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If Today’s Thursday, My Position Has Changed – Update for May 20, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

DANCE WITH THE GIRL WHO BRUNG YOU

dancegirlbrung210520I used to practice in front of crusty old judge Walter J. Miller, who liked to warn attorneys that he expected them to “dance with the girl who brung you.” By that he meant that if you argued an evidentiary position in front of him, you were expected to maintain that position even if it became uncomfortable.

The government – which has a history of changing its position as the day, fashion, and its overarching goal of keeping people imprisoned may dictate – ran smack into that doctrine last week in the 7th Circuit. Dean Guenther was convicted of being a felon in possession of a firearm (18 USC § 922(g)(1)) in the District of Minnesota. Because he had three prior Minnesota burglaries, he was sentenced under the Armed Career Criminal Act. He appealed, and then tried a § 2255 motion. Both failed.

But some time after that, the 8th Circuit held that the Minnesota burglary statute was too broad to count as the kind of generic burglary that the ACCA intended to count against its predicate. Then, Johnson v. United States threw out the ACCA’s residual clause. Dean brought a 28 USC § 2241 habeas corpus motion in the 7th Circuit (where he was imprisoned) under the § 2255(e) saving clause. The district court denied his motion.

miscarriage-of-justiceLast week, the 7th Circuit reversed. A § 2255 motion is normally the exclusive method to collaterally attack a federal sentence, but the § 2255(e) saving clause provides a limited exception, letting a prisoner seek § 2241 habeas relief in the district where he is confined if “the remedy by motion is inadequate or ineffective to test the legality of his detention.” Generally, the saving clause works when the prisoner relies on an intervening statutory decision announcing a new, retroactive rule that could not have been invoked in his first § 2255 motion and the error is serious enough to amount to a miscarriage of justice.

Dean’s motion fit everything except the question of whether his ACCA-enhanced sentence amounts to a miscarriage of justice. Since ruling that the Minnesota burglary was not an ACCA predicate, the 8th Circuit has reversed its position, but the 7th Circuit more recently ruled that the Minnesota burglary could not be used to qualify a defendant for the ACCA.

Dean and the government argued whether the ACCA sentence was a miscarriage should rely on 7th Circuit law (which said it was) or the 8th Circuit (which now says it might not be). The Circuit settled the issue easily, noting that in a prior case, the government argued that “the law of the circuit of confinement — this circuit — should control. That position, if accepted, meant no relief.” At the time, the 8th had held Minnesota burglary was not an ACCA predicate but the 7th had not ruled on the question. By the time that case reached the court of appeals, the tables had turned. The 8th had reversed itself, but the 7th had held that Minnesota burglary could not be counted under the ACCA.

flipflop170920In the prior case, of course, the government’s position was that the 7th Circuit’s interpretation should govern, because that had a more severe outcome for the defendant. In Dean’s case, however, the 8th Circuit’s interpretation would have hammered the defendant more. Bu the government’s logic, that one should apply.

The court did not state the obvious in such stark terms, but it did rather pointedly note that prior case, “we held the government to the position it took in the district court and applied the law of this circuit. We follow the same approach here.”

Thus, under 7th Circuit precedent, Dean’s Minnesota burglary convictions are not ACCA predicates (meaning he faces a maximum sentence of 10 years instead of a minimum sentence of 15 years).

Enjoy the dance, Mr. United States Attorney. She’s your date, after all.

Guenther v. Marske, Case No 17-3409, 2021 USApp LEXIS 14055 (7th Cir May 12, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

The Big Payoff at BOP – Update for May 18, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

SEX ABUSE AND MORONS

payoff210518Fourteen female prisoners who alleged in a lawsuit two years ago that they were sexually abused by officers at the Federal Correctional Complex Coleman women’s camp have settled with the government.

The Attorney General has approved the settlement, but the funds have not yet been released. An attorney for one of the women said he could not discuss the amount of the settlement until the money is released. Another lawyer, however, told the Tampa Bay Times (which first reported the settlement) that his three clients will share $1.26 million.

The suit contended that Bureau of Prisons correctional officers Coleman sexually abused female inmates for years and threatened the women if they didn’t comply. The women said they feared that if they came forward they’d be sent to another prison far from their families, interrupting the education and work programs they had at Coleman. The COs, who were identified by name in the litigation, have all retired or resigned, and some with full benefits from the bureau, according to the suit. None has faced any criminal charges.

It may be tougher for female inmates than for male ones, as the BOP’s cave-in on this suit suggests.

And not just for female inmates. A few years ago, 524 female BOP employees received a $20 million settlement of a suit that alleged Coleman management didn’t protect them from sexual harassment by male inmates and dissuaded the employees from documenting their complaints.

suit201102Meanwhile, for the second time in recent weeks, a lawsuit was filed in Kentucky accusing a Lexington Federal Medical Center employee of raping an inmate at the women’s minimum-security camp. A prior suit alleged that a CO raped a female inmate, according to court records. The new filing accuses an instructor in the RDAP program (who is no longer a BOP employee) of raping a different female inmate.

RDAP,  the intensive Residential Drug Abuse Program, rewards inmates who successfully complete the 9-12 month regimen with up to one year off their sentences. An instructor, whose decision could eject an inmate from RDAP and thereby deprive her of the year off, would have substantial leverage over an inmate in the program.

The BOP told the Herald-Leader it does not comment on pending litigation. One of the attorneys representing the two women, said, “Sexual misconduct in our nation’s prisons is not limited to one bad actor or one specific facility… We intend to hold these bad actors responsible for the harm they have caused.”

On a different topic, a week ago I reported on newspaper reports on the condition of MCC New York and MDC Brooklyn. Last week, the New York Daily News reported that BOP “brass visited New York City’s federal jails last weekend — one day after the Daily News highlighted a judge’s scathing comments that the lockups were “run by morons.”

“The same day the BOP learned of the recent commentary about the conditions at MCC New York and MDC Brooklyn, staff were sent from agency headquarters and its Northeast Regional Office to review and ensure conditions for safety and security are maintained,” a BOP spokeswoman told the paper.

Apparently, the facilities had a bit of notice on the inspection. An MCC inmate told The News “that orderlies worked to clean up the jail until 3 a.m. on Saturday, hours before the BOP officials arrived. Correctional staff told detainees the visit was due to the jail being ‘in the newspaper,’ according to the inmate who is not allowed to speak to the press. Correctional officers brushed off McMahon’s comments, saying they were directed at captains and wardens, the inmate said.”

potemkin210518Potemkin would have been proud. But probably not so the MDC and MCC managers, who are guilty of the cardinal bureaucratic sin: they made their bosses look bad, something that is not easily forgiven.

Other sources told the paper that “inmates were being shuffled to different units and transferred to MDC for repairs at MCC.”

Finally, the numbers: As of Friday, the BOP said it had 73 inmates and 153 staff with COVID. The percentage of vaccinated staff stood at 50.4%, inmates at 40.5%. One more death, a USP Yazoo City inmate, raised the federal inmate death toll to 250.

Miami Herald, Feds pay seven figures to settle suit over systemic sexual abuse at Florida women’s prison (May 13, 2021)

Tampa Bay Times, Lawsuit settled in which 15 women alleged sexual abuse at Florida prison (May 6, 2021)

Lexington Herald-Leader, Second Lexington FMC inmate files lawsuit accusing prison employee of rape (May 15, 2021)

New York Daily News, NYC federal jails visited by Bureau of Prisons bigwigs after judge’s criticism (May 14, 2010)

BOP, Inmate Death at USP Yazoo City (May 13, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

11th Circuit Does Addition by Subtraction on First Step Crack Resentencing – Update for May 17, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

SECTION 404 – WHERE LESS IS LESS, EVEN WHEN IT’S MORE

numbersA lot of times, prisoners – who are rightly focused on the substance of their claims – skip over the finer points of procedure. After all, procedure is kind of boring. But paying attention can bring dividends, or – as the old proverb goes – “God is in the details.”

Ask Nolan Edwards. He was doing life for a crack offense when the First Step Act passed, letting him seek retroactive application of the Fair Sentencing Act. First Step Act § 404(b) provides that the court that originally sentenced a defendant for a crack offense may, when certain conditions are met, “impose a reduced sentence.” Meanwhile, 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(B) (the section many § 404 motions cite), is similar but not identical. It authorizes a district court to “modify an imposed term of imprisonment to the extent otherwise permitted by statute…”

Nolan filed a motion under First Step Act § 404 and § 3582(c)(1)(B). The district court reduced his sentence to time served, but concluded the First Step Act required it to impose an 8-year supervised release term. Nolan appealed the supervised release term, arguing that § 404 only empowers a court to subtract from a sentence, not add to one.

Last week, the 11th Circuit agreed. A § 404 motion “is self-contained and self-executing,” the Circuit said, and does not need to rely on 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(b) to be granted. Therefore, a district court is entitled only to reduce a prisoner’s overall sentence pursuant to a § 404 motion.

goddetails210517But that didn’t help Nolan. The 11th said that the focus was on the overall sentence, not just the components. So if the “unitary” sentence – imprisonment and supervised release considered together – was reduced, First Step Act § 404’s requirements were met. Here, Nolan’s life sentence was cut to 260 months and eight years of supervised release. That was clearly a reduced sentence, the Circuit said, despite the fact supervised release went from zero to 8 years.

United States v. Edwards, Case No. 19-13366, 2021 U.S.App. LEXIS 14140 (11th Cir., May 13, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Dog Bites Man: Judge Says NYC BOP Facilities Run By Morons – Update for May 14, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

JUDGE SAYS “DISGUSTING, INHUMAN” BOP NYC FACILITIES ARE RUN BY MORONS

moron210514A senior Federal judge who navigated her Manhattan-based court through the pandemic denounced conditions at MDC Brooklyn and MCC New York as “disgusting” and “inhuman” during the sentencing last month of a woman who spent months in solitary confinement after contracting COVID-19.

US District Court Judge Colleen McMahon said in a transcript just obtained by the Washington Post that the facilities are “run by morons.” During the sentencing, McMahon castigated the BOP, saying the agency’s ineptitude and failure to “do anything meaningful” at the MCC in Manhattan and MDC Brooklyn amounted to the “single thing in the five years that I was chief judge of this court that made me the craziest.”

“It is the finding of this court that the conditions to which the defendant was subjected are as disgusting, inhuman as anything I’ve heard about any Colombian prison,” McMahon said on the record, “but more so because we’re supposed to be better than that.”

The BOP responded in a statement that it “takes seriously our duty to protect the individuals entrusted in our custody, as well as maintain the safety of correctional staff and the community.”

plague200406Meanwhile, The Trentonian reported last week that FCI Fort Dix set as COVID-19 record for the worst outbreaks of any federal facility. New Jersey US Senators Bob Menendez and Cory Booker, both Democrats, called on the BOP last month to “prioritize the vaccination program” at FCI Fort Dix. More than 70% of the 2,800 prisoners at Fort Dix have tested positive for COVID-19 since the pandemic began. As of last week, 52% of Fort Dix inmates have been vaccinated.

Also last week, the Legislative Committee of the Federal Public and Community Defenders wrote a 16-page letter to Senate Judiciary Chairman Richard Durbin (D-Illinois) and Ranking Member Charles Grassley (R-Iowa) asking for Congressional action to reform the BOP in areas as varied as inmate healthcare to compassionate release to First Step Act programming credits.

“Although the Biden Administration has taken significant steps to beat back COVID-19 in the community,” the letter said, “individuals in BOP custody remain at high risk. Over a year into the pandemic, they are subject to harsh and restrictive conditions of confinement and lack adequate access to medical care, mental health services, and programming. The improvements to programming promised by the First Step Act  generally stand unfulfilled.”

Most significant was criticism of BOP healthcare that went beyond the pandemic: “Dr. Homer Venters, a physician and epidemiologist who has inspected several BOP facilities to assess their COVID-19 response, identified a “disturbing lack of access to care when a new medical problem is encountered” and is concerned that “[w]ithout a fundamental shift in how BOP approaches… health services, people in BOP custody will continue to suffer from preventable illness and death, including the inevitable and subsequent infectious disease outbreaks.”

COVIDvaccine201221The letter also took aim at the high vaccine refusal rate by BOP staff (currently 50.5% refused), staffing shortages, and the BOP’s poor record on granting compassionate release.

The letter complains that the BOP’s proposed rule on awarding earned time credit “impermissibly restricts an individual’s ability to earn time credits, makes it too easy to lose those credits, and unduly excludes broad categories from the earned time credit system. In short, these provisions kneecap the FSA’s incentive structure and make it less likely individuals will participate in programs and activities to reduce recidivism and increase public safety.” The letter notes that if a prisoner programmed 40 hours a week, it would take more time to earn a year’s credit than the length of the average federal sentence.

The Trentonian, Ft Dix FCI has largest total COVID-19 cases among U.S. federal prisons (May 4, 2021)

Federal Public and Community Defenders, Letter to Sens Durbin and Grassley (May 4, 2021)

Washington Post, Judge says ‘morons’ run New York’s federal jails, denounces ‘inhuman’ conditions (May 7, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Two Very Distinguished Cases – Update for May 13, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

A SOLITARY RAY OF LIGHT…

There was a single bright spot in otherwise dreary judicial news last week.

light210513When an appeals court 3-judge panel issues a precedent-making opinion, no other 3-judge panel can invalidate it. Only the court of appeals sitting en banc (all of the active judges as one court) can do that.

So when a 3-judge panel does something stupid, what can another 3-judge panel do about it?

Last week, a 6th Circuit panel employed one method of finessing a way around a lousy opinion: it distinguished it. That means the judges found some factual difference that let them rule the way they thought they should rule, regardless of the prior opinion.

Ian Owens was charged with one count of bank robbery. He wouldn’t take a deal, so the government added an 18 USC § 924(c) count for using a gun in the commission of a violent crime. He still wouldn’t deal, so the government added another. By the time Ian went to trial, the government had heaped five § 924(c) counts on top of the robbery. Because the case was decided much before the First Step Act changed things around, the § 924(c) counts were stacked, with the second through fifth counts each carrying a mandatory 300 months. Ian was sentenced to 1370 months (114 years).

When Ian filed a compassionate release motion claiming that he wouldn’t get that kind of time after the First Step Act ended § 924(c) stacking and that his co-defendants all got a lot less time than he did, he ran into two prior 6th Circuit decisions, United States v. Tomes and United States v. Wills. Both of those cases said First Step changes in 18 USC § 924(c) could not be used as extraordinary and compelling reasons for a compassionate release sentence reduction. The district court did not consider Ian’s evidence of rehabilitation, any other bases for a finding of extraordinary and compelling reasons, or the 18 USC § 3553(a) sentencing factors.

hares210513Last week, the 6th Circuit split hairs in a split decision, and explained away Tomes and Wills. In those cases, the Circuit said, the prisoner argued only that the First Step Act changed § 924(c) stacking. But Ian had three reasons supporting his extraordinary and compelling showing, not just one. That made his case “factually distinguishable,” the 6th said. “Owens points to the fact that his lengthy sentence resulted from exercising his right to a trial and to his rehabilitative efforts as additional factors that considered together constitute an extraordinary and compelling reason meriting compassionate release,” the Circuit said. “Further, the district court in Owen’s case did not consider these other factors and, instead, summarily concluded that his First Step Act 403 argument was meritless.”

It was not necessarily meritless, the 6th said. “In making an individualized determination about whether extraordinary and compelling reasons merit compassionate release, a district court may include, along with other factors, the disparity between a defendant’s actual sentence and the sentence that he would receive if the First Step Act applied…”

The decision seems to have jumped onto a rather technical difference between Ian’s situation and the prior cases, but those prior decisions largely stink. Now, the odor has been contained, or – as lawyers like to say – Tomes and Wills have been “limited to their facts.”

United States v. Owens, Case No 20-2139, 2021 US App LEXIS 13656 (6th Cir May 6, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Can Clemency Save CARES Act Home Confinees? – Update for May 11, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

RUMBLINGS OF FIXING CLEMENCY AND HOME CONFINEMENT

biden210511White House officials are signaling that President Biden is prepared to “flex his clemency powers” as officials wade through the 14,000+ clemency requests on file.

I reported last week on a Zoom call the White House held to discuss criminal justice reform with advocates and former inmates. While the White House did not signal any imminent moves, officials indicated that Biden will not hold off until later in his term to issue pardons or commutations, The Hill reported last week.

“It was clear that they are working on something,” Norris Henderson, founder and executive director of Voice of the Experienced, who participated in the call, told The Hill. “They are looking at that right now as an avenue to start doing things.”

Meanwhile, an opinion piece in USA Today suggested Biden grant clemency to people on CARES Act home confinement as a means of thwarting last January’s Dept of Justice opinion that those people would have to return to prison after the pandemic ends.

noplacelikehome200518The Hill reported Saturday that Biden and Attorney General Merrick Garland have been facing mounting calls to rescind the DOJ memo. a policy implemented in the final days of the Trump administration that would revoke home confinement for those inmates as soon as the government lifts its emergency declaration over the coronavirus.

Randilee Giamusso, a Federal Bureau of Prisons spokesperson, told The Hill that the Biden administration had recently expanded the eligibility for home confinement, the clearest admission yet the pressure from above is forcing a renewed emphasis on CARES Act home confinement. Giamusso noted that Biden has extended the national COVID emergency declaration and that the Dept of Health and Human Services expects the crisis to last through the end of 2021.

insincerity210511“The BOP is focused right now on expanding the criteria for home confinement and taking steps to ensure individualized review of more inmates who might be transferred,” Giamusso said.  

Of course it is. No one who has ever dealt with the BOP can fairly doubt its laser focus on its mission or the helpfulness and professional polish of its staff.

The Hill, Biden set to flex clemency powers (May 5, 2021)

USA Today, COVID-19 concerns sent thousands of inmates home. Give clemency to those who deserve it. (May 5, 2021)

The Hill, DOJ faces big decision on home confinement (May 9, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

11th Circuit Throws Wrench Into Compassionate Release Gears – Update for May 10, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

11TH CIRCUIT SPOILS THE COMPASSIONATE RELEASE PARTY

downer210510You’d never invite the 11th Circuit to a party. Once again, the Debbie Downer of appellate courts has gone its own way, destroying most of the usefulness of compassionate release motions (aka sentence reduction motions under 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A)(i)) that all the other circuits take for granted.

Before last Friday, seven courts of appeal have held that USSG § 1B1.13 – the Guidelines policy statement on compassionate release – does not limit motions brought by prisoners. The Guideline – written well before the First Step Act allowed defendants themselves (instead of the BOP Director alone) to bring compassionate release motions – only allows compassionate release motions for a limited list of problems. Anything not on the list – such as the COVID risks for people with vulnerable medical conditions – must be approved by the BOP.

The BOP’s record of approving compassionate release motions is dismal. Between April and December 2020, the BOP approved 11 out of 10,940 inmate requests, which works out to one-tenth of 1%. The 2nd, 4th, 5th, 6th, 7th, 9th, and 10th Circuits have all agreed that § 1B1.13 – unamended since First Step passed – is not an “applicable policy statement” for compassionate release motions brought by prisoners, and will not be until the Sentencing Commission amends it to reflect current law.

hammer160509The consensus of those other circuits does not impress the 11th Circuit. Jim Bryant moved for compassionate release because First Step had cut the mandatory 25-year minimum for an 18 USC § 924(c) gun conviction because he received a higher sentence than some of his coconspirators, because he went to trial, and because he has a good prison rehabilitation record. Last week, the Circuit shot down his request because the BOP had not approved the basis for reduction.

The 11th said, “Application Note 1(D) does not conflict with § 3582(c)(1)(A). The First Step Act’s only change was to allow for defendant-filed reduction motions. Nothing in Application Note 1(D) stops a defendant from filing a § 3582(c)(1)(A) motion. The BOP may still file motions, and Application Note 1(D) can apply to those motions. The BOP can also take a position on a defendant-filed motion, so Application Note 1(D) has a field of application there as well… Because this Court can give effect to the amended § 3582(c)(1)(A) and the unamended Application Note 1(D) at the same time, the Court must do so.”

The effect this ruling will have on compassionate release motions in the 11th Circuit can hardly be overstated. The stark circuit split created by this 2-1 decision may result in Supreme Court review, but inasmuch as a reconstituted Sentencing Commission – which President Biden intends to do – is likely to have § 1B1.13 amended by November 2022, the likelihood the Supreme Court will take up what is likely to be moot a few months after the case is decided is slim.

United States v. Bryant, Case No 19-14267, 2021 U.S.App. LEXIS 13663 (11th Cir., May 7, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Reform When? – Update for May 7, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

WHERE’S CRIMINAL JUSTICE REFORM?

Some advocates are starting to lose patience with the Biden Administration’s lack of a concrete criminal justice reform package.

lips210507Kara Gotsch of The Sentencing Project told NPR last week, “The lip service is good, but we need more, more action.” And Kevin Ring, president of FAMM, said while he is guardedly optimistic that the White House is trying to lay the groundwork for more foundational change. “But there‘s also some skepticism that he was going to have to tear down the house that he built in some ways through the sentencing laws and prison policies he not only sponsored but bragged about,” Ring said.

But last Friday, with “Second Chance Month” running out, White House officials held a virtual listening session with criminal justice advocates who were previously incarcerated to receive input on how to advance prison reform through policy.

White House counsel Dana Remus and domestic policy adviser Susan Rice were among the leaders of the conference, which included leaders from 10 advocacy groups such as Forward Justice, the National Council for Incarcerated and Formerly Incarcerated Women and Girls, and JustLeadershipUSA.

Biden has not yet moved to end the use of the death penalty, despite promising to do so on the campaign trail. And while he has pushed for action on police reform legislation following the conviction of former Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin in the murder of George Floyd, Biden has kept a distance from legislative negotiations on Capitol Hill as Democratic and Republican lawmakers try to find common ground.

Friday’s meeting was held to commemorate Second Chance Month, a nationwide effort to highlight the challenges faced by people who have been previously convicted.

“Too many people — disproportionately black and brown people — are incarcerated. Too many face an uphill struggle to secure a decent job, stable housing, and basic opportunity when they return from prison,” the White House said in the readout. “Those who have been through the system have particular insight into its shortcomings and the reforms that are needed.”

actions210507Whether the listening ripens into a criminal justice reform proposal is anyone’s guess, but with Biden focused on his infrastructure proposal, some suspect reform is not a top Biden priority. USA Today last weekend suggested actions speak louder than platitudes. The paper blasted DOJ’s intransigence in opposing virtually every compassionate release motion filed:

But talk is cheap, and while the administration’s rhetoric is promising, second chances remain few and far between in a federal criminal system where the Department of Justice continues to thwart the administration’s goals by opposing the release of individuals who are rehabilitated and do not pose a risk to the public. Making good on his commitment to criminal justice reform requires more than rhetoric. The Biden administration’s Department of Justice must change course.

NPR, Activists Wait For Biden To Take Bold Action On Criminal Justice Reform (April 28, 2021)

The Hill, White House officials meet virtually with criminal justice reform advocates (May 1, 2021)

USA Today, Biden administration needs to walk the walk on second chances for prisoners (May 1, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

“Did We Nail That Pandemic, Or What?” – Update for May 6, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

TELL US HOW WE’RE DOING

howwedoing210506The Dept of Justice Office of Inspector General announced last week that it would be conducting a second survey of BOP staff and a first survey of inmates to determine how well the BOP performed during the pandemic.

The results of the surveys should be illuminating.

And how are things now? As of last Friday, the BOP said it has given two doses of vaccine to about 35% of all inmates, and about 49% of staff. About 126 inmates are sick with COVID-19, and 164staff, with COVID still present in 67% of facilities, if BOP numbers can be believed.

numbers180327But can the numbers be believed? The Marshall Project and Associated Press, which jointly have been tracking how many people are being sickened and killed by COVID-19 in prisons across the country and within each state since March 2020, have given up on BOP numbers, warning that “our understanding of the full toll of the pandemic on incarcerated people is limited by the Federal Bureau of Prisons’ policy of removing cases and deaths from its reports in recent months. As a result, we cannot accurately determine new cases or deaths in federal prisons, which have had more people infected than any other system.”

Another federal inmate died of COVID last week, this one at FMC Devens. Paul Archambault contracted COVID-19 at the end of December but was declared “recovered” ten days later. The “recovery” label appears to have benefited record-keeping more than Mr. Archambault. Like a number of others before him, he died of the COVID-19 from which he had recovered.

rehabB160812In New York last week, U.S. District Judge Katherine Polk Failla granted compassionate release to an inmate at MCC Manhattan, ruling that a key part of her sentence was addiction treatment and care for other ailments. The judge said the BOP hasn’t provided it to the inmate, who was serving a sentence for a cocaine conspiracy.

“Due to the extreme lockdown conditions at the [Metropolitan Correctional Center] and [Metropolitan Detention Center], the inmate has been unable to receive mental health care, drug abuse treatment, and other important services that the Court envisioned her receiving while incarcerated,” the judge wrote. “The Court believes these services to be critical to her physical and mental health, and to her ability to reenter society as a productive and law-abiding citizen.”

DOJ Inspector General, Surveys of BOP Federal Prison Staff and Inmates (April 28, 2021)

The Marshall Project, A State-by-State Look at Coronavirus in Prisons (April 30, 2021)

BOP, Inmate Death at FMC Devens (April 29, 2021)

New York Daily News, Judge, inmate slam conditions at NYC federal jails in pandemic’s 13th month (April 26, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Twenty-Five Years of Mischief Is Enough – Update for May 4, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

HAPPY ANNIVERSARY TO TWO LOUSY LAWS

A quarter-century ago, Congress enacted a pair of laws that severely restricted the ability of prisoners to raise constitutional challenges against conditions of confinement, as well as challenge unjust and wrongful convictions. Over the last 25 years, this pair of laws — the Prison Litigation Reform Act (PLRA) and the Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act (AEDPA) — “have all but closed the federal courthouse doors to life and death lawsuits,” the ACLU complained last week in commemorating dual anniversaries of enactment of the laws.

aedpa210504

First, the AEDPA: “This pernicious, dizzyingly complicated law created a minefield of procedural barriers and deadlines that severely limited state prisoner use of federal habeas corpus,” the ACLU said last week. What’s more, it placed severe restrictions on the filing of 28 USC § 2255 habeas corpus motions, especially successive ones. The AEDPA, according to the Washington Post, was “the first time in centuries that the legislature of a western democracy had put restrictions on the “Great Writ.”

innocent210504The AEDPA took away a lot of the authority of federal judges to do their jobs. “The law creates a maze of Kafkaesque procedures that create the danger of an incarcerated person’s petition being thrown out at every turn for a failure to follow even the most minute rule,” the ACLU reported, “regardless of whether their claims have merit.”

While having its most restrictive impact on state prisoners, the AEDPA set severe time limits on the filing of 2255 motions, stripped from judges the ability to choose when a successive 2255 was appropriate instead of abusive, and seriously limited a petitioner’s right to appellate review, unless he or she first obtained a certificate of appealability granting permission to appeal.

Congress passed the Prison Litigation Reform Act in 1996, a piece of litigation that – contrary to most laws Washington enacts – has worked all too well. The goal of the PLRA was to reduce the number of lawsuits brought by prisoners, and by that metric, it has been a phenomenal success. But now, many commentators are calling for its demise.

nothing170125Passed as the nation’s prison population was exploding thanks to the war on drugs, the PLRA was supposed to weed out the sort of frivolous prisoner litigation Congress perceived as bombarding the federal courts. As The Appeal described it last week, testimony in hearings on the PLRA “focused on sensationalized and largely mythical claims about ‘a defective haircut by a prison barber, the failure of prison officials to invite a prisoner to a pizza party, and, yes, being served chunky peanut butter instead of creamy variety’. By dismissing real cries for help as frivolous, disingenuous, and opportunist, lawmakers built the PLRA on dehumanizing and inaccurate stereotypes of incarcerated men and women.”

In the 25 years since, it has become clear that the PLRA is reducing prisoner litigation — but not just by targeting frivolous claims. It cut the rate of civil rights lawsuits filed by prisoners by nearly half. “But if the goal was to somehow weed out ‘frivolous’ lawsuits in favor of meritorious claims, the Appeal argued, “then, presumably, there would have been at least some increase in the rate of successful civil rights lawsuits by incarcerated plaintiffs. Not so. Instead, the success rate of civil rights lawsuits for incarcerated plaintiffs steadily dropped after the enactment of the PLRA and despite a recent uptick is nearly identical to the success rate pre-PLRA.”

Among other provisions, the PLRA made exhaustion of remedies mandatory prior to suing. It permitted courts to throw out suits as frivolous prior to requiring an answer. And it required prisoners to pay filing fees by withholding installment payments from commissary accounts, even if the prisoner was indigent. Additionally, the PLRA makes it “hard to find representation by sharply capping attorney fees, creates high barriers to settlement, and weakens the ability of courts to order changes to prison and jail policies,” according to the Prison Policy Initiative.

nothingcoming181018Incarcerated people are still allowed to sue over unlawfully inflicted physical injury, but the PLRA restricts the remedies available in cases where people are alleging only mental or emotional harm. Some courts have interpreted this to mean that people cannot receive money damages for their prison/jail injuries unless they can show that they suffered extremely serious physical injury. Others have found that this provision applies even to Constitutional claims about free speech, religious freedom, discrimination, and due process.

As a Senator, Joe Biden tried to strip the AEDPA of its worst limitation, but President Clinton’s support for the bill doomed the effort. Now, the Post said last week, “lawmakers could consult with defense lawyers, legal scholars, federal judges and prosecutors, repeal AEDPA, and replace it with something more just and fair. The last 25 years have shown the Clinton administration should have listened to Biden in 1995. But, now, Biden’s own administration can lead an effort to fix the problems he predicted, and once tried to prevent.”

ACLU, The Unhappy 25th Birthday of Two Tough-on-Crime Era Laws That Have Deadly Consequences for Incarcerated People (April 27, 2021)

Washington Post, Opinion: Joe Biden fought this destructive law. 25 years later, he can help repeal it (April 27, 2021)

The Appeal, How The Prison Litigation Reform Act Has Failed For 25 Years (April 26, 2021)

Prison Policy Initiative, Slamming the Courthouse Door: 25 years of evidence for repealing the Prison Litigation Reform Act (April 26, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root