Tag Archives: disparity

Is DOJ Gunning for New Compassionate Release Guideline? Some Suspect So – Update for October 23, 2023

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

RUMORS: WILL DEPT OF JUSTICE GO AFTER NEW COMPASSIONATE RELEASE GUIDELINE?

Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman wrote last week in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog that he has “heard talk that, notwithstanding the text of § 994(t), the Justice Department is planning to contest the new [compassionate release] guideline once it becomes effective on November 1.”

rumor231023Prof Berman does not cite his sources, but his credentials as among the premier federal sentencing law experts in the nation suggest that his report should be taken seriously. The Dept of Justice was adamantly opposed to the new USSG § 1B1.13(b)(6) – which directs that if a defendant has served at least 10 years of an unusually long sentence, a change in the law (other than a non-retroactive Guideline amendment) “may be considered in determining whether the defendant presents an extraordinary and compelling reason, but only where such change would produce a gross disparity between the sentence being served and the sentence likely to be imposed at the time the motion is filed, and after full consideration of the defendant’s individualized circumstances.” In fact, subsection (b)(6) was the cause of the Sentencing Commission’s extended debate and 4-3 vote split on approving 1B1.13.

Any DOJ litigation attack on 1B1.13 makes little sense. Congress has decreed in 28 USC 994(t) that the Sentencing Commission “shall describe what should be considered extraordinary and compelling reasons for sentence reduction, including the criteria to be applied and a list of specific examples.” What’s more, Congress has built a veto mechanism into the Guidelines, giving legislators 180 days to reject what the USSC does before it becomes effective. It would be tough to argue that § 994(t) and the fact that Congress let the new 1B1.13 go into effect didn’t mean that any DOJ effort to convince a court to invalidate the new Guideline is doomed to failure.

The rumor may be stoked by a USA Today article last week that warned that “new Sentencing Commission guidelines will give [prisoners] a chance for compassionate release. But DOJ threatens to stand in the way.” The authors wrote that

mercy161107[t]he Sentencing Commission’s commonsense expansion of compassionate release makes us hopeful that our federal criminal system can carve out a little space for redemption, mercy and a recognition that we don’t always get it right the first time around. Unfortunately, even with the promise of and need for the commission’s new guidance, the future of compassionate release is uncertain. The Department of Justice has objected to the commission’s recognition that legal changes resulting in an unjust sentence can qualify as an extraordinary and compelling reason justifying relief.

The article cites the DOJ’s spirited opposition to what became 1B1.13(b)(6) – the “change in the law” provision” – of the compassionate release Guideline. But nothing in the DOJ’s opposition comments, which it was perfectly entitled to file, suggests that the government will try to get the amendment set aside judicially.

The USA Today article argued that

the commission’s ‘unusually long sentences’ provision is good policy. Far from a get-out-of-jail-free card, as some have suggested, it is instead a narrow recognition that a sentence imposed decades ago may, upon review today, be longer than necessary. The provision applies in limited instances where, among other things, the person has served at least 10 years in prison and there is a ‘gross disparity’ between their sentence and the one likely to be imposed today. Even then, an individual still must demonstrate that they will not pose a danger to the community and that their individualized circumstances weigh in favor of a sentence reduction….

Bottom line: I doubt that DOJ plans any omnibus attack on 1B1.13(b)(6). Rather, I suspect that the USA Today authors are extrapolating from the Department’s negative comments during the Guidelines amendment process.  Nevertheless, no one’s gone broke yet betting that the DOJ will not be both creative and vigorous in fighting to keep people locked up in order to honor a draconian but lawful sentence.

If Professor Berman seems a little alarmist to you, recall Sen. Barry Goldwater’s famous observation that “extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice. Moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue.” For now, I stand with the Professor.

gleesonB160314In other Sentencing Commission news, President Joe Biden last week nominated current federal judge Claria Boom Horn (who sits in both the Eastern and Western Districts of Kentucky) and retired federal judge John Gleeson to full 6-year terms on the Commission. Both of them – who were filling one-year interim terms on the USSC – are intelligent and thoughtful commissioners. I see Judge Gleeson – author of what came to be known as the “Holloway motion” when he used his legal and persuasive authority to correct a grossly unjust sentence – to be a little better rounded on sentencing policy.

That being said, one only has to remember former Commissioner Judge Danny Reeves, Bill Otis and Judge Henry Hudson to realize that the weakest commissioner on the USSC now (and I do not mean to imply that the weakest commission is either Judge Horn or Judge Gleeson) stands far above the ones President Trump favored but was unsuccessful in placing on the Commission.

Sentencing Law and Policy, Urging the Justice Department to respect the US Sentencing Commission’s new guidelines for compassionate release (October 18, 2023)

USA Today, First Step Act advanced prison reform, but hundreds are still serving unjust sentences (October 18, 2023)

White House, President Biden Names Fortieth Round of Judicial Nominees and Announces Nominees for U.S. Attorney, U.S. Marshal, and the U.S. Sentencing Commission (October 18, 2023)

– Thomas L. Root

“Hold My Beer,” 4th Circuit Says in Compassionate Release Case – Update for August 18, 2023

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

APPEALS COURT TAKES GRANT OF COMPASSIONATE RELEASE MOTION INTO ITS OWN HANDS

Appellate courts are usually much more circumspect in reversing trial courts, vacating a decision but not explicitly directing the district judge how to decide things on remand.

holdmybeer230818Not that the savvy district judge doesn’t read between the lines. An appellate court vacatur with a suggestion – often implicit – that the district court needs to think about the case differently usually leads to a different ruling the second time around.

Not always. When Kelvin Brown was convicted of drug trafficking nine years ago, the jury also found him guilty of two 18 USC § 924(c) counts as well. Back then, the first § 924(c) carried a mandatory minimum sentence starting at five years. The second conviction – even if it resulted from events the next day – required an additional mandatory minimum of 25 years. The district court thus sentenced Kelvin to 30 years in prison for his two § 924(c) convictions and stacked another 27 years on him for the various drug offenses.

Six years later, during the height of the COVID crisis, Kelvin moved for compassionate release under 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A). The judge turned him down flat without even asking the government to respond. Kelvin appealed, and the 4th Circuit remanded, directing the district court to consider the fact that Kelvin got 20 more years for the gun than he would have had to get after the First Step Act passed in 2018 in light of the Circuit’s decision in United States v. McCoy.

extraordinary220719The district court denied Kelvin a second time in December 2021, again neglecting to address the whopping § 924(c) sentences despite (as the 4th Circuit put it) “our express recognition in our previous remand order that McCoy – and its holding that disparate § 924(c) sentences can constitute “extraordinary and compelling reasons” for release – is relevant to this case.”

Two days ago, the 4th Circuit threw up its hands and told the district judge to watch how it’s done. The 4th cut Kelvin’s sentence by 20 years (which still leaves him with 37 years to do), both expressing its frustration and apologizing for its interference:

We hold that the district court abused its discretion by denying Brown’s motion because his disparate sentence creates an “extraordinary and compelling reason” for his early release, and the § 3553(a) sentencing factors overwhelmingly favor a sentence reduction. We therefore reverse and remand with instructions to rectify that disparity and reduce Brown’s prison sentence by twenty years.

Ordinarily, we understand that district courts wield broad discretion in deciding compassionate release motions… So, in a different case, we might remedy the district court’s error by remanding for the district court to consider Brown’s disparate sentence in the first instance. Yet the district court here has already had two opportunities to review Brown’s compassionate release motion: its initial denial of Brown’s motion in July 2020, and its second denial in December 2021 after we remanded Brown’s case for further consideration. Each time, the district court neglected to address Brown’s disparate sentence.

The Circuit also found that Kelvin’s disparate sentence strongly affects the 18 USC § 3553(a) sentencing factors: “The First Step Act‘s amendment to § 924(c) reflects Congress’s judgment that sentences like Brown’s are dramatically longer than necessary or fair,” the appeals court said, “and, in turn, are not necessary to serve the ends of § 3553(a)(2).”

dungeon180627Notable in the 4th’s analysis is its holding that the need for Kelvin’s longer sentence has been called into question because COVID-19 created hardship in prison life “not contemplated by the original sentencing court” and that those hardships have “undoubtedly increased his prison sentence’s punitive effect.” The Circuit observed that Kelvin’s facility was placed on lockdown in response to the pandemic, during which he was “confined to his cell for 22.5 hours a day,” and the recreation areas were closed.” The majority opinion said, “Even if those factors have been mitigated by the evolving circumstances of the pandemic, that they plagued Brown at any point has made his incarceration harsher and more punitive than would otherwise have been the case… Therefore, Brown’s drastic sentence, which might have been ‘sufficient but not greater than necessary’ before the coronavirus pandemic, may no longer be justified.”

The opinion also emphasizes that Kelvin’s “one disciplinary infraction throughout his incarceration—a fact the district court also failed to mention—casts further doubt on the court’s concern for the safety of the community. And while the court did briefly consider Brown’s rehabilitative efforts” – which included a stack of programming and mentoring work to his credit – “it failed to weigh how those efforts ameliorate any risk posed to Brown’s community upon his release.” Citing Pepper v. United States, the Circuit ruled that such “postsentencing rehabilitation minimizes the need for the sentence imposed to protect the public from further crimes of the defendant, and provides the most up-to-date picture of Brown’s history and characteristics, which also favors a sentence reduction.”

illdoitmyself230818The 2-1 opinion is remarkable not only for the fact that an appellate court took the unusual step of granting a compassionate release motion itself but because of the reliance on the harshness of Bureau of Prisons conditions during the pandemic and the elevation of post-sentencing conduct as a factor in § 3553(a) analysis in reaching its decision.

United States v. Brown, Case No. 21-7752, 2023 U.S. App. LEXIS 21403, at *24-25 (4th Cir. Aug. 16, 2023)

United States v. McCoy, 981 F.3d 271 (4th Cir. 2020)

Pepper v. United States, 562 U.S. 476 (2011)

– Thomas L. Root

U.S. Sentencing Commission’s In A Hurry to Get Things Done – Update for March 27, 2023

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

SENTENCING COMMISSION ROCKET DOCKET

rocket190620Showing that a federal prisoner has an ‘extraordinary and compelling’ reason for grant of compassionate release is critical to getting a sentence reduction grant under 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A). That statute also requires that any grant be consistent with “applicable policy statements” of the U.S. Sentencing Commission.

This is where it’s been sticky. The USSC has one policy statement (USSG § 1B1.13) addressing compassionate release, adopted well before the compassionate release statute was changed by the First Step Act. The same month Congress passed First Step (December 2018), the USSC lost its quorum as multiple members’ terms expired. President Trump nominated some new members a few months later, but the Senate did not approve them. That condition lasted until last spring, when President Biden nominated a complete slate of new members.

USSC2300327Without a quorum, the USSC could not modify § 1B1.13 to account for the changes that First Step made in the § 3582(c)(1)(A). Almost all courts responded by holding that the old § 1B1.13 was no longer an “applicable policy statement” and thus didn’t bind the courts. In a way, that was liberating to the people filing compassionate release motions, because courts were freed from § 1B1.13’s restrictive definition of what constituted “extraordinary and compelling” reasons.

But without a USSC policy statement moderating district court responses, compassionate release grants since 2019 have been characterized by wide disparity. In Oregon, for instance, about 62% of compassionate release filings have been granted. In the Middle District of Georgia, on the other hand, only about 1.5% have been granted.

The new USSC said last its top priority was to amend § 1B1.13, and in January, the Commission issued a draft § 1B1.13 for public comment that contained some very prisoner-friendly proposals and options. The proposed change was part of an extensive set of draft Guidelines amendments that spanned more than a hundred pages of text. The public comment period ended two weeks ago, with over 1,600 pages of comments filed on the compassionate release proposal alone.

The USSC usually rolls out its proposal Guidelines amendments by May 1st. Under 28 USC § 994(p), the amendments go to Congress, which then has 180 days to reject them. If Congress does nothing (which is almost always the case), the changes become effective.

Iminahurry230327But this new USSC is in a hurry to get things done. Last week, the Commission announced an April 5 meeting at which the final § 1B1.13 (and all of the other draft proposed amendments) will be adopted.

If the amendment package goes to Congress that same day, they could become effective as early as Monday, Oct 2nd.

USSC, Public Meeting – April 5, 2023 (March 24, 2023)

– Thomas L. Root

Just a Uniform Change Away – Update for October 6, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

YOU’RE A LAWBREAKER… AND PRETTY INCONSISTENT, TOO, YOUR HONOR

Inmates often say of the correctional officers – whose conduct is often eminently indictable but for the fact that the COs have badges – that they’re “just a uniform change away” from being inmates themselves. The COs are not alone.

istamendment211006Last week, a Wall Street Journal investigation found that more than 130 federal judges failed to recuse themselves from civil cases that involve companies that they or their family members invest in, in clear violation of federal law. These judges ruled in favor of the companies in two-thirds of the cases, and one judge in Texas had 138 cases where he had a conflict of interest.

“I dropped the ball,” one judge told the Journal when asked about his conflict of interests. Try that excuse at your next sentencing.

Speaking of sentencing, a new analysis by the Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse (TRAC) at Syracuse University identifies federal courthouses where wide judge-to-judge sentencing differences currently occur.

“While special circumstances might account for some of these differences,” the report concludes, “half of the courthouses in the country had median differences in prison sentences of 16 months or more, and average differences of 21 months or more.” This means that depending on which judge a defendant draws, his or her sentence on the same facts would vary by over a year and half, on the average.

judge160222Seven courthouses showed perfect agreement among judges on sentencing, those at Lincoln, NE; Providence, RI; Albany, GA; Ft. Myers, FL; Las Cruces, NM; and El Paso and Del Rio, TX. On the other end, five courthouses showed more than 60 months difference in the median prison sentence handed out across judges serving on the same bench, those at Tampa, FL; Benton, IL; Orlando, FL; Greenbelt, MD; and Philadelphia, PA.

Wall Street Journal, 131 Federal Judges Broke the Law by Hearing Cases Where They Had a Financial Interest (September 28, 2021)

TRAC, Equal Justice and Sentencing Practices Among Federal District Court Judges (September 30, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

EQUAL Act Jumps Low Hurdle, High Hurdle is Next – Update for September 30, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

HOUSE PASSES EQUAL ACT

crackpowder160606Over 25 years ago, the United States Sentencing Commission – never a hotbed of progressive thought – concluded that the draconian drug policy of considering every gram of crack cocaine to be the equivalent to 100 grams of powder cocaine was irrational and resulted in disproportionately severe crack sentences being imposed mostly on black defendants.

But just as sex sells in the marketing ethos, outrageous punishment sells in the political world. At least until a few years ago, no member of Congress ever lost an election because he or she was too tough on crime.

Fourteen years ago, Presidential candidate Barack Obama decried the crack-to-powder disparity, and in April 2009, his Dept of Justice lobbied for the elimination of the 100:1 ratio. The House passed a 1:1 bill that year, but by the time the Senate took it up the following summer, 1:1 had become 18:1 in order to satisfy certain troglodytes in that chamber, chief among them the unlamented former senator Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III of Alabama.

Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III
Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III

The resulting Fair Sentencing Act mandated a new 18:1 crack/powder quantity disparity ratio, but without retroactivity, so that accidents of time hammered a defendant who was sentenced in July 2010, for example, with a 100:1 sentence, while one whose lawyer managed to delay sentencing until the dog days of August benefitted from a much shorter mandatory minimum. Under this formula, people caught with 28 grams of crack receive the same sentence as someone caught with 500 grams of powder cocaine, despite the American Medical Association’s findings that there is no chemical difference between the two substances.

The Fair Sentencing Act became retroactive to all defendants with crack mandatory minimums (but see United States v. Terry) by the passage of the First Step Act in December 2018.

Fast forward to last week. The EQUAL Act, pending in both houses of Congress, proposes the elimination of any disparity between crack and powder cocaine. But Sen Charles Grassley (R-Iowa) a conservative lawmaker from the heart of the corn belt but a champion of criminal justice reform, said candidly that he didn’t think he could find enough Republican votes to come up with the 60 needed to pass the EQUAL Act in the Senate.

This past Tuesday, the House decided to give Grassley the chance to try anyway, passing the EQUAL Act (H.R. 1693) by a lopsided vote of 361-66. (Grassley may have a point. All 66 nay votes in the House were from GOP lawmakers).

Surprisingly (at least to me), Representative Louie Gohmert (R-Texas), a former judge who has said some people – not without some justification, I might add – think he is the “dumbest guy in Congress,” was a sponsor of the EQUAL Act. The Congressman said the measure was “a great start toward getting the right thing done. He said during floor debate that as a judge, “Something I thought Texas did right was [to] have an up-to-12 months substance abuse felony punishment facility. Some thought it was strange that a strong conservative like myself used that as much as I did. But I saw this is so addictive, it needs a length of time to help people to change their lives for such a time that they’ve got a better chance of making it out, understanding just how addictive those substances are.”

In the Senate, at least 10 Republicans would have to join with all Democrats to advance it in the evenly divided chamber. A Senate version of the EQUAL Act, S.79, was introduced by Sen. Cory Booker (D-NJ) and currently has five cosponsors, including three Republicans: Sen. Rob Portman (Ohio), Rand Paul (Kentucky), and Thom Tillis (NC). It remains before the Committee on the Judiciary.

The House version of the EQUAL Act that just passed provides that in the case of a defendant already serving a sentence based in any part on cocaine base may return to court to receive a sentence reduction, in a procedure that appears to be similar to the Section 404 procedure for Fair Sentencing Act retroactive resentencings, but with one interesting twist: Section 404 proceedings do not require the district judge to consider whether a sentence reduction is consistent with the sentencing factors in 18 USC § 3553(a). The EQUAL Act procedure permits imposition of a sentence reduction only “after considering the factors set forth in section 3553(a) of title 18, United States Code.”

Is this a good thing? Probably anything that adds structure (however slight) to the process is beneficial. Without any standard, nothing prevents a district judge from making arbitrary decisions. Even with a § 3553(a) requirement, a Sentencing Commission study of the compassionate release process has found that a defendant’s likelihood of success ranged from about 70% in Oregon to a lousy 1.5% (Western District of North Carolina).

crack-coke200804Anything that can avoid swapping one disparity for another is probably a good thing.

So what would be the practical effect of such a change? When the Fair Sentencing Act passed, the U.S. Sentencing Commission responded by reducing sentencing ranges across the board for crack offenses, so that a five-year mandatory sentence for a defendant without a prior criminal history possessing 28 grams of crack equaled what the Guidelines said his sentence should be. If the ratio falls to 1:1, and if the Sentencing Commission makes the same adjustments, a hypothetical defendant with no prior record (and no sentencing enhancements) would see the following sentencing range adjustments:

chart210624

Of course, as they say in the commercials, “actual results may vary.” But if the courts are mandated to consider § 3553(a) first, maybe they will vary less.

But first, the EQUAL Act has to pass the Senate…

– Thomas L. Root