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6th Mandamuses District Court Plea Agreement Limits – Update for May 3, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

6TH CIRCUIT SHUTS DOWN DISTRICT JUDGE WHO DOESN’T LIKE PLEA WAIVERS

Just about any defendant who has ever made a plea deal (about 94% of federal prisoners) has faced a provision in the agreement known as an “appeal waiver”, where the defendant agrees not to appeal or file a 28 U.S.C. § 2255 post-conviction motion except in the most extreme cases. The waivers are often overlooked or underappreciated by the defendant, and rarely explained adequately by defense counsel or the court.

Waivers160215Still, they’re a boon to the government. A waiver ensures that the defendant will never be back to complain on appeal or habeas corpus about infirmities in the sentencing, whether caused by court error or defense attorney misfeasance. Some creative U.S. Attorneys were even bulletproofing their convictions against future changes in the law or Guidelines that might otherwise entitle the defendant to a lesser sentence. A few go so far as to prohibit the defendant from filing a Freedom of Information Act (5 U.S.C. § 552) request to law enforcement agencies. Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman calls an appeal waiver nothing more than a “(government labor-saving) device” that should be “void as against public policy.”In fact, the Dept. of Justice only two months ago had to stamp out the nascent practice by some U.S. Attorneys requiring a defendant to waive any right to petition for a compassionate release sometime under 18 U.S.C. § 3582(c)(1)(A)(i) in the future. Such motions are based on extraordinary changed circumstances that make a modificationof the sentence an act of compassion.

sorry220503‘What, you’re dying of cancer, Mr. Tax Fraud convict, and you would like to spend your final months dying at home instead in a federal prison? Sorry, Charlie, you waived the right to ask the judge for that in your plea deal six years ago…’

A few judges find appeal waivers so odious that they will not accept a plea deal containing one. One such federal judge is David Lawson, who sits on the U.S. District Court in the Eastern District of Michigan. He got slapped down last week by the 6th Circuit, which granted a writ of mandamus against him for rejecting a plea deal based on his “longstanding practice” of rejecting agreements containing appeal waivers.

During a pretrial hearing in a federal drug prosecution for Ashley Townsend, Judge Lawson told the parties that his “practice over the years has [been to] not… to accept plea agreements that have waivers of rights to collateral review or the right to appeal a sentence determination or sentencing issue that is disputed.” Perhaps because U.S. Attorney Dawn Ison doesn’t give as fig what a federal judge wants, or perhaps because she thought she finally had the perfect test case, Dawn’s office and Ashley signed a plea agreement with appeal waivers anyway.

Judge Lawson was as good as his work. He rejected the proposed deal.

The government filed a petition for writ of mandamus with the 6th Circuit, asking for an order telling Judge Lawson that his practice violated F.R.Crim.P. 11, and that he could not impose such a blanket policy. A writ of mandamus is known as an “extraordinary writ.” It is sort of the obverse of the injunction coin. An injunction is a court order prohibiting someone from committing an act. Mandamus is an order to a lower court or government official directing that something be done.

mandamus210218In keeping with its ‘extraordinary’ nature, a writ of mandamus is tough to get. A party seeking a writ of mandamus must show that (1) it has no other adequate means of obtaining relief, (2) its right to mandamus is “clear and indisputable;” and (3) the issuance of the writ was “appropriate under the circumstances.”

The Circuit agreed the U.S. Attorney was entitled to its writ. The 6th pointed out the government has no right under the law to file an interlocutory appeal of Judge Lawson’s denial of a plea deal, and if Ashley would later plead guilty to the indictment, be convicted by a jury, or be acquitted after trial, the government had no right to a direct appeal in which the Judge’s practice could be questioned. “In this case,” the Circuit said, “mandamus is the only adequate means for the United States either to compel the district court to adhere to Rule 11.”

Second, the 6th ruled, “the district court’s violation of Fed.R.Crim.P. 11 was ‘clear and undisputable.’ Rule 11 prohibits the court from participating in plea discussions… When a district court expresses its preference for or against certain plea-bargaining terms in an unfinalized or hypothetical plea agreement, the Circuit rules, the court impermissibly participates in plea negotiations in violation of Rule 11.”

Here, the Circuit held that the district court abused its discretion by rejecting the parties’ plea agreement without a case-specific “sound reason.” In other words, if the court rejects Ashley’s plea deal because of the presence of the waiver. it needs a reason based on the particulars of Ashley’s situation.

Finally, the 6th said, mandamus is appropriate in this circumstance. The issue had never been decided before, it “involves important questions… which bear on the ‘efficient administration of justice,” and raises “questions that might evade review if not considered at this time.”

bonkers220503University of North Carolina criminal law prof Carissa Byrne Hessick called this decision “bonkers.” She said this “astonishing decision curtailing trial courts’ power to reject plea bargains… I hope the 6th Circuit decides to hear this case en banc and to reverse this terrible panel decision. Plea bargaining has warped the criminal justice system. And if other courts follow the Sixth Circuit, it will get even worse.”

Professor Berman said in his Sentencing Policy and Law blog that he “generally agree[s] with the District Court’s stated policy concerns with all appeal waivers: ‘The court explained its belief that appeal waivers “embargo” trial court mistakes, “insulate” the government’s conduct “from judicial oversight,” effectively “coerce” guilty pleas with offers “too good to refuse,” and “inhibit[] the development of the Sentencing Guidelines”‘.”

As usual, the Volokh Conspiracy is succinct about it:

During plea bargaining, prosecutors will often offer criminal defendants an escape from unconscionably long mandatory minimum sentences if they waive their right to appeal their conviction or challenge it on collateral review. It’s a system that’s ripe for abuse and coercion. But, per the Sixth Circuit, that’s no reason for a district judge to have a blanket rule against approving plea deals that contain these waivers. Mandamus-ed!

DOJ, Department Policy on Compassionate Release Waivers in Plea Agreements (March 11, 2022)

Sentencing Law and Policy,  Sixth Circuit panel grants mandamus because district judge rejected a plea deal with an appeal waiver the wrong way (April 28, 2022)

In re United States, Case No 21-1318 (6th Cir. April 26, 2022) 

Twitter, Carissa Byrne Hessick (April 26, 2022)

The Volokh Conspiracy, Short Circuit: A Roundup of Recent Federal Court Decisions (April 29, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

EQUAL Act May Be In Trouble – Update for May 2, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

SUDDENLY, CRIMINAL JUSTICE LEGISLATION IS IN TROUBLE

Just last Friday, I mused that the EQUAL Act (S.79) – the much-heralded legislation that would finally make penalties for cocaine distribution identical regardless of the form the cocaine took (cocaine base or cocaine powder) – might have a little competition.

russiantank220502Now, that seems to be like predicting the Russians might run into a little delay on their way to Kyiv.

On Friday, it looked like a few Republican senators might want to leverage their SMART Cocaine Sentencing Act to win a few amendment concessions before EQUAL passes. Now, the problem seems much more extreme than that.

At the end of last week, The New York Times reported, “with control of Congress at stake and Republicans weaponizing a law-and-order message against Democrats in their midterm election campaigns, the fate of [the EQUAL Act] is in doubt. Democrats worry that bringing it up would allow Republicans to demand a series of votes that could make them look soft on crime and lax on immigration — risks they are reluctant to take months before they face voters… Even the measure’s Republican backers concede that bringing it to the floor could lead to an array of difficult votes.”

You may recall that on Thursday, Senators Roger Wicker (R-Mississippi), Charles Grassley (R-Iowa), Mike Lee (R-Utah) and Lindsey Graham (R-South Carolina) announced SMART, a bill that would reduce the current 18:1 crack-to-powder ratio to 2.5:1 instead of EQUAL’s 1:1.

(If Lindsay Graham’s name seems familiar, maybe that’s because he is also a co-sponsor of the EQUAL Act).

But diddling with the ratio is not all that SMART does.  For people already convicted under 18:1, there would be no retroactivity unless the Attorney General “certified” to the court that the sentence should be reduced. Mind you this is the same Dept. of Justice that rejects thousands of clemency petitions before they ever reach the White House and fights hammer and tong against any inmate seeking First Step Act Section 404 reductions.

scrooge220502Imagine nominating Scrooge to plan Santa Claus. Same thing.

Grassley argued last week that the EQUAL Act does not account for the differences in recidivism rates between the two types of cocaine offenses. He said crack offenders reoffend at a 60.8% rate while powder cocaine offenders are at only 43.8%, and crack defendants are the most likely drug offenders to carry weapons.

The obvious rejoinder is that if the crack offenders are carrying weapons, there are Guidelines enhancements (such as § 2D1.1(b(1)) and even separate statutory offenses that do a much better job of targeting the people with the guns than punishing one class of drug offenders for the probability that the person has a weapon. As for recidivism, the Guidelines already increase sentencing ranges based on the defendant’s criminal history. Arguing that a crack offender must be punished more severely than a cocaine powder offender because he or she is statistically more likely to commit a crime in the future has a certain “Minority Report” aura to it.

FAMM President Kevin Ring blasted SMART on Twitter for

INCREASING the # of people who will be subject to man mins for powder while reducing the # subject to man mins for crack. Remember, no member had suggested powder sentences were too low until the EQUAL Act gained steam.” Plus, SMART “requires the Attorney General to certify every request for retroactive application of the new penalties. This is unprecedented and absurd. No retroactive changes in recent history – by the Commission or Congress – ever required AG certification.

But beyond the weird provisions of SMART is the fear that it may spell the death of EQUAL. Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman said in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog, worried that “the fact that the EQUAL Act has not become law already makes me concerned about the fate and future or long-overdue efforts to end the crack/cocaine sentencing disparity.”

“The time for negotiation has passed, and it passed a long time ago,” said Jason Pye from the Due Process Institute. “The EQUAL Act is an exercise in bipartisanship, which is more than I can say for Senator Grassley’s bill.”

Meanwhile, expectations are wavering over the marijuana legalization bill that Senate Majority Leader Charles Schumer (D-NY) promised would be introduced in April. Now lawmakers have pushed the timeline back to later in the summer as continued debate threatens the bill’s success.

senatemarijuana220412Schumer said he wanted to give senators time to debate certain provisions. The Senate majority leader said he is reaching across party lines to gain support for the bill, but experts predict he won’t have enough Republican votes for passage. The bill faces opposition from some Democrats, including Sen Joe Manchin (D-WV), who last month told The Hill that is he unsure about legalizing adult-use marijuana.

Last month, the Marijuana Opportunity, Reinvestment and Expungement (MORE) Act passed the House with a near-party line vote that included only three Republicans. MORE is not expected to pass the Senate.

As the November midterms approach, it is likely that criminal justice will become even more of a political game, with federal prisoners as the football.

The New York Times, Drug Sentencing Bill Is in Limbo as Midterm Politics Paralyze Congress (April 29, 2022)

S.__ (no number yet), SMART Cocaine Sentencing Act

Sen Charles Grassley, Senators Introduce Bill To Reduce Crack-Powder Sentencing Disparity, Protect Communities From Criminals Most Likely To Reoffend (April 28, 2022)

Politico, Huddle: Freedom Caucus at a crossroads (April 29, 2022)

Twitter, Kevin Ring, Current Crack-Powder Disparity Is Unjustifiable (April 28, 2022)

Sentencing Law and Policy, GOP Senators introduce competing crack/powder sentencing reform bill tougher than EQUAL Act (April 29, 2022)

The Paper, Cannabis News (April 28, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

EQUAL Act Runs Into Some Competition in Senate – Update for April 29, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

BACK TO WORK FOR CONGRESS

Congress is back in session after Easter/Passover/Ramadan break, and the drumbeat continues for the EQUAL Act, even as insurrection against the favored bill brews.

crackpowder160606As noted earlier this week, the DOJ threw a plug in for EQUAL as part of its PATTERN report to Congress. It wasn’t alone. Last week, The Hill editorialized that “April is Second Chance Month and an opportunity to think deeply about the real purpose of incarceration — and of penal systems more broadly. Is the purpose to dehumanize those who transgress? Or is it to protect communities and preserve or restore justice within them?… The EQUAL Act… addresses the sentencing disparity in our federal justice system involving penalties for crack and powder cocaine offenses, which has resulted in unintentional racial disparities and significantly higher federal prison populations. The law was intended to reduce the harm of crack cocaine possession, distribution and consumption. The validity of its original intention may be debated, but it has been proven to have unacceptable consequences.”

Writing in the Washington Examiner, former congressman Doug Collins said, “it’s no surprise that law enforcement is spearheading” the EQUAL Act… Roughly 90% of those serving time for crack offenses at the federal level are black, which means they serve vastly longer prison sentences than those convicted of powder cocaine offenses, even though the substances are chemically similar and equally dangerous. According to the country’s most respected law enforcement leaders, eliminating this disparity would help police officers build trust with communities of color, especially in urban areas where law enforcement finds it difficult to cultivate sources to investigate murders, shootings, and other violent crimes.”

Screwup190212However, proving that nothing in this world is such a slam-dunk that Congress cannot screw it up, the Start Making Adjustments and Require Transparency in Cocaine Sentencing Act (shorthand, “SMART Cocaine Sentencing Act” – an obvious competitor to the EQUAL Act – was introduced in the Senate yesterday. SMART, sponsored by Senators Roger Wicker (Mississippi), Charles Grassley (Iowa), Mike Lee (Utah) and Lindsey Graham (South Carolina), all Republicans – reduces the current 18:1 crack-to-powder ratio to 2.5:1 instead of EQUAL’s 1:1.

The nasty part of SMART is that for people already convicted under 18:1, there would be no retroactivity unless the Attorney General “certified” to the court that the sentence should be reduced. Given the Dept. of Justice’s traditional antipathy to the many prisoners seeking First Step Act Section 404 reductions, this is yet another example of turning the keys to the henhouse over to the fox.

Sen. Grassley explained the thinking behind SMART:

Separate legislation has been introduced in the Senate to completely flatten the differences between sentences for crack cocaine and powder cocaine offenses. This approach does not account for the differences in recidivism rates associated with the two types of cocaine offenses. According to a January 2022 analysis from the U.S. Sentencing Commission (USSC), crack cocaine offenders recidivate at the highest rate of any drug type at 60.8 percent, while powder cocaine offenders recidivate at the lowest rate of any drug type at 43.8 percent. Raising additional public safety concerns, USSC data reveals that crack cocaine offenders were the most likely among all drug offenders to carry deadly weapons during offenses. These statistics show the need for a close look at all available government data before we consider an approach to flatten sentencing for crack and powder cocaine offenses.

The MORE Act, which would decriminalize marijuana, has passed the House of Representatives. Whether it will pass in the US Senate, where all 50 Democrats and at least 10 Republicans would need to support it, is unclear. Maritza Perez, Director of National Affairs at Drug Policy Alliance, told The Grio last week it will be a “hard sell.” As reported, the Senate will be considering its own bill that Perez said focuses on less on decriminalization and more on a regulatory and tax framework for the sale and use of cannabis.

White House press secretary Jen Psaki said a week ago Wednesday that President Biden “remains committed” to honoring his campaign pledge to release “everyone” in federal prison for marijuana, claiming that he believes “no one should be in jail because of drug use.”

marijuanagrow220429Psaki did not provide a timeline. “I don’t have an update here. We are continuing to work with Congress. But what I can say on marijuana is we’ve made some progress on our promises. For instance, the DEA just issued its first licenses to companies to cultivate marijuana for research purposes after years of delay during the prior administration… Additionally, the president’s continuing to review his clemency powers, which is something he also talked about on the campaign trail and he certainly remains committed to taking action on.”

Of course, shortly after this, the President did grant some clemencies, although relatively few to marijuana offenders. More clemencies have been promised, albeit vaguely.

The Hill, Justice for some is no justice at all — we must change our criminal justice system (April 22, 2022)

The Grio, Advocates say legalizing cannabis would restore justice for Blacks, but can Washington get it done? (April 20, 2022)

Washington Examiner, Take the next step on the First Step Act (April 20, 2022)

NY Post, Biden ‘committed’ to freeing inmates with marijuana convictions, Psaki says (April 20, 2022)

S.__ (no number yet), SMART Cocaine Sentencing Act

Sen. Charles Grassley, Senators Introduce Bill To Reduce Crack-Powder Sentencing Disparity, Protect Communities From Criminals Most Likely To Reoffend (April 28, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

The President Grants Clemency, Leaves Fox in Henhouse – Update for April 28, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

BIDEN GRANTS CLEMENCY TO 75 PRISONERS

obtaining-clemencyPresident Biden’s announcement of three pardons and 75 commutations last Tuesday receive the expected accolades from the media, which generally like anything Biden does and – in this case – were undoubtedly relieved that no one on the list appeared to be a friend of Joe, a friend of a friend of Joe, or a favored cause of some celebrity who had booked private time with Joe.

The press, if not the public, is still suffering from a little PTSD (“Post-Trump Stress Disorder”). It is somewhat of a relief to see clemency not being used as a political carrot or to be scoring cheap political points.

USA Today said, “The individuals granted clemency came at the recommendation of the Department of Justice’s pardon attorney, according to senior Biden administration officials who briefed reporters about the announcement. It marks a return of a practice that was largely bypassed by former President Donald Trump, whose clemency requests often came through close aides.”

A return to normalcy? Maybe. Not a political act? “Not so fast!” Lee Corso might say.

Filter magazine reported that “Biden’s move appears to be the result of lobbying from a celebrity-connected network of clemency activists, such as Weldon Angelos, a former cannabis prisoner who counts Snoop Dogg among his friends. It carries over a troubling Trump trend for this unique and in practice, arbitrary, presidential power: People with celebrity backing are more likely to receive mercy, while others who are similarly situated don’t.”

clemency170206Recall that the White House said last year that Biden was reforming clemency, and would start granting pardons and commutations in the fall of 2022. So what happened? As CNN explained, President Joe Biden decided to mark “Second Chance Month” by “commuting the sentences of 75 people serving time for nonviolent drug offenses, issuing full pardons for three individuals who the administration says have worked toward rehabilitation and unveiling new actions aimed at easing the transition back to normal life for the formerly incarcerated.” The New York Times said, “Mr. Biden’s top aides described the use of presidential power as part of a broader strategy to overhaul the criminal justice system by relying less on prison to punish nonviolent drug offenders and using employment programs to help prevent the formerly incarcerated from returning to prison.”

I agree with Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman, who said in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog that “though I am still a bit salty that it took Prez Biden 15+ months in office before using his clemency pen, I am pleasantly surprised to see a large number of grants and many commutations to persons serving lengthy terms for drug offenses.” Prof Berman noted what I too thought was an anomaly: 40% of the commutation recipients were female. Only about 7% of the BOP inmate population are women.

Other interesting numbers: While the clemencies were widely seen as addressing marijuana convictions, this was not the case at all. Only 7% of the commutations were for a marijuana-only offense, and 12% for offenses that included marijuana. However, 40% of the commutations were for offenses involving methamphetamines, 28% involved cocaine powder, 12% involved crack, and 5% involved heroin. The meth number is especially interesting, in that Congress has shown not just uninterest, but outright hostility to meth offenses. (In the First Step Act, for example, methamphetamines, and heroin are singled out for exemption from eligibility for earned time credits under some circumstances).

Notably, no one who got a commutation had any fentanyl on his or her case.

While Biden noted that “many” of the people receiving commutations “have been serving on home confinement during the COVID-pandemic,” two inmates serving life and one whose life sentence was cut to 240 months in 2014 were among the commutation grants.

Still, this appears to be a nice start. Seventy-five of the 18,000+ clemency petitions on file have been granted. The White House has hinted that more is to come. So why am I complaining?

same160613It’s just this: The New York Times reported that “Mr. Biden based his decisions on clemency petitions sent to the Justice Department, which then made recommendations to the president, according to the White House.” On the campaign trail, Biden promised sweeping changes to criminal justice, including clemency. Previously, we had seen promising signs that Biden was going to cut the Dept of Justice out of the clemency process. DOJ prosecuted and locked up the prisoners to begin with. Having DOJ serve as the gatekeeper for clemency – an act of political grace, not a legal process – is akin to putting the fox in charge of selecting chickens to be released from the henhouse.

Now, about a year after Biden promised a review and possible restructuring of the clemency process, we’re back to the same-old-same-old. I’m not disappointed for the 75 who got clemency… just the 18,000 left behind.

White House, Clemency Recipient List (April 26, 2022)

USA Today, Biden pardons three felons, commutes sentences of 75 others, in first use of clemency powers (April 26, 2022)

CNN, Biden will commute or pardon sentences of 78 non-violent people. Here are a few to know (April 26, 2022)

The New York Times, Biden Uses Clemency Powers for the First Time (April 26, 2022)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Prez Biden finally uses his clemency pen to grant three pardons and 75 commutations (April 26, 2022)

Marijuana Moment, Biden’s first act of cannabis clemency (April 27, 2022)

Filter, Biden’s Clemency Announcement Falls Far Short (April 27, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

PATTERN Changes Coming Next Month – Update for April 26, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

PATTERN AMENDMENTS COULD BENEFIT THOUSANDS

The Dept. of Justice told Congress last week that it will soon roll out a new version of the PATTERN recidivism risk measurement system containing adjustments it says will improve accuracy, possibly benefitting up to 33,000 federal prisoners.

PATTERNsheet220131The modifications, which come after criticism was leveled at PATTERN last January for implicit racial bias, are intended to significantly increase the number of black and Hispanic men in prison who are eligible to take classes or productive activities that will result in them getting earn time credits (ETCs).

DOJ estimated that 36% more black men and 26% more Hispanic men might qualify as minimum or low risk under the change, with smaller increases for black and Hispanic women.

Even with the changes, DOJ admitted in last week’s report, it is still unable to resolve other racial disparities (such as continued overestimating the number of black women compared to white women who will commit new offenses after release).

DOJ told Congress that even after the anticipated release of a modified PATTERN early next month, it would continue to work “to ensure that racial disparities are reduced to the greatest extent possible.” That could be difficult. Most of that disparity, according to Melissa Hamilton, a law professor at the University of Surrey, results from what happens before prison and application of the PATTERN metrics. “When using factors with criminal history, prison discipline and education, the tool is almost inevitably going to have disparities — unless they correct for systemic biases in policing, prosecution, corrections, and education,” she said.

Hamilton told a House oversight committee last January that up to 11% of male and 10% of female inmates have been assigned wrong risk categories due to errors in PATTERN:

• PATTERN was designed to score risk factors at release instead of at the time of assessment. For example, if a 39-year-old man comes in for a 15-year sentence, he has an age risk factor of 21. But PATTERN should assess his age at release (52 years old), which is only 7. The difference is 14 points.

• PATTERN disproportionately predicts higher. Hamilton said, “a choice has been made to design PATTERN to perform far less accurately when predicting those who are at higher risk… placing too many individuals into the higher risk groupings.”

• PATTERN “overpredicts the general risk for African Americans, Hispanic Americans, and Asian Americans, while it underpredicts for Native Americans.”

Hamilton told the Subcommittee in January that “the various errors meant that 37 out of the possible 60 items (almost two-thirds of them) had been incorrectly weighted” in the PATTERN risk assessment. NPR previously reported that “about 14,000 men and women in federal prison… wound up in the wrong risk categories. There were big disparities for people of color.” As well, NPR uncovered sloppy math mistakes and other flaws that put thousands of prisoners in the wrong risk category and treated them differently in part because of their ethnic backgrounds.

recid160321The DOJ’s report to Congress last week puts the best face on PATTERN possible. It said, for example, that “individuals are capable of changing risk scores and levels during confinement. And importantly, these changes relate to recidivism outcomes (i.e., individuals who reduced their risk scores and levels from first to last assessment were generally less likely to recidivate).” Yet the PATTERN scorecard assigns big scores for age and criminal history, scores that either never change or change only with the passage of years. A 21-year-old with one prior felony conviction starts out with a PATTERN score of 38 (a “medium” score). Wrestling that score down by taking programs is not easy.

While admitting that some minority groups are “overpredicted,” DOJ nonetheless crowed that the new PATTERN adjustments “show relatively high predictive accuracy across racial and ethnic groups. That is, the risk scores predict recidivism well for white, Black, Hispanic, Native American, and Asian individuals.”

Of course, that’s what DOJ said when PATTERN was first unveiled in July 2019.

NPR said last week that “only low and minimum-risk prisoners are eligible for those programs, so how the Bureau of Prisons assesses risk has major consequences for their lives and their release plans.” In fact, tucked into 18 USC § 3624(g)(1)(B) is a provision that would let a medium or high PATTERN inmate use credits if he or she “has shown through the periodic risk reassessments a demonstrated recidivism risk reduction… during the prisoner’s term of imprisonment.”

bureaucrat200421But the BOP would have to exercise bureaucratic discretion to grant a medium or high PATTERN inmate early release or more halfway house/home confinement. God forbid a bureaucrat would risk such a thing. Given that no one has even talked about this alternative award of credit, the chance that any BOP employee would argue for giving a medium/high inmate the right to case in credits is pretty remote.

DOJ told Congress it would make no changes to how it evaluates violent recidivism risks, saying that measure provided an essential check for “public safety.” Instead, the department says it will be shifting the boundaries between other risk levels for its general recidivism algorithm.

In the new report to Congress, DOJ again expressed support for the Senate to advance the EQUAL Act (S.79), legislation that would equalize sentencing penalties for crack and powder cocaine.

NPR, Justice Department works to curb racial bias in deciding who’s released from prison (April 19, 2022)

National Institute of Justice, Predicting Recidivism: Continuing To Improve the Bureau of Prisons’ Risk Assessment Tool, PATTERN (April 19, 2022)

Sentencing Law and Policy Blog, Justice Department tweaking prison PATTERN risk tool “to ensure that racial disparities are reduced to the greatest extent possible” (April 19, 2022)

Legal Information Services Associates, Is PATTERN Dooming First Step Programming? – Update For January 31, 2022

– Thomas L. Root

‘Shut Up! Won’t Talk, Eh?’ No Approach to Sentence Reduction – Update for April 25, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

SANDBAGGING NOT ALLOWED

nickdanger220426Reading this case, I could not help but recall a Firesign Theater “Nick Danger” skit in which the crusty private eye was interrogating a suspect, with questions delivered in machine-gun fashion: “Where were you on the night of the 14th? Shut up! Won’t talk, eh?”

OK, I’ve dated myself. Big deal. Were he a baby boomer instead of a Gen-X’er, Tydearain Smith would know what I mean.

Ty, convicted in 2008 of possession of over 5 grams of crack and brandishing a firearm during a drug trafficking crime, was partly into his 293-month sentence when he wrote a very short letter to his district court. All he wanted to know was whether he was eligible for a sentence reduction under Section 404 of the First Step Act (the retroactive Fair Sentencing Act). If so, TyHe just wanted appointment of an attorney, and did not argue he was eligible for the reduction or explain why – if he was – he should get a sentence cut.

The district court construed Ty’s pro se letter as a Section 404 motion. Without asking Ty or the government to brief the issue, the court denied the letter motion as moot, concluding that Ty was not eligible for a reduction.

tyletter220426Ty and the public defender both filed for reconsideration. The district court ordered the government to file a response to the motions for reconsideration, “including all substantive arguments.” Instead, the government, Ty and the PD jointly filed a motion asking that a briefing schedule be set so that everyone could argue all “substantive legal and factual arguments for relief.”

The court denied the joint motion and ordered the government to respond as originally directed. It did so, arguing Ty was ineligible for relief.

The district court denied the motions for reconsideration. It again concluded that Ty was ineligible for Section 404 relief because the Guidelines ranges he had faced at sentencing had not changed. But then the court alternatively ruled that, even if Ty were eligible for relief, a “further reduction [was] not warranted” because he had lied at trial, brandished a gun, stipulated to 94% pure crack, and had already benefitted from the 2011 and 2014 Guidelines two-level reductions.

Last week, the 11th Circuit reversed the case, holding that district courts cannot sandbag parties like that. Before acting on its own initiative, a court must accord the parties fair notice and an opportunity to present their positions. A complete denial of the opportunity to be heard on a material issue, the Circuit said, is a violation “of due process which is never harmless error.”

sandbagging_3Here, Ty did not have any chance to present arguments in support of his request for a Section 404 reduction. “The wide berth given to district courts by the First Step Act requires deferential review with respect to the ultimate exercise of discretion,” the 11th said, “but it does not speak to the process which must be provided to the parties… A party must have his day in court.”

United States v. Smith, Case No 19-13056, 2022 U.S. App. LEXIS 10500 (11th Cir., Apr. 19, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

Was The Gun For Dove Hunting? The Jury Didn’t Say… – Update for April 22, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

9TH CIRCUIT REVERSES § 924(c) CONVICTION FOR FLAWED INSTRUCTION

Rhett Irons was convicted of possession of controlled substances with intent to distribute and possessing, using or carrying a gun in furtherance of drug trafficking (18 U.S.C. § 924(c)).

dangerousgun220422Although his lawyer never objected to the jury instructions during trial, Rhett argued on appeal that while the statute required the jury to find that he possessed a firearm “in furtherance of” a drug trafficking crime, the court’s instruction allowed the jury to convict merely by finding that defendant’s possession of the gun had a “connection” to the trafficking.  That, Rhett argued, was not enough.

Last week, the 9th Circuit agreed and reversed Rhett’s conviction. Although Rhett’s failure to object meant the appellate review was for plain error only, the Circuit held that the “in furtherance of” requirement in 18 U.S.C. § 924(c)(1)(A) means more than just that “there must be a connection between the firearm” and the alleged drug trafficking offense. It means a defendant must possess the firearm with the intent that it further or advance the drug offense.

To win a case on “plain error” review, a defendant has to show a mistake, that the mistake is “plain” (or obvious), the error affected his substantial rights, and the error affected the integrity of the proceeding. The 9th ruled that because the error in the instruction “effectively removed from the jury’s consideration the only disputed issue concerning the 924(c) charge – the defendant’s intent in having the gun under his mattress while living in his home,” his substantial rights had been affected by the flawed instruction.

lawyermistake170227“Removing the key disputed issue at trial from the jury’s consideration,” the Circuit held, “certainly casts doubt on the fairness of the proceedings, even if Iron’s own counsel failed to catch the error. Indeed, counsel’s failure to detect this plain error in the supplemental instruction arguably implicates Iron’s right to effective assistance of counsel, which is a consideration that bears upon the integrity and public reputation of the proceedings… We agree that the evidence of an objective connection between the firearm and Irons’s drug trafficking was strong. But the defect here relates to the issue of Irons’s subjective intent. Although we might have found the Government’s reading of the evidence more persuasive if we were the trier of fact, we conclude that the evidence is not so overwhelming that reversal here would impugn the integrity or fairness of the proceedings.”

United States v. Irons, Case No 20-30056, 2022 US App. LEXIS 9616 (9th Cir Apr 11, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

EQUAL Act But Unequal Reform? – Update for April 21, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

EQUAL ACT MAY BE ALL WE GET

Congress was recessed all last week and for part of this one, so no legislative progress was made on the EQUAL Act (S.79), the MORE Act (H.R. 3617), or – for that matter – anything else. But nothing can stop politicians from talking, even during vacations.

crack-coke200804The good news is that all of the talk about EQUAL – which makes crack sentences equal to cocaine powder sentences – suggests it has the support for passage. The only question is when Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-NY) will bring it up for a vote. While the Judiciary Committee held a hearing on the crack-cocaine disparity bill last year, it has yet to schedule a markup.

The bad news is everything else. Politico ran an analysis last week reporting that Sens Richard Durbin (D-IL) and Charles Grassley (R-IA), the top Democrat and Republican on the Senate Judiciary Committee, are still talking about a merger of bills such as the First Step Implementation Act (S.1014), the Smarter Sentencing Act (S.1013), and the COVID-19 Safer Detention Act (S. 312) into a single narrow follow-up bill amending the First Step Act, Durbin and Grassley are calling a Second Step Act. 

“But both senior senators acknowledge it’s not a glide path forward,” Politico said, “particularly given the GOP messaging on rising crime ahead of the 2022 midterms — a focus that was on full display during Ketanji Brown Jackson’s Supreme Court hearings last month.”

Jackson was blasted last month by a few Republican senators for being too soft on sentencing child sex abuse and drug offenders. “One of the most important consequences of these confirmation hearings is there are district judges across the country who may have ambitions for elevations,” Sen. Ted Cruz (R-TX), who led the charge against Judge Jackson, told CNN. Any judges looking for future promotions “are going to think twice about letting violent criminals go or giving them a slap on the wrist, rather than following the law and imposing serious sentences for those who have committed serious crimes.”

snake220421[Editor’s note: While it is correct that Cruz has been described by one conservative columnist as being “like a serpent covered in Vaseline” who “treats the American people like two-bit suckers in 10-gallon hats,”  some maintain that there are good snakes in Texas (but Sen. Cruz is not on their list).]

Far from the only effect, the Jackson hearings have also “dampened the interest in doing what we call the Second Step Act, but we’re still seeing what can be worked out,” Grassley said in a brief interview. He added that if Democrats agree to certain provisions related to law enforcement, “that might make it possible to get something done.”

Meanwhile, Durbin said he’s concerned about a Second Step Act’s prospects for passage, ‘particularly given Republican accusations during Jackson’s confirmation hearings that the justice-in-waiting was soft on crime. The Judiciary chair ranked criminal justice as high on his list of priorities, though he said legislation addressing crime and law enforcement “may be just as challenging as immigration” — a famously tough area of bipartisan compromise on Capitol Hill.

Durbin and Grassley both think a Second Step Act is needed to implement sentencing changes in the First Step law by making them retroactive, midterms are coming up in a little more than 6 months and “campaign-season politics surrounding criminal justice reform threaten broader GOP support. While some lonely voices are calling for passage of such a bill, with Democrats in control of the White House and both houses of Congress, expect a cacophony of Republicans claims that Democrats are to blame for rising crime rates. That should make sentencing changes that much harder, Politico said.

Senate aides on both sides of the aisle warn that EQUAL could still face a challenging path to final passage, including a potentially arduous debate over amendments. Republicans who oppose the bill would almost certainly want to force vulnerable Senate Democrats to take tough amendment votes amid reports of rising violent crime in major cities and the approaching November election. Even Grassley, who is not a co-sponsor but is unapologetically pro-reform, has outlined concerns about whether EQUAL could garner enough Republican support in the Senate to pass.

cotton190502So the climate for criminal justice reform is getting ugly. Once, only Sen Tom Cotton (R-Ark) (who calls First Step Trump’s biggest mistake) demanded longer sentences. Last week, mainstream Newsweek magazine ran an opinion piece claiming that “America, in the year 2022, does not suffer from an over-incarceration problem. On the contrary, we suffer from an under-incarceration problem.” The column called on Congress to end “the jailbreak of slashed sentences and the broader civilizational suicide of the ‘criminal justice reform’.”

Politico, Criminal justice reform faces political buzzsaw as GOP hones its midterm message (April 14, 2022)

Politico, What’s next for criminal justice reform? (April 14, 2022)

CNN, Ambitious trial judges could be wary after GOP attacks on Judge Jackson’s sentencing record (April 11, 2022)

Wichita Eagle, Former U.S. attorney tells how criminal justice could be more just (April 12, 2022)

EQUAL Act (S.79)

First Step Implementation Act (S.1014)

Smarter Sentencing Act (S.1013)

COVID-19 Safer Detention Act (S. 312)

MORE Act(H.R.3617)

– Thomas L. Root

Free Willie (1st Circuit-style) – Update for April 19, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

WILLIE GOT HIS GUN…

freewilly220419Back in 2009, Willie Minor got into a minor beef with his wife that led to him being charged with domestic violence. When the Maine court told Willie that if he got convicted, he couldn’t possess a gun, Willie refused to plead to the charge (despite the prosecutor’s offer of no jail time).

The Maine prosecutor amended the charge to a simple “Assault, Class D” and struck out the sentence in the complaint stating, “this conduct was committed against a family or household member…” The judgment and commitment form had initially been printed with the offense “Domestic Violence Assault,” but the words “Domestic Violence” had been crossed out by hand. The assistant district attorney told Willie this change assured that Willie could continue to own firearms.

Six years later, Willie was caught with a handgun that he was sure he was allowed to have. The Feds this time (no county assistant district attorney) charged Willie with an 18 USC § 922(g)(9) felon-in-possession charge. Well, not really a “felon” in possession, but rather a wife-beater in possession: § 922(g)(9) prohibits possession of a gun by someone convicted of a misdemeanor crime of domestic violence (MCDV).

Willie went to trial, arguing that he hadn’t been convicted of an MCDV, and even if he had, he had no idea that he had. Relying on Rehaif v. United States, Willie argued the government had to prove he knew it was illegal for him to have the gun. The government argued Willie only needed to know he had done the acts that led to the assault conviction, and because the assault was against a family member – regardless of what the state conviction documents said or did not say – he had the guilty knowledge that supported the conviction.

Last week, the 1st Circuit split the case down the middle but vacated Willie’s conviction in the process. The Circuit agreed it is no defense for those charged with a 922(g) offense to say that they did not know that persons convicted of misdemeanor crimes of domestic violence could not possess guns. But, the 1st said, “while a defendant need not have known that possessing firearms was unlawful… the government need[s to] prove that he knew he violated the material elements of § 922(g)… which in this case means that he knew he had been convicted of a misdemeanor crime of domestic violence.”

manyguns190423In this case, whether the defendant knew was a dicey proposition. Willie had no lawyer for the assault conviction, and the Maine assistant DA told him that changing the domestic violence charge to a simple assault would let him keep his guns. But – as I have pointed out repeatedly where the definition of “crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year” (§ 922(g)(1)) is concerned – the definitions undergirding Section 922 can be tricky. MCDVs are like that. They are defined as any misdemeanor assault where the victim is a family member or significant other. The offense doesn’t have to be called “domestic violence,” or even specify the victim’s connection to the defendant. What’s more, the court said, a § 922(g) usually results from the defendant having been convicted of a felony in a prior case where he had been represented by counsel. “And,” the Circuit said, “competent defense counsel is usually going to advise the client of the serious collateral ramifications of conviction.” (This pollyannish observation is laughable, but we’ll reserve discussion of it for another time).

So who cares about Willie’s victory (besides Willy, of course)? This decision could have ramifications for § 922(g)(1) felon-in-possession offenses. As I noted, the definition of a “crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year” is detailed and legalistic, set out in 18 USC 921(a)(20). The logic used by the 1st Circuit in freeing Willie could well apply to any 922(g) conviction.

United States v. Minor, Case No 20-1903, 2022 U.S. App. LEXIS 9632 (1st Cir., Apr. 11, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

Biden Makes Former Public Defender DOJ Pardon Attorney – Update for April 18, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

NEW BLOOD IN THE PARDON OFFICE

clemency220418It only took him 15 months, but President Joe Biden has taken baby steps on addressing clemency by appointing a new Dept of Justice Pardon Attorney. Elizabeth G. Oyer, the first permanent Pardon Attorney in six years (everyone else was “acting” without official appointment), formerly served as Senior Litigation Counsel to the Office of the Federal Public Defender for Maryland.

Oyer, a Harvard law graduate, has “represented indigent defendants at all stages of proceedings in federal district court [and] handled a wide variety of criminal cases, ranging from complex fraud to drug and gun offenses, as well as violent crimes,” law prof Mark Osler, a national expert in clemency law, said last week on Twitter.

“It means something that Prez Biden has actually filled this slot,” Ohio State University law prof Doug Berman said last week in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog. “It’s also significant – and positive – that he has given a career defender an important job in the Department of Justice.”

Don’t expect miracles, however. Osler warns that the problem of the 18,000-petition backlog “may not have been the Pardon Attorney, but the bureaucracy that takes up the petitions after they are evaluated by the pardon attorney,” referring to review by the Attorney General and White House. There are over 18,000 pending petitions, many of them now years old (including unresolved petitions from the Obama administration). “It’s a mess,” Osler wrote. “We just know what kind of mess, or where the mess is located. The whole thing needs reform.

chickens160208In last week’s blog, Berman argued again that the federal clemency process should be removed from DOJ, noting the FIX Clemency Act (H.R. 6234), introduced four months ago, that would set up an independent clemency authority to review applications. GovTrack, a website that tracks legislation, gives the bill a 2% chance of passing.

Berman warns that “a full 15 months into his administration, Prez Biden has not granted a single pardon and has not granted a single commutation. With more than 18,000 applications pending, not to mention many low-risk, COVID-vulnerable persons released to [CARES Act] home confinement, it ought not be that hard to find at least a handful of “non-violent and drug” offenders who deserving of clemency… Whomever is in charge of the matters at DOJ, where these is a clemency will there is surely a clemency way. As of now, though, it does not appear that Prez Biden really has much of a clemency will.”

Twitter, Biden Administration has appointed a Pardon Attorney (April 14, 2022)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Justice Department has new Pardon Attorney who is a former public defender … which means …? (April 15, 2022)

DOJ, Meet the Pardon Attorney (April 12, 2022)

H.R. 6234, FIX Clemency Act

– Thomas L. Root