the incriminating statements after the government offered potential benefits in exchange for cooperation, the cops told Bubba he was not under arrest, and Bubba voluntarily got into the car with the officers.

Last week, the 4th Circuit reversed. Bubba told a version of the interrogation that was much different from the district court’s. He said the police followed him, threaten to intercept him, surrounded him, and pointed weapons at him. But the § 2255 record did not show whether Bubba ever told his lawyer that. What’s more, while his lawyer provided an affidavit to the court, he did not explain any reasons – strategic or otherwise – for declining to file a motion to suppress.

District courts seldom hold hearings on § 2255 motions, and this case was no exception. The 4th said that here, “the record contains only a sworn statement from Pressley’s brother, who relayed a conversation with counsel in which counsel purportedly stated that he would not seek suppression because Bubba “made the statement on himself” and counsel “did not think [a suppression motion] would do any good…. We thus are left to speculate regarding what information counsel knew about the circumstances of the interrogation, and how he evaluated that information before deciding not to file a motion to suppress.”

thinker210319The Circuit conceded that “under the circumstances presented here, counsel could have made a reasonable and informed legal judgment not to file such a motion, after balancing the likelihood of success on the motion with the risk of requiring Pressley to testify at a suppression hearing.” But without knowing what counsel was thinking, Bubba’s § 2255 motion could neither be granted nor denied. “Without knowing what information was available to counsel at the time, or the tactical considerations that competent counsel would be obliged to consider, we cannot determine whether counsel acted within the wide range of professionally competent assistance when he refused to file a motion to suppress.”

United States v. Pressley, Case No. 19-6222, 2021 U.S. App. LEXIS 7150 (4th Cir., March 11, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Great Clemency Idea Or Stupid Political Stunt? – Update for March 18, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

WASHINGTON WEEK: SEEKING CLEMENCY FOR SOME LADIES
"I won!"
“I won!”

Congresswomen Cori Bush (D-Missouri) and Ayanna Pressley (D-Massachusetts) last Friday joined with the National Council for Incarcerated & Formerly Incarcerated Women and Girls’ initiative calling on President Joseph Biden to grant 100 women clemency in his first 100 days in office. Speaking at an event held outside the White House, Pressley told the President “to exercise his clemency authority,” adding he can grant clemency to the 100 women “by the stroke of a pen.”

Vox said several weeks ago that “advocates want Biden to act quickly” on clemency. “They point to epidemics of Covid-19 in jails and prisons, which could be eased if there were fewer people in those settings to spread the coronavirus. And they argue that acting too slowly would repeat the mistakes of Biden’s predecessors, who, if they moved on clemency at all, did so too late during their terms to do the long, hard work of broader reforms.”

clemencyjack161229Acting quickly on clemency is a great idea, but “100 women in 100 days” is nothing but a political stunt. The greatest danger in a proposal like this one is that if Biden knuckles under, 100 inmates get clemency, and then the Administration will check clemency off its “to-do” list, moving on to the next domestic issue. The problem with the clemency system – beyond the obvious, that 14,000 petitions are pending, many for years – is that the arbitrariness and bias of a system that relies on mercy from the very people who make their careers locking up defendants has a systemic infirmity that must be addressed. A political stunt that relies on an alliterative label – ‘100 in 100…’, like there’s something significant about the base-10 number system – simply detracts from the serious work to be done while delivering commonsense mercy in a scattershot and ineffective way.

The well-meaning people behind this have little idea of the effect of their Lafayette Park theatre on the inmates. I have had several emails this week from women inmates informing me that a list of 100 inmates was handed to the President in the Oval Office, and that he was ready to act. They wondered if they were on the list. Oh, if life only imitated rumor…

Why not simply distribute 151,703 scratch-off cards to the BOP population, with only 100 winners among them? That approach would make as much sense, while adding a bit of drama and excitement to the event.

crackpowder160606Last Tuesday, Representatives Hakeem Jeffries (D-New York), Bobby Scott (D-Virginia), Kelly Armstrong (R-North Dakota), and Don Bacon (R-Nebraska) introduced the Eliminating a Quantifiably Unjust Application of the Law (EQUAL) Act in the House. The bipartisan legislation would eliminate the federal crack and powder cocaine sentencing disparity and retroactively apply it to those already convicted or sentenced.

The measure is identical to the measure introduced in the Senate by Cory Booker (D-New Jersey) and Richard Durbin (D-Illinois) five weeks ago.

USA Today, ‘No justice in destroying lives’: Pressley, Bush call on Biden to grant clemency to 100 women in 100 days (March 12, 2021)

Vox, Biden’s secret weapon for criminal justice reform (March 1, 2021)

Atlanta Daily World, Congress Introduces Bill to Eliminate Sentencing Disparity Between Crack and Powder Cocaine (March 10, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Despite the Hoopla, Under 10% of BOP Inmates Are Vaccinated – Update for March 16, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

VACCINATIONS CRAWL AHEAD

COVIDvaccine201221The BOP claimed the lowest number of inmate COVID cases yesterday (621) since April 23, 2020, but with the pace of new inmate tests slowing to a crawl, the agency isn’t finding what it isn’t looking for. Staff cases remain as high (at 1,392) as they were the last week of November, and COVID is still present in 124 institutions of thew BOP’s 128 facilities.

The BOP’s vaccination numbers are climbing, but ever so slowly. The first inmates felt the needle in December, but 90 days later, only 9.7% of the inmate population has been inoculated (up from 6.6% a week ago). At this point, 44% of the BOP staff has taken the shot (up from 41% a week before).

Don’t let anyone say BOP employees don’t contribute to their communities. Last week, The Villages, Florida, News reported, “On the day when seven more local COVID-19 deaths were reported, statistics from the BOP showed that 8.55 of cases among staff members across the country are at the massive prison facility in Coleman – just outside the confines of the southern portion of The Villages.”

I have previously expressed skepticism over the BOP’s public numbers of inmates “recovered” from COVID-19. It appears I have company. In United States v. Mathews (reported on yesterday), Judge Karen Nelson Moore noted that “according to the BOP and the Department of Justice, in the federal prison system, 1,804 incarcerated persons have COVID-19, 45,542 have ‘recovered’ from COVID-19, and 222 have died from the virus.” The quotation marks with which she bracketed the word ‘recovered’ suggest the judge has the same trouble accepting the BOP’s reported number as authoritative that many others have.

A New Jersey news outlet reported a story with an all-too-familiar ending. When inmate Dominick Pugliese finally won his CR motion in February, the former Ft Dix inmate was already nearly dead. Dom had told the court in repeated motions that COVID could place him in greater danger of having a serious illness due to his asthma and hypertension, according to court documents.

notsick210316Prosecutors naturally opposed Dom’s motions, saying he had not served enough of his sentence and questioning the seriousness of his medical issues. By the time Dom was finally released – after repeatedly being turned down – his lawyer told the court that Dom was on a ventilator, no longer respond to verbal or tactile stimuli. Medical staff described his condition as “‘extremely grave,’ with a 78% likelihood of mortality,” counsel said. “The defendant, Dominick Pugliese, is dying.”

The judge finally agreed to release Dom, holding that “the severity of his condition suggests that at best he may be facing prolonged hospitalization and rehabilitation.” That turned out to be optimistic. Dom died on March 6. The good news for the BOP, of course, is that its bean counters did not have to add his death to the current 240-deceased inmate tally.

Villages News, 8.5 percent of COVID-19 cases among federal prison staff at Coleman facility (March 8, 2021)

NJ.com, 2 inmates begged for release from federal prison in N.J. where coronavirus raged. They both died of COVID. (March 13, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Any Friend of Bill is a Friend of Mine… – Update for March 15, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

WHAT ARE THE ODDS?

By some accounts, as many as 10,000 motions for sentence reduction (compassionate release) under 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A)(i) because of the COVID-19 pandemic have been filed in the past year. Data regarding grants have been hard to come by, but estimates range from 500 to 1,000 compassionate release motions have been granted.

presjudgeCR210315A Georgetown University study made available last week studied over 4,000 compassionate release decisions issued since last April, comparing the rate of compassionate release grants to the ideology of the judge. The indicator used for the judge’s ideology – not a perfect correlation, probably, but a reasonable compromise – was the identity of the President who appointed the jurist. Obama, the reasoning goes, probably appointed relatively few John Birch Society members to the bench, just as Trump probably avoided card-carrying socialists.

Of the 4,077 decisions studied by the author, Victoria Finkle (an economist and financial journalist turned law student), 17.1% were granted. People with judges appointed by Bill Clinton – remember the FOBs? – did the best at 24.9%, while people with George W. Bush-appointed judges fared the worst at 8.8%. Obama judges granted 20.9%, Trump’s judges only 9.3%.

An unreported 6th Circuit decision last week garnered a lot of legal press attention, as judges took potshots at each other whether COVID-19 data from The Marshall Project, a criminal justice advocacy group that has been out front on reporting on COVID in prisons. But the judges’ spat is not what makes the opinion interesting.

Kwame Mathews, who has multiple sclerosis, filed for compassionate release. His district court turned him down, finding that the “possibility of contracting COVID-19” and multiple sclerosis do not fit into the four extraordinary and compelling circumstances set forth in USSG § 1B1.13, that Kwame “would be a danger to others and the community if released” per § 1B1.13(2). The district court depicted Kwame’s motion as arguing that “the spread of COVID-19 throughout the nation qualifies as a compelling and extraordinary circumstance” and did not address the situation at FCI Terre Haute. “Equally troubling,” the Circuit said, “is the district court’s treatment of Kwame’s multiple sclerosis. The court found without any substantiation that Kwame failed to assert that he has “a serious physical or medical condition or a serious functional or cognitive impairment that prevents him from providing self-care” and suggested that Kwame does not have “an actual medical condition.”

ms210315

Noting that there is no cure for multiple sclerosis and that Kwame’s condition is unlikely to improve, the 6th said multiple sclerosis certainly qualifies as an ‘obvious’ serious medical need. “Notified that someone was suffering from multiple sclerosis, an objective layman would deem the condition serious,” the Circuit said. “Among other things, the condition can cause serious and permanent nerve damage that can lead to permanent disabilities.”

Kwame did not get compassionate release because – as in the case discussed next – his criminal history and sentence length argued against it. But the Circuit clearly said that a medical condition does not have to be on the CDC’s list in order to be an extraordinary and compelling reason for a COVID release.

notefrommom210315Johnny Tomes filed for compassionate release, producing a note from his parents that he had asthma. The district court turned him down, holding that USSG § 1B1.13 limits the “extraordinary and compelling reasons” for compassionate release to just a few situations and that John’s poorly documented asthma wasn’t one of them. Johnny hadn’t gotten COVID-19, the district court observed, and the BOP was taking precautionary measures to prevent an outbreak. Thus the district judge reasoned (and I use that term advisedly), John couldn’t prove the BOP would not be able to take care of him if he got sick.

Last week, the 6th Circuit reluctantly affirmed the decision. Although it was wrong to hold § 1B1.13 was binding on John’s case, the district court had also found that John’s extensive criminal history and the fact he had only done a few years of his 20-year sentence were 18 USC § 3553(a) sentencing-factor reasons arguing against compassionate release. Noting that “district courts may deny compassionate-release motions when any of the three prerequisites listed in § 3582(c)(1)(A) is lacking,” the Circuit said it “can affirm a court’s denial of a defendant’s compassionate release motion based on the court’s consideration of the § 3553(a) factors alone.”

Finkle, Victoria, How Compassionate? Political Appointments and District Court Judge Responses to Compassionate Release during COVID-19 (January 22, 2021) 

United States v. Mathews, Case No 20-1635, 2021 U.S. App. LEXIS 6944 (6th Cir. March 8, 2021)

Law & Crime, ‘Absolutely Savage’ Clinton-Appointed Circuit Judge Calls Out Trump-Appointed Colleague in Nearly Full-Page Footnote (March 8, 2021)

United States v. Tomes, Case No 20-6056, 2021 U.S. App. LEXIS 6773 (6th Cir. March 9, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Havis – Not Just for Drugs Anymore, 6th Circuit Says – Update for March 12, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

6TH CIRCUIT EXPANDS HAVIS HOLDING TO FRAUD GUIDELINES

The 6th Circuit expanded its groundbreaking United States v. Havis decision to white-collar cases last week in a fraud decision that suggests a Guidelines defense for a lot of defendants.

devil180418The devil’s in the details. Most federal crimes carry a statutory penalty of from a minimum to a maximum sentence. Distributing 100 grams of powder cocaine, for example, carries a punishment of zero-to-20 years. Where precisely within that range a judge should sentence a defendant is where the Sentencing Guidelines come in.

The Guidelines consider a variety of factors in determining an offense level – such as, in our cocaine example, the quantity of drugs, whether the defendant supervised other people, lied to the authorities, had a weapon in hand while dealing the powder, entered a guilty plea, and so on. Then, the defendant gets points for prior convictions (varying – drunk driving doesn’t score like a prior bank robbery, for instance), and a sentencing range is determined from a matrix with the criminal history as the abscissa and the total offense level as the ordinate.

The Guidelines are written by the U.S. Sentencing Commission, a judicial branch agency established by Congress. When a Guideline is written or amended, the provision is adopted by the Commission. Congress then has six months to either reject the change (kind of a legislative veto) or do nothing. If Congress does nothing, the Guideline provision is deemed adopted.

All of which brings us to Havis. I wrote about this decision in summer 2019 (way back before the pandemic). Each Guideline has appended to it commentary, which may be Application Notes – instructing a court on how to apply the provision – or just background. This is often useful stuff, but – unlike the Guideline itself – commentary is added by the Commission but not subject to Congressional approval.

humpty210312In Havis, the 6th Circuit was considering a particular piece of commentary attached to USSG § 4B1.2.  That Guideline defined “drug trafficking” crime in detail, but it did not specify that an attempt to commit a drug trafficking crime (or, for that matter, to conspire to commit such a crime), was included in the definition. No problem for the Commission staff – it just wrote into the commentary that attempts and conspiracies were included.

“Not so fast,” the 6th Circuit said in Havis. The Commission is not allowed to add to a Guideline definition approved by Congress with its own gloss. Sure, the definition could be expanded to include attempts and conspiracies, but to do so, it had to be approved by the Commission and subjected to Congressional oversight first.

Whew! Time for a break.  Get a cup of coffee and then let’s resume.

Last week, the 6th Circuit took up the case of Jennifer Riccardi, a postal employee who pled guilty to stealing 1,505 gift cards from the mail.

mail210312Jen worked in the Cleveland, Ohio, U.S. Postal Service distribution center (Motto: ‘Where Quality is a Slogan, and Chaos is a Lifestyle‘). In September 2017, an Ohioan mailed a $25 Starbucks gift card from Mentor, Ohio, to nearby Parma.  The card never arrived.  The sender complained to the U.S. Postal Service, which – in perhaps the only recorded instance in history – took the complaint seriously. opened an investigation. Investigators learned that supervisors at a Cleveland distribution center had been finding lots of opened mail in the processing area. Now you’d think this would have caused some puzzlement, but it did not until investigators followed the trail to Jen. When confronted, she admitted that she had been stealing mail that might contain cash or gift cards for quite some time. A search of her home uncovered over 100 pieces of mail that she had taken just that day, $42,102 in cash, and 1,505 gift cards.  The gift cards were laid out on the floor organized by the 230 or so merchants at which they could be redeemed.  Sad she hadn’t used such organizational skills at the Postal distribution center.

Most of the cards were worth about $35.00, for a total value of about $47,000. Under § 2B1.1 of the Guidelines, Jen’s offense level based on the amount of the loss, something § 2B1.1 does not define. But the Guidelines commentary to § 2B1.1 helpfully “instructs that the loss shall be not less than $500.00 for each unauthorized access device, a phrase that… covers stolen gift cards. Applying that definition, the district court pumped Jen’s loss up from $47,000 (which what the stolen cards were actually worth) to $752,500 (that is, 1,505 cards multiplied by $500.00 per card).

“So what?” you might ask. The ‘so what’ is that Jen’s Guidelines offense level depends a lot on the amount of loss.  A loss of $47,000 elevated her range by six levels. But if you pretend the loss was $752,500 – and it would really be pretending – her offense level would shoot up 14 levels. In Jen’s case, the difference was a sentencing range of 10-16 months and a range of 46-57 months. The district court gave Jen 56 months.

loss210312Based on its Havis holding, the 6th rejected the loss calculation and sentence. Havis held “guidelines commentary may only interpret, not add to, the guidelines themselves… And even if there is some ambiguity in 2B1.1’s use of the word “loss,” the commentary’s bright-line rule requiring a $500 loss amount for every gift card does not fall “within the zone of ambiguity” that exists. So this bright-line rule cannot be considered a reasonable interpretation of — as opposed to an improper expansion beyond — 2B1.1’s text.”

Ohio State University law prof Doug Berman thinks this case is a big deal. He wrote in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog, “the fraud guideline is not the only one important part of the federal sentencing guideline with an intricate set of commentary instructions that might be challenged as full of ‘improper expansions.’ I sense a growing number of litigants and courts are starting to hone on potentially problematical guideline commentary and that some variation of this issue with be getting to the U.S. Supreme Court before too long. In the meantime, defense attorneys would be wise to challenge (and preserve arguments around) any application of guideline commentary that even might be viewed as ‘expansionary’.”

United States v. Riccardi, Case No 19-4232, 2021 U.S. App. LEXIS 6163 (6th Cir. March 3, 2021)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Did a Sixth Circuit panel largely decimate the federal sentencing fraud guidelines (and perhaps many others)? (March 5)

– Thomas L. Root

Last Week in Washington… – Update for March 11, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

ODD COUPLE STRIKE AGAIN; CALL TO REPEAL AEDPA

oddcouple210219A few weeks ago, Senators Richard Durbin (D-Illinois) and Charles Grassley (R-Iowa), the top two guys on the Senate Judiciary Committee, teamed up to introduce the COVID-19 Safer Detention Act (S.312), which would make grant of compassionate release for COVID-related reasons easier and relax the Elderly Offender Program age and sentence limits. Last week, the odd couple was at it again, introducing the Prohibiting Punishment of Acquitted Conduct Act (S.601).

The Act, a similar version of which was introduced last year but died without a vote, would prohibit federal courts from using conduct for which a defendant was acquitted as factors to pump up Guidelines scores.  

nuns170427The problem is this: Donnie Dopehead is charged with two drug counts, one for distributing 100 kilos of marijuana and the other for selling 15 grams of cocaine. The Feds have Donnie dead to rights on the coke: as he sold it to his customers, a busload of nuns was stopped at the light, and they all saw it happen. But the marijuana beef is based on the vague testimony of a demented neighbor with poor eyesight, who – on the witness stand – admits it may have been bales of hay, not marijuana, and the guy unloading it may have been Clarence Crackfiend, not Donnie.

The jury acquits Donnie of the pot, but convicts on the coke.

If Donnie had no prior criminal record, his sentencing range for the cocaine of which he was convicted would be 10-16 months. But at sentencing, the court will also consider the marijuana, if it finds by a preponderance of the evidence that Donnie dealt it. In sentencing law, “preponderance” seems to mean that the prosecutor said it, and that’s good enough for the judge.  With the pot added in, Donnie’s Guideline sentencing range is 51-63 months.

hammer160509The thinking (and I employ that term loosely) is that just because the jury said the government hadn’t proved the pot charge beyond a reasonable doubt didn’t mean that it hadn’t been proved by a preponderance of the evidence. And the lower evidentiary standard, coupled with the loosey-goosey procedural protections of a sentencing proceeding, means that the defendant has little of avoiding a five-year sentence for what should be more like 12 months.

The Prohibiting Punishment of Acquitted Conduct Act, simply enough, would have said in Donnie’s case that the court could sentence on the cocaine, but not the pot.

An identical bill, backed by a long list of conservative and liberal advocacy groups, is being introduced in the House by Reps Steve Cohen (D-Tennessee) and Kelly Armstrong (R-North Dakota).

You may reasonably suspect that this bill, along with the Safer Detention Act and other measures may be rolled together in a larger criminal justice package later this year.

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Meanwhile, a Washington Post article last week kicked off a series on the horror that is the Anti-Terrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act (AEDPA). Back in 1996, Congress took a chisel to habeas corpus, adopting procedural limitations that make arguing the merits of 2254 and 2255 motions – especially second ones – a byzantine nightmare, a “thicket of real through-the-looking-glass shit,” according to one long-time defense attorney.

The Post series will “look at how the AEDPA was passed, how it works in the real world, the injustices it has wrought and what we can do to fix it. The good news is that much of this can be fixed. Congress could repeal or reform the AEDPA tomorrow. And for all the criticism of his criminal justice record — most of it justified — Joe Biden was one of the most vocal critics of the AEDPA’s habeas provisions. The then-senator warned of dire consequences if those provisions passed. History has proved him right.”

S.601, A bill to amend section 3661 of title 18, United States Code, to prohibit the consideration of acquitted conduct at sentencing (March 4, 2021)

Press Release, Durbin, Grassley, Cohen, Armstrong Introduce Bipartisan, Bicameral Prohibiting Punishment Of Acquitted Conduct Act (March 4, 2021)

Washington Post, It’s time to repeal the worst criminal justice law of the past 30 years (March 3, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root