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The Clock Chimes 13 Times for BOP COVID Response – Update for June 25, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

REMEMBER COVID? IT’S STILL AROUND IN THE BOP… AND PEOPLE ARE STILL DYING

The Bureau of Prisons reported 61 sick inmates and 136 sick staff in 65 facilities as of last night.

COVIDdeath201001

What is curious is that the BOP reported two more inmate COVID deaths last week.

One was from last December. With its usual opacity, the BOP reported last week that on “Friday, December 4, 2020, inmate Carlous Lindell Daily tested positive for COVID-19 at the United States Penitentiary (USP) Victorville in Victorville, California, and was immediately placed in medical isolation. On Wednesday, December 23, 2020, in accordance with Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) guidelines, Mr. Daily was considered recovered after completing isolation and presenting with no symptoms.”

[Editorial note here: The BOP always trots out the justification in notices like these that ‘we only said he was recovered because the CDC guidelines said he was recovered’. I have heard from too many inmates that ‘recovery’ consists of taking a temperature. The inmates are listed as presenting no symptoms because staff is careful not to ask the inmates about any symptoms].

To be sure, poor Mr. Daily must have been experiencing some continuing symptoms that the crack BOP medical professionals overlooked. Only five days after he was declared fit as a fiddle, “[o]n Monday, December 28, 2020, Mr. Daily experienced vomiting and an altered mental status, and while being treated, became unresponsive. Responding staff immediately initiated life-saving measures. Staff requested emergency medical services (EMS) and life-saving efforts continued. Mr. Daily was subsequently pronounced deceased by EMS personnel.”

Apparently, the Health Services staff was so crushed by losing their ‘recovered’ patient that no one got around to reporting his death for over five months.

clock210625I remember from years ago a judge patiently explaining to a greenhorn lawyer (me) about the 13th chime. The ’13th chime’ comes from the mythical case of Rex v. Haddock, recounted in book Uncommon Law by A.P. Herbert.  Some have attributed it to an earlier utterance by Mark Twain. Regardless of its origin, the ’13th Chime” doctrine holds that when a clock strikes 13 times, not only is the 13th strike itself discredited, but the very fact that there was a 13th chime raises doubts about the accuracy of the preceding 12. Twain allegedly said: “The thirteenth stroke of the clock is not only false of itself, but casts grave doubt on the credibility of the preceding twelve”.

The point is this: I have heard for months from inmate correspondents that people were dying at FCI XYZ of COVID, but FCI XYZ’s reported deaths never seemed to reflect inmate folklore. Mr. Daily’s demise is the second time in three weeks that the BOP issued a way-after-the-fact admission about a death that went unreported during the height of the epidemic. How many more of these unreported deaths – which, had they been reported in a timely manner, would have made BOP conditions during the pandemic look even direr – are lurking out there? What’s more, the under-reporting is consistent with the BOP practice many prisoners have reported of medical staff doing the ostrich thing, not inquiring about symptoms other than to take a temperature?

ostrich170228Certainly, under-reporting would not surprise The Marshall Project, which has been criticizing  BOP sleight-of-hand on case numbers for months:

The Federal Bureau of Prisons also had a policy of removing cases and deaths from its reports. As a result, by the spring of 2021, we could no longer accurately determine new cases in federal prisons, which had more people infected than any other system.

Now for the other death last week, Sherri Hillman, a pretrial detainee who died at the abattoir known as FMC Carswell, the BOP’s only women’s medical center at Fort Worth.

die210625The circumstances around the Carswell death were painfully similar to the April death of Martha Evanoff at that facility. According to the Fort Worth Star-Telegram, Sherri had been sent to Carswell while awaiting sentencing in Kentucky, after being hospitalized with COVID since January. “She was transferred to (Carswell) in Fort Worth because most people thought she would be getting better care there than in Kentucky,” her attorney told the newspaper.

Her mother said, however, “from what she was telling me, I just don’t think she was treated right.” Two other Carswell inmates told the paper said they heard Sherri crying out for help for several days from her cell on the medical floor. One woman, who is also staying on the medical floor, said she heard the shouting.

“Everyone on the floor heard her screaming for help for several days,” a witness, who did not want her name to be used out of fear of retaliation, told the Star-Telegram, “For days, they said she’s faking it and there’s nothing wrong with her, and they ignored her cries for help. She would say, ‘Please, somebody help me.’”

Another inmate reported to me, “The poor woman begged for 4-5 days for help and was told to ‘shut up’.”

Sherri died alone in her cell on June 14.

BOP, Inmate Death at Victorville (June 17, 2021)

BOP, Inmate Death at FMC Carswell (June 17, 2021)

Fort Worth TX Star-Telegram, Woman told mother, ‘I can’t do this anymore,’ before death at prison in Fort Worth (June 17, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Senate Judiciary Committee Takes a Crack at Crack Disparity – Update for June 24, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

COMMITTEE HEARING BRINGS HOPE TO PRISONERS WITH CRACK SENTENCES

The big news this week was the Senate Judiciary Committee’s Tuesday lovefest on scrapping the disparity between crack cocaine and powder cocaine.

crackpowder160606The Committee conducted a hearing on S.79, The EQUAL Act (an acronym for “Eliminating a Quantifiably Unjust Application of the Law”). The Actsponsored by Sen. Cory Booker (D-New Jersey), would correct mandatory minimum sentences in 21 U.S.C. § 841(b) so that a like amount of cocaine base (“crack”) and cocaine hydrochloride (“powder”) would dictate a like minimum sentence.

A brief history lesson: About 35 years ago, a senator from Delaware by the name of Joe Biden co-sponsored the Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1986. That law imposed mandatory minimum sentences for drug offenders and created a 100-to-1 sentencing disparity between crack and powder cocaine. This meant that the poor mutt caught with five grams of crack would get the same mandatory five-year minimum sentence that a dealer walking around with over a pound of cocaine powder would face. This, of course, was because that crack turned every user into a superhuman killer, all crack dealers carried assault rifles and multiple handguns, and the merest sniff of a rock of cocaine base cocaine would turn a nun into a crack whore for life.

None of that is true, of course, but that deterred Congress not in the least. What was true was that crack was much cheaper than powder, and the drug thus became the abuse-of-choice in poorer and minority communities. As a result, the much harsher crack cocaine penalties fell on minority defendants at a rate disproportional to their representation in the general population.

In later years, under pressure from criminal justice advocates who cited the wide racial disparities and massive sentences that resulted, Presidential Candidate Biden reversed his stance. Indeed, part of his 2020 campaign platform included ending the disparity.

sessions170811Congress got there first. In 2010, it passed the Fair Sentencing Act, which reduced the crack-powder disparity from 100:1 to 18:1. The original legislation as passed by the House eliminated the disparity altogether, but – as Judiciary Committee Chairman Richard Durbin (D-Illinois) confirmed during last Tuesday’s hearing – a compromise at 18:1 had to be reached in the Senate to mollify the Dinosaur Caucus, led by then-Senator Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III (R-Alabama). At the same time, the legislation was changed at Sen. Sessions’ gentle urging to eliminate retroactivity.

Retroactivity was granted retroactively in Section 404 of the First Step Act, letting people who had been sentenced under the harsh 100:1 sentencing minimums get relief.

Tuesday, the witnesses and members of the Committee are almost uniformly in favor of finally adopting the 1:1 ratio. I say “almost,” because one witness – Steve Wasserman, an assistant US attorney and vice president for defendant oppression at the National Association of Assistant United States Attorneys (actually, “vice president for policy”, which appears to be the same thing) – argued that because crack defendants tend to have more extensive criminal histories and to carry guns, the ratio should not be changed. Chairman Durbin’s rejoinder to Mr. Wasserman was, “The science is not with you.”

cotton171204On the Committee, Sen. Tom Cotton (R-Mongol Empire)* argued that the ratio should be made 1:1, but to achieve that, powder sentences should be increased to match crack offenses. In other words, his solution is 18:18. To say this was the minority view on the committee would be to give Sen. Cotton’s creative if Draconian solution too much credit.

Most notable was testimony given by Regina LaBelle, acting director of the White House Office of National Drug Control Policy. In what was clearly a position approved in the Oval Office, she said that the Biden administration “strongly supports” eliminating the sentencing disparity between crack and powder cocaine.

“The current disparity is not based on evidence yet has caused significant harm for decades, particularly to individuals, families, and communities of color,” LaBelle said. “The continuation of this sentencing disparity is a significant injustice in our legal system, and it is past time for it to end.”

So what would be the practical effect of such a change? When the Fair Sentencing Act passed, the U.S. Sentencing Commission responded by reducing sentencing ranges across the board for crack offenses, so that a five-year mandatory sentence for a defendant without a prior criminal history possessing 28 grams of crack equaled what the Guidelines said his sentence should be. If the ratio falls to 1:1, and if the Sentencing Commission makes the same adjustments, a hypothetical defendant with no prior record (and no sentencing enhancements) would see the following sentencing range adjustments:

chart210624

These are fairly significant. Of course, there is no assurance that the powder ranges would not be adjusted upward a bit (although that is very unlikely), and the Table above does not consider the effects of Guidelines enhancements or more serious Criminal History Categories. But any way you slice it, the sentencing range changes will be substantial.

slip210624There are many ways for this to slip ‘twixt cup and lip. The EQUAL Act could go nowhere, especially if the new crime wave sweeping America makes reform politically unpalatable. It could be amended. The Sentencing Commission is still out of commission without a quorum, and Biden has not yet appointed anyone new. The Commission, if it is functioning, may not make changes under The EQUAL Act retroactive (although that is unlikely, too). And if it is retroactive, defendants will have to apply to their sentencing judges under 18 USC § 3582(c)(2), and the judges could turn them down.

Nevertheless, The EQUAL Act seems to have bipartisan support (Tom Cotton notwithstanding), and the winds – for now at least – are favorable.

—————-

* Sen. Cotton is really from Arkansas, and I mean no disrespect to the people of that great state. I would say that Sen. Cotton – aptly described by one writer as a “bobble-throated slapstick from the state of Arkansas” – has done all the disrespecting of his constituents any group of citizens should have to endure.

—————-

S.79, The EQUAL Act

Senate Judiciary Committee, Examining Federal Sentencing for Crack and Powder Cocaine (June 22, 2021)

Reason, Biden Administration Endorses Legislation to End Crack Cocaine Sentencing Disparity (June 22, 2021)

Washington Post, Biden administration endorses bill to end disparity in drug sentencing between crack and powder cocaine (June 22, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

SCOTUS to Congress: ‘Say What You Mean’ – Update for June 21, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

TERRY V. UNITED STATES: ‘OH, THAT’S BAD! NO, THAT’S GOOD…’

If you remember Sam the Sham and the Pharaohs, you probably have a Medicare card in your wallet. After “Wooly Bully,” Sam and band – traveling around in a 1952 packard hearse – recorded a few other hits, the last of which was the rather confusing 1973 balled “Oh That’s Good, No That’s Bad.”

samsham210618The plot – such as it is – had Sam describing a series of events in his love life, each one sounding either like a victory that was actually a defeat or a defeat that was actually a victory. Such could be the story of this week’s Supreme Court decision in Terry v. United States, in which the petitioner – sentenced for a crack offense prior to the 2010 Fair Sentencing Act – argued that his 21 USC 841(b))(1)(C) sentence was covered by Section 404 of the First Step Act, and that he was thus entitled to be resentenced.

A quick review: drug sentences are imposed under 21 USC 841(b)(1). The worst sentences – based on quantity of drugs involved – are imposed by § 841(b)(1)(A). Lesser quantities are punished by § 841(b)(1)(B). If the indictment does not specify any minimum quantity of drugs sold, the sentence is imposed by § 841(b)(1)(C). Not surprisingly, the (b)(1)(A) sentences are the harshest, starting at a mandatory minimum of 10 years and increasing based on the number of prior drug and violent crimes committed or other factors (such as if a drug user died from drugs you provided).

Before 2010, crack cocaine was assessed for sentencing purposes at 100 times the weight of powder. That meant that 10 grams of crack (about two teaspoons) was sentenced as if it were 2.2 lbs (a kilo) of powder cocaine. The ratio was Congress’s knee-jerk reaction to the early 90s belief that crack was a powerful scourge destroying our inner cities. Of course, the fact that it was mostly sold in the inner cities led to most of the defendants who were hammered by incredibly long sentences were black.

crack-coke200804

The Fair Sentencing Act recognized the disparate impact of the 100:1 ratio by reducing it to a mere 18:1 (proponents wanted a 1:1 ratio, but compromised to gain enough Senate support for passage). The FSA modified the amounts of crack needed to trigger the mandatory minimums in § 841(b)(1)(A) and (b)(1)(B) accordingly. Where a mere 5 grams (one teaspoon) of crack would buy a defendant a minimum five years, now that mandatory sentence required 28 grams. The prior 50-gram minimum for a (b)(1)(A) sentence became 280 grams.

At the same time, the FSA was made to be prospective only (not retroactive) to secure enough Republican votes to pass.

Eight years later, First Step § 404 corrected the non-retroactivity, making anyone who, before August 2010, had “a violation of a Federal criminal statute, the statutory penalties for which were modified by section 2 or 3 of the Fair Sentencing Act of 2010.” As of last month, over 3,700 prisoners have won reduced sentences from application of First Step § 404.

teaspoon210618That brings us to the strange case of Taharick Terry. in 2008, Tarahrick, then in his early 20s, was arrested in Florida for carrying just under 4 grams of crack cocaine. He was sentenced under 21 U.S.C. § 841(b)(1)(C), which carried no mandatory minimum, because the crack he possessed didn’t make the then-applicable § (b)(1)(B) 5-year mandatory minimum. But while he had no statutory minimum, he did have enough priors to qualify as a “career offender” under the Sentencing Guidelines. As a “career offender,” Taharick was hammered with a maximum Criminal History Category and offense level, yielding a 188-month sentence.

Taharick applied for § 404 relief, but his district judge turned him down. Taharick’s offense did not carry a “statutory penalt[y] which were modified by section 2 or 3 of the Fair Sentencing Act of 2010.” Before the FSA, the mandatory minimum for a § (b)(1)(C) was zero. After the FSA, it remained zero. Therefore, the district court ruled, Taharick was not entitled to use § 404 for resentencing.

badgood210618Just as briefs on Terry were due in the Supreme Court last March, the Biden Justice Department surprised the Supreme Court by announcing that it would no longer defend the district court’s holding that Taharick could not get resentenced under § 404. The Supremes had to scramble, quickly appointing a private lawyer to argue the government’s former position. Dozens of amicus briefs arguing for Taharick’s relief – including one by Senators Richard Durbin, Charles Grassley, Cory Booker, and Mike Lee – opposed the district court’s narrow reading of the statute.

Sam the Sham might have crooned, “Oh, that’s good!”  After all of that, how could Taharick possibly lose? 

This is how: Earlier this week, the Supremes ruled 9-0 that the statute says what it says. The Court held that the language under which Taharick was sentenced was not modified by the sentencing-reform statutes. Although the change to levels above (b)(1)(C) would suggest that the punishment of lower amounts of drugs should also be read differently, the low-level provisions were not “modified.” The district court read it exactly the way Congress wrote it. And that was that.

Sam might croon, “Oh, that’s bad.”

But the decision was fascinating because of the Justices’ dueling histories of the law. Justice Clarence Thomas, who wrote the opinion, presented one that noted how even Black leaders were in favor of harsh crack laws when the 100:1 ratio was enacted. Concurring Justice Sonia Sotomayor focused more on the unfulfilled social-program support that was to be the carrot that came with the 100:1 stick.

Justices arguing racial justice? “Oh, that’s good.”

mob210618If you believe popular media coverage of the Terry decision – which I think was preordained by a common-sense reading of § 404 – you would conclude that the decision was a social disaster wrought by racist Justices. “Supreme Court ruling on crack sentences ‘a shocking loss,’ drug reform advocates say,” NBC howled. “SCOTUS deals a gutting blow to federal criminal justice reform,” The Week moaned. Even Reuters signaled its disapproval that the chary Supreme Court did not elect to help out defendants (as though it were a legislature and not a court): “U.S. Supreme Court declines to expand crack cocaine reforms.”

But the Terry decision’s unanimity suggests that nonpartisan judging rather than motivated interpretations underlay the decision. If Congress meant to reach (b)(1)(C) cases, it should say what it means. It did not do so. Lousy draftsmanship? Perhaps just the rush to get First Step passed in the final hours of the 115th Congress? Those were hectic times. The logical inference is that Congress failed. And that’s bad.

But maybe the Terry decision’s good. Already, commentators are arguing that Terry should spur Congress to get down to passing significant criminal justice reform. The Supremes handed the Biden Administration a “humiliating loss” after the DOJ’s 11th-hour flip-flop. Sens. Durbin and Grassley cannot be happy that their position was summarily rejected. Reps. Cori Bush (D-Mo.) and Bonnie Watson Coleman (D-N.J.) announced this week that they will introduce the Drug Policy Reform Act, which would decriminalize all drugs, expunge existing records and allow for re-sentencing, and invest in health-centered measures to take on drug addiction.

victorydefeat210618If Taharick Terry had won, the victory would have little impact. He gets out of prison in three months anyway. Most (b)(1)(C) crack cases from before 2010 benefitted from two 2-level retroactive reductions approved by the Sentencing Commission in 2011 and 2014. Most (b)(1)(C) defendants – even career offenders like Taharick, who could not get any 2-level reduction – have completed their sentences by now. And Terry would have had no effect on any sentences imposed after August 2010.

But the Terry loss – in an era of racial justice reckoning – is coming to be seen as a wake-up call for Congress to get serious on criminal justice reform. The Supreme Court will not clean up the mess Congress made in the drug war. It will not clean up poorly-drafted First Step language. That’s up to Congress, and maybe now, Congress knows it.

“Oh, that’s good.”

Terry v United States, Case No. 20-5904, 2021 U.S. LEXIS 3111 (June 14, 2021)

US Sentencing Commission, First Step Act of 2018 Resentencing Provisions Retroactivity Data Report (May 2021)

NBC, Supreme Court ruling on crack sentences ‘a shocking loss,’ drug reform advocates say (June 15)

The Week, SCOTUS deals a gutting blow to federal criminal justice reform (June 14)

Reuters, U.S. Supreme Court declines to expand crack cocaine reforms (June 14)

– Thomas L. Root

Greer and Gary: Not Surprising, But Not Exactly Right, Either – Update for June 16, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

WHAT I THINK THE SUPREMES GOT WRONG

The Supreme Court continued emptying its docket of criminal cases Monday, disposing of Greer v. United States and United States v. Gary in a single decision.

manyguns190423You recall that two summers ago (doesn’t that seem like a lifetime?), the Supreme Court held in Rehaif v. United States that when someone is charged with being a prohibited person in possession of a gun, the government has to prove that the person both knew he or she possessed a gun and that he or she was a member of the prohibited class. There are about nine classes of people who cannot possess guns, including people who use illegal drugs, people illegally in the country, people subject to a domestic protection order, fugitives, and – by far the most common – convicted felons.

In Rehaif, the defendant was a foreign student whose student visa had expired. He liked to shoot at a local range, and while he rented a range gun while he was there, he bought his own ammo. he had a partial box in his apartment when the Feds – tipped by a concerned citizen who figured that because Mr. Rehaif was Middle Eastern, he must be a terrorist – broke down his door. The ammo was enough for the Feds to charge him, but when the case got to the Supreme Court, the Justices reversed the practice in every Circuit, holding that the government had to show that Mr. Rehaif knew he was in the country illegally.

gunb160201There has been a land-office business since then of prisoners filing motions claiming they had been convicted without being told the government had to prove they had knowledge of their status. Section 922(g)(1), the “felon-in-possession” subsection of the statute says it is unlawful “for any person who has been convicted in any court of, a crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year” to possess a gun. Most courts were rejecting the claims: after all, it’s hard to say you were harmed by not being told the government had to prove you knew you had been convicted of a crime punishable by more than a year in prison if you previously served 5-to-10 at San Quentin.

Prisoners challenging their felon-in-possession convictions with Rehaif claims made on appeal were largely being held to having to prove Fed.R.Crim.P. 52(b) “plain error.” The tough prong of “plain error” is proving that if they had been properly advised by the court, the outcome would have been different. For people whose appeals were already over, they had to prove something related, that they were actually innocent of the 18 U.S.C. § 922(g) offense, that is, they can show that they truly did not know they were in the prohibited class.

Notice this: it is not the case that the prosecutor has to prove you knew you could not possess a gun. Everyone is presumed to know the law. Instead, the government only has to show you didn’t know you were a convicted felon.

In Greer and Gary, the Supreme Court said, it was undisputed that Rehaif errors occurred during their district court proceedings and that the errors were plain. But to satisfy the prong of “plain error,” you must show that your “substantial rights” were violated. Thus, the Supreme Court said,

Greer must show that, if the District Court had correctly instructed the jury on the mens rea element of a felon-in-possession offense, there is a “reasonable probability” that he would have been acquitted. Gary must show that, if the District Court had correctly advised him of the mens rea element of the offense, there is a “reasonable probability” that he would not have pled guilty.

Greer and Gary have not carried that burden. Both had been convicted of multiple felonies prior to their respective felon-in-possession offenses. Those prior convictions are substantial evidence that they knew they were felons. And neither defendant argued or made a representation on appeal that he would have presented evidence at trial that he did not in fact know he was a felon when he possessed a firearm.

Yeah, that makes perfect sense.

But there’s a fly in the ointment…

humpty921a20-210616Statutes can be complex, and a straightforward phrase in one section may have a definition that is anything but straightforward in another. The § 922(g)(1) phrase “crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year” is not nearly as straightforward as its plain text might suggest.

That’s because a “crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year” is not just a crime punishable by more than a year. Instead, it is a crime defined in detail by § 921(a)(20). Specifically, a “crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year” does NOT include Federal or State offenses pertaining to antitrust violations, unfair trade practices, restraints of trade, or other similar offenses relating to the regulation of business practices. Nor does it include any state offense classified by the laws of that state as a misdemeanor and punishable by a term of imprisonment of two years or less.

Beyond that, an offense is not a “crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year” if it has been expunged or set aside (unless the expungement expressly prohibits possession of guns), or if the person has been pardoned, or if he or she has had civil rights restored (unless the restoration provides the person cannot possess a gun).

fineprint180308That’s a lot of fine print. The definition is complex, and a person thus can easily believe that his or her civil rights have been restored when they have not been. For example, if you can vote, is that enough for restoration of rights? How about run for office? Sit on a jury?

The complexity of the definition is clearly reflected in a series of cases from the early 1990s that tried to parse the definition of “crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year”, only a few years after Congress rolled out the complex definition as part of the Firearms Owners Protection Act.

FOPA was first introduced in 1979 in response to perceived deficiencies in existing law concerning firearms and enforcement abuses by the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco & Firearms. Congress wanted to direct ATF’s enforcement efforts away from what it viewed as unintentional and technical violations of the Gun Control Act of 1968 and toward more “serious, intentional criminals.” One of the perceived problems with existing law was the judicial interpretation of “crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year.”

Prior to FOPA, what constituted a “crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year” was a question of federal law. In fact, in Dickerson v. New Banner Institute, Inc., the Supreme Court pointed out the difficulty of enforcing a rule that made firearm disabilities dependent upon state statutes that vary widely from state to state. But, as the Sixth Circuit dryly observed in United States v. Cassidy, “despite this warning, Congress expressly overruled Dickerson by making ‘convicted felon’ status dependent upon state law.”

rights170216Cal Cassidy thought that his restoration of rights certificate Ohio issued him after he got out of prison meant that his rights had been restored. His district court agreed and threw out a felon-in-possession charge. And the Sixth Circuit agreed that he did have a full restoration of civil rights as contemplated by 18 USC § 921(a)(20) “because, after his release from prison, the rights to vote, to serve on a jury and to seek and hold public office were restored to him.” However, a provision in Ohio did not let people convicted of drug crimes (Cal had been a pot dealer) from possessing a gun, the restoration was not enough to take his prior offense out of the “crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year” category.

A year later, the Ninth Circuit ruled that Michigan law fully restores an ex-felon’s civil rights, so Mike Dahms’ possession of two shotguns on his Montana ranch was not a federal crime. But year after that, the Sixth Circuit held that Ron Driscoll’s right had not been restored by Michigan because – overlooked by the Ninth Circuit – a person with a prior felony could be ejected from a Michigan jury for “cause,” not under laws enacted by the legislature but rather under the Michigan Court Rules, which the Circuit ruled had “the force of state law.”

And how about that provision that a “crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year” does not include “any federal or state offenses pertaining to antitrust violations, unfair trade practices, restraints of trade, or other similar offenses relating to the regulation of business practices?”

Greg Reyes was president of a publicly-traded company, where he oversaw the back-dating of some options (so management could cash in on a high stock price). That was a felony, but Greg paid his debt and moved on. Years later, he wanted to buy a hunting rifle but could not. He sued the government, contending that his crime (which carried a five-year max sentence) was not a “crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year” because it was an offense “relating to the regulation of business practices” (see § 921(a)(20)(A)). The government fought him hammer and tong, but the District Court ruled that while Greg’s “offenses failed the elements prong of the business practices exception test, that failure was not fatal since each of his predicate business practices offenses possessed the requisite primary purpose under the business practices exception, and, hence, each of his predicate offenses pertained to antitrust violations, unfair trade practices, or other similar offenses relating to the regulation of business practices under § 921(a)(20)(A) and thus did not trigger the application of the felon-in-possession statute.”

jamoke210616The point is simply this: determining what is or is not a “crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year” is not a simple task. Courts of Appeal disagree on whether a particular state’s patchwork of laws and rules restore rights unconditionally. Lawyers disagree on it. When it comes to some of the really fine points – such as a securities offense a “similar offense relating to the regulation of business – even the government can be wrong.  And the “elements prong” and “primary purpose” tests for regulation of business practices? Do you think some jamoke who buys a piece at a gun show understands any of that?

All of the cases cited predate Rehaif, which holds that a defendant has to actually know he or she committed a “crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year”. But events occurring well after the defendant gets out of prison may retroactively turn the “crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year” into a crime that no longer disqualifies. If judges, lawyers, and savvy business people can be confused about it, how about your average jamoke who figures that his rights have been restored, because after all he can now vote, hold a driver’s license, hold employment, and do whatever else he may want to do in his home state?

In Greer, Justice Kavanaugh wrote:

Federal law prohibits the possession of firearms by certain categories of individuals, including by those who have been convicted of a crime punishable by more than one year in prison. See 18 USC §§922(g), 924(a)(2). In Rehaif v. United States, this Court clarified the mens rea requirement for firearms possession offenses, including the felon-in-possession offense. In felon-in-possession cases after Rehaif, the Government must prove not only that the defendant knew he possessed a firearm, but also that he knew he was a felon when he possessed the firearm…

In a felon-in-possession case where the defendant was in fact a felon when he possessed firearms, the defendant faces an uphill climb in trying to satisfy the substantial-rights prong of the plain-error test based on an argument that he did not know he was a felon. The reason is simple: If a person is a felon, he ordinarily knows he is a felon. “Felony status is simply not the kind of thing that one forgets.”

felony210305It probably is unfortunate that courts (and lawyers) too easily fall into the convenient-but-incorrect shorthand of referring to the “crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year” standard as “felon-in-possession.” One may know he or she is a felon, but that hardly translates to knowing whether one has fallen afoul of the rather technical snare of having committed a “crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year”.

The foregoing does not make the Supreme Court’s conclusion that a defendant making a Rehaif claim for the first time on appeal or in a habeas corpus filing must show that, but for the error, he or she would have been found to be actually innocent of the § 922(g)(1) offense. However, the factual showing is anything but straightforward.

Greer v. United States, Nos. 19-8709 and 20-444, 2021 U.S. LEXIS 3118 (June 14, 2021)

United States v. Gary, Nos. 19-8709 and 20-444, 2021 U.S. LEXIS 3118 (June 14, 2021)

Rehaif v. United States, Case No. 17-9560, 588 U.S. —, 139 S. Ct. 2191, 204 L.Ed.2d 594 (2019)

Reyes v. Sessions, 342 F. Supp. 3d 141 (D.D.C. 2018)

United States v. Cassidy, 899 F.2d 543 (6th Cir. 1990)

United States v. Dahms, 938 F.2d 131 (9th Cir. 1991)

United States v. Driscoll, 870 F.2d 1472 (6th Cir. 1992)

– Thomas L. Root

‘Reckless Is Not Violent,’ Supremes Say – Update for June 14, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

SCOTUS TAKES ANOTHER SWIPE AT ACCA

The Supreme Court last Thursday further limited the types of offenses that constitute crimes of violence for purposes of the Armed Career Criminal Act. In a 5-4 ruling in favor of the prisoner in Borden v. United States, the majority (if you can call it that) ruled that crimes that can be committed through recklessness rather only through specific intent are not crimes of violence.

borden210614Justice Elena Kagan wrote an opinion that was joined by Justices Stephen Breyer, Sonia Sotomayor, and Neil Gorsuch. Justice Clarence Thomas did not join Kagan’s opinion but concurred in the result. So for you math-inspired people, that makes the final tally on the decision 4-4-1. At the Supreme Court, the fact that five Justices agreed with the result makes that result the winner. However, it can complicate figuring out what opinion as to how the Court got there is in the majority. That’s the Marks v. United States problem, boys and girls, and that is a topic for another time.

For now, we’re focusing on Borden. The case involved the definition of “violent felony” set out in 18 USC § 924(e)(2)(B)(i), defined as any felony that “has as an element the use, attempted use, or threatened use of physical force against the person of another.”

The defendant, Chuck Borden, pled guilty to an 18 USC § 922(g)(1) felon-in-possession charge, which the district court enhanced under the ACCA to a statutory minimum of 15 years, The defense argued the ACCA did not apply because one of the three priors relied on by the district court was a Tennessee conviction for reckless aggravated assault. That crime can result from reckless conduct – a lower legal standard than “purposefully or knowingly” assaulting someone. Chuck argued that only purposeful or knowing conduct can meet ACCA’s definition of “violent felony.” Mere recklessness, he argued, does not qualify.

bordennunss210615The decision turned on the meaning of “physical force against the person of another.” The government argued that “against” had a meaning similar to “I tripped and fell against the guy ahead of me in line,” suggesting referring to one body contacting another. That way, if you were driving recklessly, and careened into a busload of nuns, the crime would be an ACCA predicate, because you employed physical force against a busload of “anothers.”

The majority, however, agreed with the defendant that “against” means something more. “The phrase ‘against another,’ when modifying the ‘use of force,’ demands that the perpetrator direct his action at, or target, another individual,” the opinion holds. “Reckless conduct is not aimed in that prescribed manner.”

Justice Thomas concurred, but did so not because of the definition of “against.” Instead, he argued that the phrase “use of physical force” is limited to intentional acts designed to cause harm.

habeas_corpusThe immediate question raised by Borden is whether current prisoners can use it to attack now-illegal sentences. Because the decision does not make a ruling on constitutional law, it will not be retroactive under 28 USC 2255(f)(3). However, it probably is attackable under 28 USC 2241, relying on the § 2255(e) “saving clause.”

Ohio State University law prof Doug Berman said in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog, “I am truly making a wild guess here, and I am eager to hear from folks in the field about whether they agree that only hundreds of sentences may be potentially disrupted by Borden or if in fact it could end up being thousands. Whatever the exact number, as I will explain in a future post, every ACCA defendant with a viable Borden claim should be thankful for the First Step Act making ‘compassionate release’ motions available to bring directly to court.”

Borden v. United States, Case No 19-5410, 2021 U.S. LEXIS 2990 (June 10, 2010)

Sentencing Law and Policy, How many federal prisoners might now be serving illegal sentences after Borden? (June 11, 2021)

SCOTUSBlog.com, Court limits definition of “violent felony” in federal gun-possession penalty (June 10, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Ted Fumes, Committee Votes, Prisoners Hope – Update for June 11, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

RETROACTIVE FIRST STEP CLOSER TO REALITY

The Senate Judiciary Committee yesterday approved sending the First Step Implementation Act (S.1014) to the full Senate by a 13-9 vote.

retro160110The FSIA extends retroactive treatment to changes in 18 U.S.C. § 924(c) gun charges and 21 USC 841(b)(1) drug penalties made by the First Step Act in 2018. As well, the legislation extends a more lenient definition of prior drug offenses to the lower level penalties of 21 USC § 841(b)(1)(C), (D), and (E).

Additionally, FSIA changes application of the drug offense safety valve (18 USC 3553[f]) to let judges apply safety valve sentences where the court finds that a defendant’s criminal history score overstates the seriousness of a criminal past. The bill also includes extensive changes in the review of juvenile sentences and expungement of records.

A charge of using or carrying a gun during a drug trafficking crime (18 USC § 924(c)) carried a mandatory consecutive sentence of at least five years. If the offense was the second or a successive § 924(c) offense, the minimum sentence was 25 years. The government often would charge multiple § 924(c) counts in a single indictment. So if a defendant carried a gun while selling drugs on Monday, the sentence would be perhaps 36 months for selling the drugs, but an extra 60 months for carrying a gun. If the defendant carried a gun while selling drugs on Tuesday as well, the sentence would be a total of 36 months for selling the drugs on both days, but another 300 months would be added for carrying a gun the second day, for a total sentence of 396 months. If the defendant carried a gun while selling drugs on Wednesday, another 300 months would be added, and so on.

Sentencestack170404The First Step Act changed the law so that the 300-month additional time would not be added unless a defendant had previously been convicted of a § 924(c) offense. That change would give Tuesday’s defendant a total sentence of 156 months instead of 396 months. However, the First Step Act did not make the change retroactive, leaving people sentenced on December 20, 2018, with 300-month add-on sentences, while those sentenced on December 22, 2018, would only get 60-month additional sentences.

The same retroactivity would apply to changes in the drug mandatory minimum sentences mandated by the First Step Act. The mandatory life sentence under 21 USC § 841(b)(1)(A) for offenses enhanced by prior drug convictions was reduced to 25 years, and the 20-year mandatory minimum in 21 USC § 841(b)(1)(B) for offenses involving lesser drug quantities was cut to 15 years.

The First Step Act included another change. People convicted of drug trafficking under 21 USC § 841 would receive higher sentences if they had prior “felony drug convictions,” even if they had received probation for the offense. First Step substituted “serious drug felony,” which requires that the defendant have served more than a year in prison for the offense. That change has been extended to all punishment sections of § 841(b)(1) and made the changes retroactive.

The Judiciary Committee approved the FSIA to move on to the Senate on a bipartisan vote. All 11 Democrats and three Republicans voted for FSIA, but only after Sen Ted Cruz (R-Texas) argued for three amendments that would have limited judges’ authority to reduce sentences. All three amendments failed, after which Cruz delivered a polemic against Democrats, predicting that FSIA would never pass the Senate because his amendments were rejected. The diatribe was epic, one in which Cruz used the phrase “murderers, rapists and child molesters” as a substitute for prisoners no fewer than ten times.

cruz210611A dramatic moment occurred when, part way through Cruz’s denunciation of more lenient sentences, Committee Chairman Richard Durbin (D-Illinois) interrupted to report that the union representing BOP corrections officers had thrown its support behind FSIA. That would have given more reasonable people reason the reflect on their denunciation of the dangers of letting judges make decisions on reducing sentences. I mean, if the people who spend their careers guarding federal inmates think that a little flexibility and leniency in sentencing is appropriate, maybe a guy who leaves his constituents freezing in the dark while he jets off to Cancun should defer to their judgment.

But reflection and reason are for lesser mortals, not Ted (who has been described by a fellow Republican in terms not normally associated with mortals).

Even if Cruz is wrong, the FSIA and other bills – the COVID-19 Safer Detention Act (S.312), passed by the Committee on May 27, and the Prohibiting Punishment of Acquitted Conduct Act of 2021 (S.601), approved yesterday – have a long way to go. The full Senate and House of Representatives both must pass the measures. There is no schedule for full Congressional action.

First Step Implementation Act of 2021

Senate Judiciary Committee, Hearing (June 10, 2021)

Office of Senator Charles Grassley, Senate Judiciary Committee Advances Two Bipartisan Durbin, Grassley Criminal Justice Bills (June 10, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Flip-Flops in Cincinnati – Update for June 10, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

IF THIS IS MONDAY, ‘YES, YOU CAN…’ IF IT’S TUESDAY, ‘NO, YOU CAN’T’

Confusion reigns in the Queen City, nestled on the banks of the Ohio River (and home of the United States Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit, a few professional sports teams, and some pretty good brewskis).

Four weeks ago, I reported that the 6th Circuit had decided in United States v. Owens that despite two contrary Circuit decisions – United States v. Tomes and United States v. Wills – a prisoner with stacked 18 USC § 924 sentences could rely on First Step Act changes in 18 USC § 924 as one of several extraordinary and compelling reasons for a compassionate release sentence reduction.

flipflop170920But a week ago, a different 6th Circuit panel said despite Owens, the deal is off. In a 2-1 decision, the Court ruled that “non-retroactive changes in the law [can] not serve as the ‘extraordinary and compelling reasons’ required for a sentence reduction.” However, if movants have some other fact that is an extraordinary and compelling reason for a sentence reduction, “they may ask the district court to consider sentencing law changes like this one in balancing the § 3553(a) factors — above all with respect to the community safety factor.”

Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman, writing in his Sentencing Policy and Law blog, called “the majority ruling problematic from a straight-forward application of textualism. There is absolutely nothing in the text of § 3582(c)(1)(a) that supports the contention that non-retroactive changes in the law cannot ever constitute “extraordinary and compelling reasons” to allow a sentence reduction, either alone or in combination with other factors. The majority here, presumably based on its own sense of sound policy, seems to be just inventing an extra-textual categorical limitation on the authority Congress gave to district courts to reduce sentences.”

United States v. Jarvis, Case No. 20-3912, 2021 U.S. App. LEXIS 16596 (6th Cir. June 3, 2021)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Split Sixth Circuit panel further muddles what grounds can contribute to basis for sentence reduction under § 3582(c)(1)(a) (June 3, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Flip-Flops in Cincinnati – Update for June 10, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

IF THIS IS MONDAY, ‘YES, YOU CAN…’ IF IT’S TUESDAY, ‘NO, YOU CAN’T’

Confusion reigns in the Queen City, nestled on the banks of the Ohio River (and home of the United States Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit, a few professional sports teams, and some pretty good brewskis).

Four weeks ago, I reported that the 6th Circuit had decided in United States v. Owens that despite two contrary Circuit decisions – United States v. Tomes and United States v. Wills – a prisoner with stacked 18 USC § 924 sentences could rely on First Step Act changes in 18 USC § 924 as one of several extraordinary and compelling reasons for a compassionate release sentence reduction.

flipflop170920But a week ago, a different 6th Circuit panel said despite Owens, the deal is off. In a 2-1 decision, the Court ruled that “non-retroactive changes in the law [can] not serve as the ‘extraordinary and compelling reasons’ required for a sentence reduction.” However, if movants have some other fact that is an extraordinary and compelling reason for a sentence reduction, “they may ask the district court to consider sentencing law changes like this one in balancing the § 3553(a) factors — above all with respect to the community safety factor.”

Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman, writing in his Sentencing Policy and Law blog, called “the majority ruling problematic from a straight-forward application of textualism. There is absolutely nothing in the text of § 3582(c)(1)(a) that supports the contention that non-retroactive changes in the law cannot ever constitute “extraordinary and compelling reasons” to allow a sentence reduction, either alone or in combination with other factors. The majority here, presumably based on its own sense of sound policy, seems to be just inventing an extra-textual categorical limitation on the authority Congress gave to district courts to reduce sentences.”

United States v. Jarvis, Case No. 20-3912, 2021 U.S. App. LEXIS 16596 (6th Cir. June 3, 2021)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Split Sixth Circuit panel further muddles what grounds can contribute to basis for sentence reduction under § 3582(c)(1)(a) (June 3, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

The Bad News Bears Visit the BOP – Update for June 8, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

LAST WEEK WAS NOT THE BEST  FOR THE BOP

You should understand if Bureau of Prisons Director Michael Carvajal stops reading the news after last week.

herd210609Writing in Forbes, Walter Pavlo explained why the vaccine may not fix the BOP’s COVID-19 problem. “The vaccine was made available to inmates and BOP staff earlier this year. The numbers of vaccinations have not been impressive, which hovers around 50% for both inmates and staff… not a good number,” Pavlo wrote. “However, even if those vaccination numbers increase, a recent study suggests that that might not be enough to control infections in prison.”

As of last Friday, 19,000 BOP staff (51.5%) and 75,150 inmates (49.2%) have been vaccinated. Eighty-five inmates and 130 staff (in 68 facilities) have COVID, with 253 federal prisoners dead.

Pavlo cited an article published in the New England Journal of Medicine (NEJM) that found “even a vaccine with seemingly adequate efficacy, pace, and coverage may be insufficient to alter the fundamental population dynamics that produce high disease prevalence,” such as prisons. This is due to “the extraordinarily high rate of transmission in jails and prisons attributable to rampant overcrowding, inadequate testing and health care, high-volume daily inflow and outflow of staff and detainees, lack of personal protective equipment, and normalized systematic neglect of the welfare of incarcerated people.”

“Vaccination of incarcerated people is important for changing this dynamic, but it is not enough,” the NEJM authors concluded. “We believe that it must be coupled with large-scale decarceration to increase the real-world effectiveness of vaccination, disrupt wide-ranging viral transmission chains, and turn off the epidemiologic pump that puts the health of all at risk from mass incarceration.”

fail200526In a separate article, Pavlo reported “it will take years… to discover the depths of the failures with the BOP response to the COVID-19 pandemic. The Department of Justice Office of Inspector General has released multiple reports on the BOP’s reaction to COVID-19 and those reviews have been quite critical of the agency… One of the most cited weaknesses by OIG has been in the area of staffing, particularly in the availability of medical staff.”

The two BOP correctional officers who lied in their reports about monitoring Jeffrey Epstein when he killed himself in August 2019 got a sweetheart deferred prosecution deal from the government. The New York Daily News last week reported the COs planned to defend themselves as scapegoats for a deeply dysfunctional BOP system had they gone on trial.

Sources close to the pair, as well as insiders at the MDC New York, the Daily News reported, offered possible reasons why the feds backed off of the case. The sources said falsification of documents is common at the jail and throughout the Bureau of Prisons. One source described falsely filling out paperwork as “closer to a norm than an anomaly” in federal lockups.

Finally, a disturbing news release from the BOP last week reports for the first time that Manuel Roach, an inmate at USP Leavenworth, died of COVID – four and a half months ago.

COVIDdeath201001The BOP said Mr. Roach caught COVID last September, but was “converted to a status of recovered following the completion of medical isolation and presenting with no symptoms.” At least, no symptoms for four months, until he died of COVID at the end of January.

The June 2 news release does not explain why it took the BOP another four months to figure out he had died of the pandemic.

Benjamin Barsky, et al, Vaccination plus Decarceration — Stopping Covid-19 in Jails and Prisons (New England Journal of Medicine, April  29, 2021)

Forbes, Even After Vaccine, Federal Prisons Still Have COVID-19 Concerns (May 31, 2021)

Forbes, Office Of Inspector General Critical Of Bureau of Prisons In Extensive Reports (May 31)

New York Daily News, Correctional officers who slept while Jeffrey Epstein hanged himself planned to slam federal prison system at trial (May 31, 2021)

BOP, Inmate Death at USP Leavenworth (June 2, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root