59(e) Motion Not A Trap for the Unwary: Supreme Court – Update for June 2, 2020

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

SUPREME COURT HOLDS 59(e) MOTION IS NOT A SECOND BITE OF THE HABEAS APPLE

For the last 2 years, prisoners seeking one final whack at the lawfulness of their convictions or sentences have had to contend with the limitations of a law known by the mouthful “Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996.”

secondbiteapple190213Even the name of the Act is strange. No one can be opposed to “antiterrorism.” Well, almost no one. But “effective death penalty?” I suppose an effective death penalty is one that leaves you dead. But what Congress was getting at here was a means of limiting what some lawmakers thought were endless habeas corpus actions brought by the condemned, so that their date with the Grim Reaper could be delayed as long as possible. The AEDPA was intended to limit such collateral attacks, so that execution was more likely to kill the prisoner than old age.

But the practical effect of the AEDPA was to severely limit the right of prisoners to the federal writ of habeas corpus. The Act set hard time limits on filing motions under 28 USC 2254 (for state prisoners seeking federal habeas relief) and 28 USC 2255 (for federal prisoners), and – important for today’s topic – the right to bring a second 2254/2255 motion after the first one has been decided.

There was a time when a prisoner could file as many 2254 or 2255 motions (known as “second-or-successive” motions) as a court would accept before concluding that the prisoner was “abusing the writ.” But the AEDPA turned the equitable and flexible “abuse of the writ” doctrine into a rigid statutory rule. Now, a prisoner seeking to file a second-or-successive 2255 motion must first get permission to do so from the court of appeals, and the circumstances under which permission can be granted are tightly circumscribed by 28 USC 2244.

But water seeks and finds its own level, and in the wake of the AEDPA’s passage, crafty prisoners filed all manner of other motions instead of second-or-successive 2255s. They would file petitions for writs of mandamus or error coram nobis or audita querela, or Rule 60(b) motions, or civil actions. The courts would whack down the efforts as fast as the prisoners filed them, holding that a motion by any other name was in effect a second-or-successive 2255 if it attacked the conviction or sentence in some manner.

whack200602In civil procedure, a motion brought under Federal Rule Civil Procedure 60(b) asks a court to set aside a judgment that is already final, based on any of a variety of reasons (the favorite one probably being due to newly-discovered evidence). Rule 60(b) quickly became an inmate favorite, letting the movant try to reopen a former 2255 proceeding well after the fact because of evidence of some new constitutional violation or even just more evidence on an issue already raised and lost. In 2005, the Supreme Court ruled in Gonzalez v. Crosby that such a motion was really a second-and-successive 2255 prohibited by the AEDPA unless the motion was solely addressed to some infirmity in the 2255 proceeding itself.

Fast forward 15 years to yesterday. Texas prisoner Greg Banister lost his 28 USC 2254 proceeding, in which he challenged his state conviction in federal court after losing in all of the Texas courts. He lost in front of the federal district judge, too, but – having access to both a book of federal civil rules and a typewriter – Greg promptly filed a motion to alter or amend the judgment under Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 59(e). Rule 59(e) gives a party one more chance to convince the district court it was wrong in its judgment, and it stops a judgment from becoming final as long as it was filed on time and remains pending.

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The federal judge, not any more impressed by Greg’s Rule 59(e) motion than it had been by the underlying 2254 petition, denied the motion. Greg then filed his notice of appeal. However, the district court ruled that the Rule 59(e) motion had really been a second-or-successive 2254 motion over which the court had no jurisdiction. Therefore, the court said, the Rule 59(e) motion had not kept the court’s judgment from becoming final the day it was entered, and that meant that Greg’s notice of appeal – which would have been timely if Greg’s Rule 59(e) filing had stayed finality of the judgment – was late.

The Fifth Circuit agreed with the trial judge. Thus, Greg was denied his appeal.

Yesterday, the Supreme Court reversed the decision. Justice Kagan, writing for a 7-2 court, observed that the case “is about two procedural rules. First, Rule 59(e) applies in federal civil litigation generally. (Habeas proceedings, for those new to the area, are civil in nature)… The Rule enables a party to request that a district court reconsider a just-issued judgment. Second, the so-called gatekeeping provision of the… AEDPA, codified at 28 USC §2244(b), governs federal habeas proceedings. It sets stringent limits on second or successive habeas applications.”

habeas170510The Supreme Court observed that even under the old “abuse of the writ” standard, courts had historically considered Rule 59(e) motions filed in habeas corpus cases on their merits. Plus, a prisoner may invoke Rule 59(e) only to request “reconsideration of matters properly encompassed” in the challenged judgment. And, the Court said, “’reconsideration’ means just that: Courts will not entertain arguments that could have been but were not raised before the just-issued decision. A Rule 59(e) motion is therefore backward-looking; and because that is so, it maintains a prisoner’s incentives to consolidate all of his claims in his initial application.”

As well, the Rule consolidates appellate proceedings. “A Rule 59(e) motion briefly suspends finality to enable a district court to fix any mistakes and thereby perfect its judgment before a possible appeal,” Justice Kagan wrote. “The motion’s disposition then merges into the final judgment that the prisoner may take to the next level. In that way, the Rule avoids ‘piecemeal appellate review’… Its operation, rather than allowing re-peated attacks on a decision, helps produce a single final judgment for appeal.”

The Court contrasting the speed and efficiency of a Rule 59(e) motion with a Rule 60(b) motion, which can be filed years after the judgment. The availability of a Rule 60(b) motion “threatens serial habeas litigation; indeed, without rules suppressing abuse, a prisoner could bring such a motion endlessly. By contrast, a Rule 59(e) motion is a one-time effort to bring alleged errors in a just-issued decision to a habeas court’s attention, before taking a single appeal. It is a limited continuation of the original proceeding—indeed, a part of producing the final judgment granting or denying habeas relief. For those reasons, Gonzalez does not govern here.”

Banister v. Davis, Case No. 18–6943, 2020 U.S. LEXIS 3037 (Supreme Court, June 1, 2020)

– Thomas L. Root

Double Secret PATTERN Scoring – Update for June 1, 2020

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

BAIT AND SWITCH?

bait200601For those of you who just came in, the First Step Act, among many other things, mandated that the Federal Bureau of Prisons would employ a state-of-the-art risk and needs assessment program, intended to determine how likely an inmate was to be a recidivist upon release, and what programs would best address the factors making him or her likely to reoffend.

First Step provided that inmates could then earn credits for successfully completing the programming, credits that would enable them to go home earlier or obtain extra halfway house.

It was intended to be a win all around.

The Dept. of Justice conducted a 10-month long study-and-comment period beginning in April 2019 on how to best develop a risk and need assessment program that met First Step standards. That resulted in adoption of PATTERN (“Prisoner Assessment Tool Targeting Estimated Risk and Needs” for you folks who eschew acronyms). PATTERN employed a series of about a dozen static and dynamic factors to provide an aggregate number placing the inmate being tested in the minimum, low, medium or high category.

The original PATTERN factors were very publicly modified last January to lessen the risk that PATTERN might be unconsciously biased so that it returned higher scores for racial minorities. And with that, PATTERN was ready for use.

The BOP announced that all inmates had been rated by PATTERN, but a number of people from different institutions expressed frustration at getting their PATTERN score from BOP staff. A few swore their BOP case managers had no idea what PATTERN even was. Using the revised PATTERN matrix over the past four months, I have helped several people estimate their PATTERN scores. But in almost every case, when the people I helped received their actual PATTERN scores from the BOP, those scores were higher – sometimes much higher – and the reason for the discrepancy was a mystery.

topsecret200601We may now have an answer to the conundrum, but it is not a pretty one. ProPublica, an independent investigative journalism nonprofit, last week reported that it had obtained a 20-page policy document drafted by the BOP earlier this year that altered the PATTERN standards to make “it harder for an inmate to qualify as minimum risk.” The draft document, which does not appear to have been finalized, dramatically changes the maximum number of points for each risk category, according to ProPublica. “It really tanks the whole enterprise if, once an instrument is selected, it can be strategically altered to make sure low-risk people don’t get released,” Brandon Garrett, a Duke University law professor who studies risk assessment, was quoted as saying. “If you change the cut points, you’ve effectively changed the instrument.”

ProPublica said a BOP spokesman had confirmed that the Bureau had revised the risk categories without informing the public. The 2019 report was an “interim report,” ProPublica quotes the spokesman as having said. “The interim report mentioned that DOJ would seek feedback and update the tool accordingly, which was done.” The spokesman said the draft policy document “was not authorized for release.”

So, as Dean Wormer might have said, it’s like a double secret PATTERN score.

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Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman wrote in his Sentencing Policy and Law blog that the ProPublica report was “yet another ugly example of how the Department of Justice acts more like a Department of Incarceration.”

The ProPublica report came in a week in which former Trump lawyer Michael Cohen was sent to home confinement, although he has served only a third of his sentence. The Cohen and Paul Manafort releases, a Marshall Project/NBC report said, are “raising questions about the BOP’s opaque process and its fairness.”

ProPublica reported that Senators Richard Durbin (D-Illinois) and Charles Grassley (R-Iowa), who were First Step Act co-authors, said last week the DOJ’s inspector general has agreed to examine BOP’s compliance with Barr’s home confinement directive and overall response to the COVID-19 pandemic.

ProPublica, Bill Barr Promised to Release Prisoners Threatened by Coronavirus — Even as the Feds Secretly Made It Harder for Them to Get Out (May 26)

Sentencing Law and Policy, “Bill Barr Promised to Release Prisoners Threatened by Coronavirus — Even as the Feds Secretly Made It Harder for Them to Get Out” (May 27)

The Marshall Project, Michael Cohen and Paul Manafort Got to Leave Federal Prison Due to COVID-19. They’re The Exception (May 21)

– Thomas L. Root

Are Some CARES Act Inmates More Equal That Others? – Update for May 28, 2020

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

MEDIA, ADVOCACY GROUPS CALL OUT BOP ‘CRUEL INDIFFERENCE”

Word that the BOP was sending Michael Cohen, President Trump’s former lawyer, from FCI Otisville to home confinement under the CARES Act has sparked widespread criticism of the BOP’s management of the home detention program.

ignore170816Cohen, serving a 36-month sentence, has not yet served half of his term. However, while the BOP has been closed-mouth about the release, it appears that as of May 22, he had served 25% and was within 18 months of his good-time release. Cohen was originally slated to go home last month, but he was pulled from the list because he had not met the BOP’s newly-ginned up minimum sentence requirements.

The Washington Post complained last Friday that the “disorganization” at the Bureau of Prisons has not been limited to Cohen. “Inmates in several institutions have complained that the agency has issued shifting, sometimes contradictory directives about who should be released, and applied the rules inconsistently… The bureau’s decisions on who gets out, though, have sparked considerable controversy. That was especially true for [one-time Trump campaign chairman Paul] Manafort, who had been imprisoned since 2018 and was serving a term of more than seven years.”

home190109Last week in Newsweek, a public defender and prison advocate wrote that “[w]e aren’t angry that Manafort will serve the remainder of his sentence from the comfort of his three-bedroom home in Northern Virginia with his family. Far from it: We are outraged that the exact same reasonable argument and urgent call for release made by the millions of other people caged in jails and prisons across the country—with the support of their families, public defenders, advocates, organizers and medical professionals—have been met with cruel indifference or derision by those with the power to do something.”

In a Massachusetts case heard last week, according to Law360, FMC Devens’ warden was testifying that an inmate seeking compassionate release had served less than half his sentence, and thus was not considered for CARES Act release.

“As the warden was testifying,” the judge said later, “the Bureau of Prisons evidently ordered an exception to this requirement for President Trump’s former campaign manager Paul Manafort even though he had only served 23 months of a 77-month sentence. Every person and case is unique, and Mr. Manafort may have health problems that place him at a particularly high risk. However, making an exception to the policy for him and refusing to consider… and other elderly inmates on the merits will raise reasonable questions about whether justice is indeed blind.”

Since the CARES Act passed at the end of March, the number of people in home confinement increased by only 2,578, about 1.5 percent of the nearly 171,000 people in federal prisons and halfway houses when the Act passed.

The latest rumored high-profile release was the past weekend’s rumbling that former Detroit Mayor Kwame Kilpatrick, with 21 years left on a 27-year sentence, would be sent by the BOP to home detention for his remaining term. The widely-reported but unconfirmed release would send Kilpatrick to home confinement after about 25% of his sentence served. However, the BOP dashed the hopes of Kwame’s supporters Tuesday, when it announced that he would not be getting CARES Act home confinement:

On Tuesday, May 26, 2020, the federal Bureau of Prisons reviewed and denied inmate Kwame Kilpatrick for home confinement. Mr. Kilpatrick remains incarcerated at the federal correctional institution in Oakdale, Louisiana.

Kwame’s supporter might reasonably ask why Manafort could go to home confinement after serving 25% of his sentence, but Kilpatrick could not, especially where Manafort left a prison where there had been no COVID-19 while Kilpatrick languished in a veritable coronavirus petri dish.

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Many prisoners are excluded from the home detention program by the BOP’s restrictive view of what constitutes a prior crime of violence and PATTERN risk assessment scores that aren’t “minimum.” Some of those prisoners are turning to compassionate release motions under 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A). Since Trump signed the First Step Act in December 2018, only 144 people had been granted such release through April 1st. Since then, 268 prisoners nationwide received compassionate release.

The Dept of Justice has been reflexively fighting compassionate release motions. In a case decided last week, government lawyers called compassionate release a “Get Out of Jail Free Card” and referred to the pandemic as “a red herring.” DOJ contends that compassionate release is just judges micromanaging prisons, that the BOP knows best whom to release, and that the BOP’s COVID-19 Action Plan has controlled the pandemic and makes prison a safer place to be than at home.

The Marshall Project, Michael Cohen and Paul Manafort Got to Leave Federal Prison Due to COVID-19. They’re The Exception (May 21)

The Washington Post, Michael Cohen released from federal prison over coronavirus concerns (May 21)

Newsweek, We’re Not Angry Paul Manafort Was Released. We’re Angry Millions of Others Weren’t (May 18)

Law360.com, Manafort’s Release Helps Spring Ex-NFL Lineman From Prison (May 15)

Detroit Free Press, COVID-19 outbreak that killed his fellow inmates will help set Kwame Kilpatrick free (May 22)

Detroit Free Press, Kwame Kilpatrick denied early release from federal prison (May 27)

– Thomas L. Root

BOP Misses a Base, and SCOTUS Calls the Agency Out – Update for May 27, 2020

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

BUT WAIT, THERE’S MORE…

More in the continuing saga of Judge James Gwin versus FCI Elkton – in which the Cleveland-based Federal Judge issued a preliminary injunction against the Federal Bureau of Prisons facility because the conditions of confinement of inmates especially vulnerable to COVID-19 was likely to constitute “deliberate indifference” (a term loaded with 8th Amendment implications)… and the BOP ran to the Supreme Court to complain about an (allegedly) out-of-control federal district court.

yerout200527Yesterday, the Supreme Court denied the BOP’s request that it stay the Judge’s injunction by a 6-3 vote. It reminded me of my Little League umpiring days… an exuberant base runner chugging around the diamond on his way to a home run misses touching second base by a foot or so. When he makes it to home, I have to call him out. A lot of parents boo.

Like that, the Supreme Court called the BOP out on an obvious blunder: the BOP effectively wanted a stay of last Tuesday’s District Court order that directed it to take specific steps to get Elkton inmates moving to home confinement. But the BOP did not seek a stay in the Court of Appeals first. Like base running, you can’t get away with crossing home plate if you don’t tag all of the preceding bases.

Practically speaking, the Supremes’ denial means that the District Court’s demand that the BOP actually address its disastrous management of COVID-19 at FCI Elkton may proceed unimpeded.

Last month, as I described at the time, Judge James Gwin of the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of Ohio granted a preliminary injunction ordering BOP officials at FCI Elkton (located about 70 miles southeast of Cleveland) to identify, and then to start transferring or releasing to home confinement medically vulnerable prisoners. The BOP promptly appealed this order to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit, but the Sixth bounced the appeal in a brief order finding that Judge Gwin had not abused his discretion.

slowroll200421After that (at least according to the plaintiffs and Judge Gwin) the BOP slow-walked the identification and transfer of vulnerable inmates. After all, judges retire, pandemics fade… if the agency could only do nothing long enough, the problem might take care of itself.

A week ago, Judge Gwin had had enough, and let the BOP know it. Finding that that BOP had not complied with his directive from last month to clear out Elkton in order to protect vulnerable people from the spread of coronavirus (which has already killed nine Elkton inmates and 64 federal inmates nationally), the Judge said the BOP had “made only minimal effort to get at-risk inmates out of harm’s way.” As of May 8, 2020, five subclass members were “pending [home confinement] community placement. Six inmates were identified as maybe qualifying for home confinement. No inmates were deemed eligible for furlough transfer. But to date, Respondents have not identified any inmates whose confinement has actually been enlarged as a consequence of the preliminary injunction.”

The Judge ordered the BOP to loosen requirements on who qualifies for placement on home confinement under the Bureau’s CARES Act authority by

• eliminating requirements about length of his or her sentence an inmate has served (reversing the BOP’s position that an inmate had to have served 50% of his or her entire sentence, or 25% and have less than 18 months to go, in order to be eligible);

• disregarding whether they committed had certain low or moderate offenses within the past 12 months (reversing the BOP’s position that any disciplinary report in the past 12 months – from possessing a shank or taking an apple from the chow hall to eat later) – was automatically disqualifying);

• eliminating a BOP requirement that the inmate be a U.S. citizen in order to get CARES Act home confinement placement;

• eliminating the requirement that an inmate with a “low” PATTERN risk score be denied CARES Act home confinement placement; and

• disregarding the fact that an inmate is serving time for a “violent” crime (and “violence” is being defined more broadly by the BOP than by any other government agency interpreting federal law) if the crime occurred more than five years ago.

The Court instructed the BOP to explain in detail to the court why any inmate was denied CARES Act placement or Bureau recommendation for compassionate release furloughed or moved to another facility, the prisons bureau must also explain why.

The judge’s order observed that “[b]y thumbing their nose at their authority to authorize home confinement, Respondents threaten staff and they threaten low security inmates.”

Calvin thumb on nosePreviously, the BOP had tried without success to get the Sixth Circuit to stay the injunction. After last week’s order from the Judge spelling out what Elkton was to do right away, the BOP an application for a Supreme Court stay of Judge Gwin’s preliminary injunction “pending appeal of that injunction to the United States Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit and, if the court of appeals affirms the injunction, pending the filing and disposition of a petition for a writ of certiorari and any further proceedings in this Court.”

The problem with the BOP’s Supreme Court filing was evident from the get-go. Although it claimed to be seeking a stay of the April injunction, the BOP spent much of its brief complaining about last Tuesday’s order. As the inmate plaintiffs cheerfully pointed out in their response filed last Friday, the BOP had never asked the Sixth Circuit to review last week’s order, and jumping the appeals court to straight to SCOTUS is not allowed.

Yesterday, the Supremes agreed, but with a caveat:

[O]n May 19, the District Court issued a new order enforcing the preliminary injunction and imposing additional measures. The Government has not sought review of or a stay of the May 19 order in the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit. Particularly in light of that procedural posture, the Court declines to stay the District Court’s April 22 preliminary injunction without prejudice to the Government seeking a new stay if circumstances warrant.

The Care Bears did not mean the Court cared much for the BOP's application for stay...
          The Care Bears did not mean the Court cared much for the BOP’s application for stay…

The Court seemed to be leaving the door open a crack, inviting the BOP to come back if it was unsuccessful in getting the Court of Appeals to stay the latest order.

Justices Thomas, Alito and Gorsuch voted to grant the stay, meaning that Chief Justice Roberts, Kavanaugh, Breyer, Ginsburg, Kagan and Sotomayor were in the majority, denying the stay.

Williams v. Wilson, Case No. 19A-1041, 2020 U.S. LEXIS 2951 (Supreme Court, May 26, 2020)

– Thomas L. Root

Starting Phase Seven (Because the First Six Have Worked So Well) – Update for May 26, 2020

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

TIME FOR PHASE SEVEN…

The BOP launched Phase Seven of its COVID-19 Action Plan last week, announcing (among other things) that it will begin moving about 6,800 inmates who have been waiting in local detention centers across the U.S. to federal prisons to avoid further jail overcrowding.

fail200526 And why not? When Phase Five began on April 2, the BOP had 75 sick inmates, 39 sick staff and two inmate deaths from COVID-19. That was over 3,000 COVID-19 cases ago. With a record of success like that, the BOP really ought to stick with a winner, and implement Phase Seven.

BOP Director Michael Carvajal told BOP staff in his weekly video message that the BOP will set up three designated testing and quarantine sites, at FTC Oklahoma City, FCC Yazoo City and FCC Victorville. The transferees will be tested for COVID-19 when they arrive at the quarantine site facility and again when they are transferred to their designation institution.

No plans have been announced for mass testing of people currently in BOP facilities, although groups as diverse as the ACLU and the Council of Prison Locals (representing 30,000 BOP employees,  earlier this month called for universal testing in all prisons.

crazynumbers200519The number of inmate COVID-19 cases reported by the BOP dropped throughout the past week from 2,402 to 1,603, but the staff COVID-19 case numbers have remained stubbornly above 175. Likewise, the number of institutions with active COVID-19 cases has remained above 50. Three more inmates died last week, bringing the total dead to 60. More ominously, at least two facilities that had reported COVID-19 inmate cases but were later declared to be coronavirus-free are back on the list: FCI Talladega reports one inmate and one staff member with the illness, and FMC Devens- with no cases just two weeks ago – reports 24 inmates and two staff sick with the virus.

The real problem with the BOP numbers is that no one really believes them. Reuters reported last week that while a May 6 report by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention that surveyed local, state and federal prisons for COVID-19 reported 5,000 inmate cases. Reuters performed its own data analysis, and found about 17,300, over three times CDC’s tally.

The infectious disease experts who filed the Supreme Court amicus brief in the FCI Elkton case noted that “over 3,000 confirmed cases of coronavirus have emerged in BOP’s federal correctional facilities. Given the dearth of testing, these numbers likely dramatically understate the problem.”

gtfo200526Incidentally, at the facility that started it all for the BOP, FCC Oakdale, has resumed universal testing of inmates. Also, last Friday, USA Today reported that the BOP reassigned Oakdale warden Rodney Myers to “temporary duty” at the BOP South Central Regional Office.

Although the BOP did not elaborate on the reason for the move, Ronald Morris, president of the local union representing the corrections workers, told the Wall Street Journal last Friday, “Warden Myers’s continued negligence and endangering of staff and inmates was creating a more difficult situation to control the spread of Covid-19.”

USA Today said that Myers did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

Reuters, Across U.S., COVID-19 takes a hidden toll behind bars (May 18)

USA Today, Feds reassign warden at Louisiana prison hit hard by coronavirus (May 22)

Wall Street Journal, Warden at Prison Besieged by Coronavirus Is Reassigned (May 22)

KDBC-TV, El Paso, Texas, Federal prison system to begin moving nearly 7K inmates (May 22)

– Thomas L. Root

Does the Fox Guarding the Henhouse Know Anything About Chickens? – Update for May 22, 2020

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

6TH CIRCUIT ISSUES REMARKABLE CRACK SENTENCE REDUCTION RULING

hammer160509Everyone knows that a fox should not be delegated to guard the henhouse. But that’s because a fox knows what a chicken is (not to mention all of the delicious ways one may be prepared for dinner). But is it better when the fox, with all of a fox’s carnivorous ways, doesn’t have the first idea about the chickens he has been tasked to guard?

Back in 2006, Marty Smith pled guilty to a crack conspiracy involving more than 50 grams. Because Marty had a prior state drug conviction, he received a 240-month (that’s 20 years) mandatory minimum sentence, even though his Guidelines sentencing range would otherwise have been a still-substantial 168-210 months.

After the First Step Act passed, Marty applied for retroactive application of Congress’s 2010 Fair Sentencing Act, which punished crack cocaine offenses much more closely to powder cocaine offenses.  Marty’s sentencing court, the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Kentucky, agreed that Marty was eligible for a reduction, and that under the FSA, his sentencing range was 77-96 months (and the statutory mandatory minimum fell to 120 months). But the sentencing judge hardly cared: he held that Marty’s original 20-year sentence “remained appropriate.”

“Appropriate” to whom? Certainly not to the 6th Circuit, which last week reversed Marty’s sentence. Noting that the sentence that the district court reimposed is now twice Marty’s maximum Guideline range and 250% the bottom of his range (excluding the statutory minimum), the Circuit held that that “the district court’s explanation for denying Smith’s motion for a reduction does not adequately explain why Smith should not receive at least some sentence reduction.”

The district court did little more than recall it had examined the 18 USC § 3553(a)(2) sentencing factors back in 2007, the Circuit said, and found Marty had a high risk for recidivism based on his significant criminal history. The 6th held that “these considerations are accounted for within-the-guidelines calculation and therefore do not provide sufficient justification for maintaining a sentence that is twice the maximum of the guideline range set by Congress… This is especially true when the district court previously found the at-guideline range sentence to be appropriate.”

It is true that Congress changed the Guidelines through the Fair Sentencing Act, the 6th said, but “the fact that Congress was the actor that reduced Smith’s guideline range through the passage of the First Step Act, rather than the Sentencing Commission, if anything increases rather than decreases the need to justify disagreement with the guideline.”

foxhenhouse200522

Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman wrote in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog that “the district judge in this matter is Danny C. Reeves, who just happens to be one of the two remaining active members of the U.S. Sentencing Commission. There is a particular irony in the Sixth Circuit panel needing to remind a member of the USSC about which ‘considerations are accounted for within the guidelines calculation and therefore do not provide sufficient justification for maintaining a sentence that is twice the maximum of the guideline range set by Congress’.”

hammering200522The Sentencing Commission has been without a quorum since December 2018. Judge Reeves’ term expires on October 1, 2021. despite the fact that the Guidelines badly need revision (see the Commission’s obsolete policy on compassionate release, if you want an excellent example), perhaps there are worse things in the world than handing Judge Reeves a hammer for him to take to sentencing policy he may not completely understand.

United States v. Smith, Case No. 19-5281, 2020 U.S. App. LEXIS 15613 (6th Cir. May 15, 2020)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Sixth Circuit panel finds district judge gave insufficient justification for not reducing crack sentence after congressional reductions (May 16)

– Thomas L. Root

The World Turned Upside Down – Update for May 21, 2020

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

BOP SCURRIES TO SUPREME COURT IN BID TO STOP DISTRICT COURT ORDER TO PROTECT VULNERABLE INMATES

Now for the continuing saga of Judge Gwin versus FCI Elkton – in which the Cleveland-based federal judge issued a preliminary injunction against the Federal Bureau of Prisons facility because the conditions of confinement of inmates especially vulnerable to COVID-19 was likely to constitute “deliberate indifference” (a term loaded with 8th Amendment implications)… as the BOP runs to the Supreme Court to complain about an (allegedly) out-of-control federal district court.

bartleby200521Last month, as we described at the time, Judge James Gwin of the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of Ohio granted a preliminary injunction ordering BOP officials at FCI Elkton (located about 70 miles southeast of Cleveland) to identify, and then to start transferring or releasing to home confinement medically vulnerable prisoners. The BOP promptly appealed this order to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit, but the Sixth bounced the appeal in a brief order finding that Judge Gwin had not abused his discretion.

Bartleby the Scrivener has nothing on the BOP. Having lost its interlocutory attempt to force the inmate plaintiffs into interminable trench warfare over their habeas corpus action – and thus let time and inmate attrition take care of Elkton’s coronavirus outbreak – the BOP simply chose to ignore the Judge’s injunction. Last Tuesday, an apparently fed-up Judge Gwin let the BOP know who in the case had a robe and gavel, and who did not.

On Tuesday, the Court ruled that BOP officials had not complied with his directive from last month to clear out Elkton to address the spread of coronavirus, which has already killed nine Elkton inmates (out of 58 federal inmates nationally) and infected over 100 others. The Judge noted that of 837 inmates identified as medically vulnerable to COVID-19, the BOP had “made only minimal effort to get at-risk inmates out of harm’s way. As of May 8, 2020, five subclass members were “pending [home confinement] community placement.” Six inmates were identified as maybe qualifying for home confinement. No inmates were deemed eligible for furlough transfer. But to date, Respondents have not identified any inmates whose confinement has actually been enlarged as a consequence of the preliminary injunction.”

Charitably characterizing the BOP’s efforts to date as “limited,” Judge Gwin ordered the BOP to loosen requirements on who qualifies for placement on home confinement under the Bureau’s CARES Act authority by

• eliminating requirements about length of his or her sentence an inmate has served (reversing the BOP’s position that an inmate had to have served 50% of his or her entire sentence, or 25% and have less than 18 months to go, in order to be eligible);

• disregarding whether they committed had certain low or moderate offenses within the past 12 months (reversing the BOP’s position that any disciplinary report in the past 12 months – from possessing a shank or taking an apple from the chow hall to eat later) – was automatically disqualifying);

• eliminating a BOP requirement that the inmate be a U.S. citizen in order to get CARES Act home confinement placement;

• eliminating the requirement that an inmate with a “low” PATTERN risk score be denied CARES Act home confinement placement; and

• disregarding the fact that an inmate is serving time for a “violent” crime (and “violence” is being defined more broadly by the BOP than by any other government agency interpreting federal law) if the crime occurred more than five years ago.

The judge instructed the BOP to explain in detail to the court why any inmate was denied CARES Act placement or Bureau recommendation for compassionate release furloughed or moved to another facility, the prisons bureau must also explain why.

Calvin thumb on noseThe judge’s order observed that “[b]y thumbing their nose at their authority to authorize home confinement, Respondents threaten staff and they threaten low security inmates.”

But the BOP immediately struck back. Late yesterday, the BOP filed an application for a Supreme Court stay of Judge Gwin’s preliminary injunction “pending appeal of that injunction to the United States Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit and, if the court of appeals affirms the injunction, pending the filing and disposition of a petition for a writ of certiorari and any further proceedings in this Court.”

donothing200521

After the predictable self-serving explanations to the Supreme Court that “the Federal Bureau of Prisons (BOP) is working assiduously to mitigate those risks within its facilities by implementing a multi-phase plan it developed in January 2020,” the application for stay complains that “the district court’s injunction — now augmented by the court’s sweeping May 19 order — would undermine BOP’s systemic response to the COVID-19 pandemic; intrude the Judicial Branch on policy decisions that have been assigned to expert prison administrators; and require BOP to defy the CDC’s guidance to restrict prisoner movements during the pandemic to avoid unnecessary risk of spreading the virus.”

Justice Sonia Sotomayor, who is assigned as Circuit Justice for the Sixth Circuit, has ordered the inmate petitioners to file a response by tomorrow morning.

Order, Dkt. 85, Wilson v. Williams, Case No. 4:20cv00794 (N.D. Ohio, issued May 19, 2020)

Application for a Stay of the Injunction Issued by the United States District Court for the Northern District of Ohio and for an Administrative Stay, Williams v. Wilson, Case No. 19A-____ (Supreme Court, May 20, 2020)

– Thomas L. Root

No Pants, Sneaky Releases and Weird Numbers – Update for May 19, 2020

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

JUDGE DEPANTS BOP CARES ACT EFFORTS, WHILE TRUMP BUDDY JUMPS HOME CONFINEMENT LINE

Last week’s top three developments in the BOP’s response to the coronavirus pandemic were a federal court’s grant of a preliminary injunction against FCI Danbury, the CARES Act release to home confinement of President Donald Trump’s former campaign chairman Paul Manafort, and the BOP’s unusual COVID-19 inmate numbers.

depants200519In Connecticut, a federal judge granted a preliminary injunction ordering the FCI Danbury warden to promptly identify inmates with COVID-19 risk conditions and to begin aggressively evaluating requests by prisoners for transfer to home confinement or compassionate release. The judge ruled that the FCI Danbury administration had failed to carry out Attorney General William Barr’s April 3 memo ordering the BOP to “maximize” emergency authority granted by the March 28 CARES Act to release inmates to home confinement.

The Danbury inmates — men and woman confined at three facilities within the complex — complained in the lawsuit that the institution was intentionally dragging its feet on compliance with Barr’s memo. The inmates argued — and the court agreed — that prisoner releases or transfers are necessary to decrease congestion and permit adequate social distancing within the institution.

The order gives the Danbury warden less than two weeks to provide him with a list of inmates eligible for transfer to home confinement. In the case of the ineligible inmates, the judge ordered the prison to provide explanations. While the judge did not grant a preliminary injunction on inmate requests for mass transfer of inmates to other institutions or home confinement, and for appointment of a special master to enforce virus mitigation measures in the prison, but he ordered an expedited hearing schedule to take up the questions.

The 74-page order blasts Danbury’s chary use of CARES Act authority and compassionate release. In the suit, the BOP admitted that since March 19, FCI Danbury staff received 241 requests for compassionate release. Of these, 136 had been denied, 18 were returned to the inmate for further information, and 87 were still awaiting review. The court observed that

the figures make clear that the FCI Danbury staff has, to date, not granted a single request for compassionate release—a batting average that is dramatically less favorable to inmates than the frequency with which courts in this District are granting Section 3582 motions… This suggests that the Warden is setting an impossible high bar for these requests. Alternatively, it suggest that the Warden has not set a new standard for compassionate release in light of the pandemic, but is applying an obsolete one that takes no account of the risk of illness or death to medically vulnerable inmates from COVID-19.

Danbury’s use of CARES Act authority fared no better. “In spite of the explicit statutory authorization in the CARES Act to make widespread use of home confinement in response to the threat posed by COVID-19, and the exhortations of the head of the government department in which the Bureau of Prison sits,” the Court wrote, “the implementation of this directive at FCI Danbury has been slow and inflexible.” Noting the Warden’s admission that only 159 inmates have been reviewed and a mere 21 inmates actually been placed on CARES Act home confinement, the Court said, “the criteria apparently being used by the Respondents to evaluate inmates for home confinement evidence a disregard for the seriousness of the health risk faced by vulnerable inmates…. In fact, the inmate bulletins make clear that those who have not served a specified percentage of their sentences are categorically disqualified: any inmate who has not served at least 50% of his or her sentence is deemed ineligible for home confinement, irrespective of vulnerability to COVID-19.”

Someone in the BOP must have read the Danbury order, because the very next morning, an inmate was sent to CARES Act home confinement who had only completed 25% of his sentence, and was not housed in a prison that had any COVID-19. Unfortunately for the BOP, the prisoner was named Paul Manafort.

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Manafort, Trump’s former campaign chairman, pled guilty in one federal case and was convicted after a trial in a second, and is about as high-profile as a federal prisoner can be. His release to home confinement in the predawn hours of last Wednesday spurred immediate denunciations of the unequal treatment of prisoners in a criminal justice system in which the wealthy and well-connected jump the line while millions of others are forced to face the spreading coronavirus pandemic with little or no hope of release.

The BOP explained that the agency “ha[s] wide discretion over who is granted home confinement,” the Des Moines Register reported. While there have been no reported cases of coronavirus at FCI Loretto, Manafort’s lawyers had previously argued that the “growing number of cases in Pennsylvania” meant it was “only a matter of time before the infection spreads to staff and inmates.” The attorneys said last month that high-risk inmates, such as their client, had to be removed from the prison before the virus arrived.

The Manafort home confinement is already being thrown in the face of U.S. Attorneys arguing against compassionate release on the grounds that the defendant has not served enough time, or that there is no coronavirus at the facility.

The BOP’s COVID-19 numbers took a puzzling dip last week. Following a tour of FCI Terminal Island Tuesday, Congresswoman Nanette Barragán, D-California, said the conditions inside the prison fall short of the federal government’s responsibility to protect inmates during the COVID-19 pandemic.

Apparently Barragán’s complaints did not fall upon deaf ears. As of Monday night, FCI Terminal Island was reporting 693 inmates sick with coronavirus. As soon as Barragán completed her visit, Terminal Island’s sick inmate count fell to 150 inmates, a 79% decrease.

Huffpost reported that “a proactive testing and segregation strategy that Bureau of Prisons officials and the Los Angeles Department of Public Health implemented late last month has seemingly produced a rapid reduction in the cases. Faced with the health crisis, officials took dramatic steps ― a lockdown of the facility, mandated testing of all prisoners, and separating inmates by their COVID-19 status.”

The BOP told Huffpost that an “aggressive testing and quarantine mitigation strategy” has led to the recovery of more than 567 inmates have recovered, while 130 remain infected. Eight Terminal Island inmates died in the pandemic.

crazynumbers200519A week ago, the BOP reported 3,385 inmate COVID-19 cases, with 48 dead. As of last night, there are 2,402 inmate cases. Eight more federal inmates died in the last week, bringing the death toll to 57. More ominously, the number of institutions with reported COVID-19 has climbed from 51 to 54 as of Sunday (but fell to 49 last night), and staff coronavirus cases climbed from 250 a week ago to 284 as of Sunday, before taking a dive to 196 last night.

The numbers seem to move of their own volition. As Reuters pointed out yesterday, “federal prisons, which typically limit testing to inmates with obvious symptoms, reported confirmed infections in fewer than 4,200 of their total inmate population of about 150,000, with 52 deaths.” As this blog has noted before, if you don’t test, you can’t count.

Rather crazy, but hardly reliable.

Long Beach, California, Post, Terminal Island is failing to protect inmates from COVID-19, congresswoman says after tour (May 13)

Hartford Courant, U.S. Judge backs prison inmates in Danbury on COVID-19 suit, orders warden to move fast on requests for release (May 12)

Martinez-Brooks v. Easter, 2020 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 83300 (D.Conn. May 12, 2020)

Common Dreams, ‘Manafort Released. But [Insert Name] Still Locked Up’: Special Treatment for Trump Crony Denounced (May 13)

Des Moines Register, Ex-Trump campaign chairman Paul Manafort released from prison amid coronavirus pandemic (May 13)

Daily Beast, Paul Manafort’s Prison Had No Coronavirus Cases. He Was Released Anyway. (May 13)

Huffpost, Lockdown At Terminal Island Federal Prison Curbs Deadly Coronavirus Outbreak (May 15)

– Thomas L. Root

Hoping the Caboose Stays Attached to the Train – Update for May 18, 2020

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES TUCKS INMATE COVID-19 RELIEF INTO HEROES ACT

caboose200518The House passed the HEROES Act of 2020, a $3 trillion coronavirus-relief package, last Friday by a narrow 208-199 vote. The measure marks the Democrats’ starting point for talks with Republicans and the White House on the next round of stimulus. Fourteen House Democrats, many of whom were elected in 2018 from swing districts, voted against it. One Republican, Peter King (New York), voted for the bill.

Republicans are saying the bill, H.R. 6800, has no prospect of passing the GOP-led Senate. “It’s a parade of absurdities that can hardly be taken seriously,” Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Kentucky) was quoted in the Wall Street Journal as having said Thursday night. McConnell said he had spoken recently with President Trump, and that they agree another bill is probably necessary but that “it’s not going to be a $3 trillion left-wing wish list like the speaker is apparently going to try to jam down the throats of her majority.”

Why do I care (except that my bride and I could use another $2,400 check)? I care because tucked into the bill starting at page 1683 (§ 191101), is the so-called Pandemic Justice Response Act. That section makes clear that the House of Representatives is not terribly impressed with the Bureau of Prisons’ efforts so far to reduce its inmate population because of COVID-19.

The House is not alone. Last week, the U.S. District Court for the District of Connecticut minced no words about the BOP’s exercise (nonfeasance would be a better term) of its CARES Act authority to send FCI Danbury inmates to home confinement:

In spite of the explicit statutory authorization in the CARES Act to make widespread use of home confinement in response to the threat posed by COVID-19, and the exhortations of the head of the government department in which the Bureau of Prison sits, the implementation of this directive at FCI Danbury has been slow and inflexible. The Warden indicates that only 159 inmates have been reviewed since March 26, and a mere 21 inmates have actually been placed on home confinement, out of a population of roughly 1,000. Moreover, the criteria apparently being used by the Respondents to evaluate inmates for home confinement evidence a disregard for the seriousness of the health risk faced by vulnerable inmates. Indeed, the most recent inmate bulletin regarding home confinement criteria does not even expressly mention health risks or how they will be evaluated… In fact, the inmate bulletins make clear that those who have not served a specified percentage of their sentences are categorically disqualified: any inmate who has not served at least 50% of his or her sentence is deemed ineligible for home confinement, irrespective of vulnerability to COVID-19. Other criteria in the inmate bulletins are similarly unrelated to medical vulnerability and, at best, only tangentially related to public safety. For example, any inmate with an incident report in the past 12 months—no matter the seriousness—is deemed ineligible for home confinement, regardless of any health condition he or she might have. At oral argument, the Government suggested that such an inmate could seek compassionate release as an alternative. But that is a dead end at FCI Danbury: Of the 241 requests for compassionate release filed since the COVID-19 crisis began, the Warden has signed off on exactly 0.

drno200518The HEROES Act seeks to solve the BOP’s unfortunate predisposition to read any grant of statutory discretion to be the right to say “no, no and hell, no!” by providing that the Bureau shall (not may but shall) send to home confinement anyone who is 50 or over, is within 12 months of release, or has a list of COVID-19 risk conditions. Those include pregnancy, heart disease, asthma, diabetes, HIV, cancer, sickle-cell anemia, respiratory problems or immune system weaknesses. The only exception are people determined by clear and convincing evidence to pose a specific and substantial risk of bodily injury to or to use violent force against another person.

What’s more, courts would be required to reduce sentences for people unless the government can show by clear and convincing evidence that the defendant poses a risk of “serious, imminent injury” to an identifiable person.

The Act also incorporates a reduction of the elderly offender home detention program sentence requirement (the subject of a separate bill that has already passed the House, H.R. 4018) to two-thirds of the sentence reduced by good time, instead of the current two-thirds of the whole sentence. This would make an elderly offender doing a 120-month sentence eligible for home confinement at 68 months rather than 80 months.

noplacelikehome200518Under CARES Act home confinement, all the BOP is doing is designating an inmate’s home as the place of imprisonment. Nothing prevents the BOP from redesignating an inmate on home confinement back to prison at the agency’s whim. The HEROES Act would prohibit reincarceration of people sent to home confinement for no better reason than the pandemic might be over.

The HEROES Act is an 1800-page train, leaving the Pandemic Justice Response Act to pretty much be the caboose. While everyone considers it likely some of the HEROES Act will be approved by the Senate, no one can be sure whether the caboose will still be attached to the train when the Act finally pulls into the station.

Wall Street Journal, House Narrowly Passes $3 Trillion Aid Package (May 16)

H.R. 6800, HEROES Act of 2020

– Thomas L. Root

Meanwhile, Back at the High Court Ranch… Update for May 14, 2020

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

THE WORLD KEEPS ON TURNING

The Supreme Court handed down a pair of cases last week, neither of which even mentioned the coronavirus. It reminds us that the world goes on.

jam200514In Kelly v. United States, the Court reversed the conviction of a couple of former New Jersey governor Chris Christie’s assistants, who had shut down some lanes on the George Washington Bridge to mess with Fort Lee, New Jersey. The Fort Lee mayor refused to support Gov. Christie’s re-election, and the pair decided they would back up bridge traffic coming from Fort Lee to teach the mayor a lesson.

The scheme was found out, and the U.S. Attorney brought wire fraud charges. The pair was convicted.

This was another great example of government overreach. The Supreme Court has previously said wire fraud must involve property. Here, the government argued that the defendants deprived motorists of the property right to use all lanes on the bridge, and cost the Port Authority – which runs the bridge – money the hire extra toll-takers.

The Supreme Court didn’t buy it. “The property must play more than some bit part in a scheme: It must be an ‘object of the fraud’,” the Court ruled. “A property fraud conviction cannot stand when the loss to the victim is only an incidental byproduct of the scheme… The time and labor of Port Authority employees were just the implementation costs of the defendants’ scheme to reallocate the Bridge’s access lanes. Or said another way, the labor costs were an incidental (even if foreseen) byproduct of their regulatory object… Every regulatory decision requires the use of some employee labor. But that does not mean every scheme to alter a regulation has that labor as its object. The defendants’ plan aimed to impede access from Ft Lee to the George Washington Bridge. The cost of the employee hours spent on implementing that plan was its incidental byproduct.”

The unanimous court warned that “Federal prosecutors may not use property fraud statutes to set standards of disclosure and good government for local and state officials.”

judge160229The other case – United States v. Sineneng-Smith – is noteworthy for the court’s slapping down of the 9th Circuit. A defendant convicted of encouraging illegal immigration argued the statute – 8 U.S.C. § 1324(a)(1)(A) – violated her 1st Amendment rights. The Court of Appeals wanted the parties to argue a different issue, however, and on its own assigned some amici (friends of the court) to argue the different issue.

The Supreme Court reversed. “The Nation’s adversarial adjudication system follows the principle of party presentation,” the Court said. “In both civil and criminal cases, we rely on the parties to frame the issues for decision and assign to courts the role of neutral

The Supremes admitted that a court is not “hidebound by counsel’s precise arguments, but the Ninth Circuit’s radical transformation of this case goes well beyond the pale.”

Kelly v. United States, Case No. 18-1059, 2020 U.S. LEXIS 2640 (May 7, 2020)

United States v. Sineneng-Smith, Case No. 19-67,  2020 U.S. LEXIS 2639 (May 7, 2020)

– Thomas L. Root