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Circuit Split Happens Fast on § 2113(a) ‘Crime of Violence’ Holding – Update for December 13, 2024

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

PAY YOUR MONEY AND TAKE YOUR CHANCE

I had a contracts professor in law school a half-century ago who would every so often wave his arm expansively in the general direction of the library and remind us, “Remember, there’s enough law in there for everyone.”

circuitsplit220516Fifty years later, I get his point.

This week, two federal courts of appeal found enough law to let them answer the same question in opposite ways.

For a criminal statute to constitute a crime of violence that will support a conviction under 18 USC § 924(c) – possessing or using a gun during a crime of violence or drug offense – an offender must be unable to commit the crime without attempting or using or threatening to use physical force. Kidnapping? Sounds violent as hell, but one can kidnap someone by walking out of a room they’re in and locking the door so they cannot get out. You and your friends can plan to shoot the CEO of the Wesayso Corporation for poisoning society with low-quality honeybuns, but conspiring to murder someone is not a crime of violence, because you can conspire without using physical force.

Here’s the rub. In order to avoid the crime of violence label, the crime cannot be divisible. The statute must express the alternatives as “means” and not “elements.” If in a statute such as the bank robbery statute (18 USC § 2113), Congress created two separate criminal offenses —one violent (done by force or threat of force) and the other not—the statute is divisible. Then, the part of the statute that defines a violent crime will support the § 924(c) conviction. But if the statute is indivisible and merely sets forth three alternative means—such as force, threat of force, and extortion—of completing the same crime, then if extortion can be done without violence, the statute will not support a § 924(c) conviction, no matter how weird it might seem that a law prohibiting armed bank robbery cannot support a mandatory gun penalty statute like 18 USC § 924(c).

violence181008Bryan Burwell and Aaron Perkins have spent the last 23 years or so in prison for their bit parts in a string of armed bank robberies. Unfortunately, the ringleaders armed themselves with fully automatic AK-47s, which led to 18 USC § 924(c) consecutive sentences of 30 years apiece.

Even more unfortunately, the ringleaders had the foresight to make deals to testify against Bryan and Aaron. The ringleaders had their § 924(c) counts dropped and are out of prison. Bryan and Aaron have another 15 years to go.

On Monday, the D.C. Circuit ruled that the federal bank robbery statute is not divisible. It prohibits bank robbery committed by use of force, threat of force, attempted use of force or extortion. Because extortion is committed not only by threatening someone with future violence but with the future accusation of a crime, an embarrassing revelation or loathsome disease, a bank robbery could conceivably be accomplished by threatening to tell the branch manager’s wife that he was having an affair if he didn’t empty the vault into your duffel bag.

The Circuit concluded that the statute, which criminalizes bank robbery completed “by force and violence, or by intimidation,” or “by extortion” is not divisible. Because of that, a § 2113(a) bank robbery cannot support a § 924(c) conviction:

Force and violence, intimidation, and extortion are three ways a person might rob a bank. The text and structure of the statute indicate that extortion is a factual means of bank robbery, rather than an element of an entirely separate offense. That conclusion is reinforced by the statutory history and common law roots of robbery and extortion. As an indivisible offense, bank robbery is not a § 924(c) crime of violence

As a result, Bryan and Aaron will walk free after over 20 years in prison.

violence180508Not so John Armstrong, convicted in Florida of § 2113(a) bank robbery and multiple § 924(c) offenses. Like Bryan and Aaron, John argued that § 2113(a) cannot be a crime of violence because it can be committed through use of extortion. Two days after the D.C. Circuit said extortion and force were just means of violating § 2113(a), the 11th Circuit said they were really elements, meaning that § 2113(a) describes two divisible crime, robbery by force and robbery by extortion.

John was convicted of aiding and abetting a robbery by force, and thus must continue serving his 35-year sentence (resulting from multiple § 924(c) counts).

Agreeing with a prior 1st Circuit decision, the 11th held that “the fact that the language ‘or obtains or attempts to obtain’ immediately precedes the phrase ‘by extortion’ (as opposed to ‘takes, or attempts to take,’ which relates to the ‘by force or violence’ and ‘intimidation’)… suggests that extortion is not an alternative means of commission. We agree that a plain reading of the text supports the conclusion that robbery and extortion are alternate elements—amounting to separate crimes—not alternate means of committing one crime.”

The 11th ruled that § 2113(a)’s distinction between ‘taking’ and ‘obtaining’ “reflects the fundamental division between robbery and extortion, namely, that robbery involves taking possession of the property of another against his will while extortion involves taking possession of the property of another with consent—albeit grudging or coerced.”

splithair170727Circuit splits – where two federal appellate courts reach diametrically opposed conclusions – happen regularly enough. Such matters are routinely settled by the Supreme Court, as this one surely will be. However, rarely do the conflicting decisions get handed down within 48 hours.

Count on this one to be settled by SCOTUS. Meanwhile, Bryan and Aaron will have Christmas at home, John will not – all due to there being enough law out there for two Circuits to answer the same legal question in two irreconcilable ways in the same week.

United States v. Burwell, Case Nos. 16-3009 (D.C. Cir. Dec. 9, 2024), 2024 U.S. App. LEXIS 31086

United States v. Armstrong, Case No. 21-11252 (11th Cir. Dec. 11, 2024), 2024 U.S. App. LEXIS 31549

– Thomas L. Root

Biden Commutes CARES Act Home Confinement Sentences – Update for December 12, 2024

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

BIDEN COMMUTATION WAVE BEGINNING?

CARESEnd230131Early this morning, President Biden announced that he is granting clemency to nearly 1,500 Americans – the most ever in a single day – sent to home confinement under the CARES Act, people who the White House says “were placed on home confinement during the COVID-19 pandemic and who have successfully reintegrated into their families and communities.”

He is also pardoning 39 people convicted of non-violent crimes, whose names are not yet available. The White House said, “These actions represent the largest single-day grant of clemency in modern history.”

Biden said in a separate statement,

I am pardoning 39 people who have shown successful rehabilitation and have shown commitment to making their communities stronger and safer. I am also commuting the sentences of nearly 1,500 people who are serving long prison sentences – many of whom would receive lower sentences if charged under today’s laws, policies, and practices. These commutation recipients, who were placed on home confinement during the COVID pandemic, have successfully reintegrated into their families and communities and have shown that they deserve a second chance.

I will take more steps in the weeks ahead. My Administration will continue reviewing clemency petitions to advance equal justice under the law, promote public safety, support rehabilitation and reentry, and provide meaningful second chances.

Associated Press reported that the second largest single-day act of clemency was by Barack Obama, with 330, shortly before leaving office in 2017.

earlychristmas241212

Back in the final hours of the first Trump Administration, the Department of Justice Office of Legal Counsel issued an opinion that those persons serving sentences on CARES Act home confinement  would be required to return to secure custody once the national COVID emergency ended. The Justice Department subsequently withdrew that opinion, but with the election of President Trump, there has been substantial speculation – such as this, this and this –that the 2021 opinion could be once again adopted along with calls for Biden to preemptively block such a step with a blanket commutation.

Advocacy groups have been calling for a broad range of pardons, including for people on federal death row and with marijuana convictions. Biden has previously issued blanket pardons for those convicted of minor marijuana-related crimes, but those didn’t make any federal inmates eligible for release, because none of the recipients was in prison.

When Biden issued the blanket pardon in October 2022 for people convicted of marijuana possession on federal property, those benefitting were required to make individual applications to the Dept of Justice for the pardon specific to their cases. As of 6 a.m., details of what, if any, steps CARES Act recipients may have to take to obtain their personal commutations is not yet known.

White House, Release on CARES Act Clemency (December 12, 2024)

White House, Statement on CARES Act Clemency (December 12, 2024)

Associated Press, Biden commutes roughly 1,500 sentences and pardons 39 people in biggest single-day act of clemency (December 12, 2024)

Wall Street Journal, Biden to Commute Sentences of Around 1,500 People (December 12, 2024)

Dept. of Justice, Memorandum Opinion for the General Counsel of the Federal Bureau of Prisons (January 15, 2021)

Dept. of Justice, Discretion to Continue the Home-Confinement Placements of Federal Prisoners After the COVID-19 Emergency  (December 21, 2021)

Hurwitz, Hugh, Biden’s easy case for clemency: prisoners in home confinement (The Hill, November 26, 2024)

Pavlo, Walter, The Bureau of Prisons Under A Trump Administration (Forbes, November 7, 2024)

Ward, Myah, Clemency groups use Hunter pardon to pressure Biden (Politico, December 5, 2024)

– Thomas L. Root

Local Lawyer Makes Bad – Update for December 10, 2024

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

PLEA AGREEMENT BY COMMITTEE

pleadeal161116Elvin Torres-Estrada hired a pair of New York City lawyers to represent him in a Puerto Rican drug conspiracy case. When out-of-district laws come to town in a case like this, they have a local lawyer sponsor them to appear pro haec vice, literally “for this event,” without having to get admitted to practice before the district court. Elvin hired a local lawyer, Garcia, to do so and to act as local counsel to his out-of-town hired guns.

Early on, Elvin’s lawyers concluded that he might benefit from a joint plea deal with one of his co-defendants. With Elvin’s OK, the two attorneys began coordinating with the co-D’s attorneys and learned the government had refused a proposed 11-year term of imprisonment for the co-defendant and would be seeking a sentencing recommendation for Elvin roughly two years longer than whatever the co-D ultimately got. Local lawyer Garcia did not attend most of their meetings with the co-D’s people, consistent with his limited role as local counsel.

The government offered Elvin 188 months. Elvin’s NYC lawyers got the co-D’s lawyers to agree that the defendants would jointly counteroffer with 144 for the co-D and 168 for Elvin. Elvin reluctantly OK’d the deal. But before the scheduled meeting with the government, Garcia met with his client and talked him into authorizing a 156-month counter instead of the previously agreed-to 168. When the New York lawyers found out, they convinced Elvin to raise it to 164.

Garcia then blindsided the NYC lawyers by throwing the 156-month counteroffer out in the middle of the meeting anyway, and then upping it to 162 when the government rejected the 156 months out of hand. The government said it would “think about” it.

Plea negotiations broke down, the government obtained a second indictment against Elvin for a separate conspiracy, and he ended up with a 288-month sentence. Elvin filed a 28 USC § 2255 petition arguing that Garcia rendered ineffective assistance by undercutting the New York lawyers’ careful plea negotiations.

Last week, the 1st Circuit upheld the denial of Elvin’s 2255.

chinashop241210The Circuit seemed to acknowledge that Garcia was a bull in a china shop but said that he had compromised with a counteroffer that was only two months lower than what Elvin had authorized and that the government “still responded by saying he would think about it.” The 1st said, “The circumstances surrounding the meeting thus diminish the force of Elvin’s claim that Garcia’s disruptive actions were incompatible with an attempt by competent counsel to secure the best possible deal for his client. Given the government’s stated willingness at the meeting to consider the rogue 162-month proposal, one could reasonably say that Garcia’s aggressive (though discourteous) tactics had advanced the plea negotiations and, accordingly, were within the range of competence demanded of attorneys in criminal cases.”

reallawyer170216Even if Garcia’s performance had been deficient, the Circuit said, Elvin had not been prejudiced. The record “makes plain that Garcia’s conduct did not result in termination of the plea-bargaining process. Rather… after [the government] was told that Garcia “spoke out of turn and inconsistent with Elvin’s instructions,” it “agreed to revisit” the possibility of lowering the offers to both defendants. And more than two weeks after Garcia’s hijacking of the negotiation session, the original offer of fifteen years/eight months (188 months) remained on the table.”

“In sum,” the Circuit held, “we need not view Garcia’s disruptive performance in advance of, and during, the meeting as entirely defensible to conclude that Elvin has failed to establish a violation of his 6th Amendment right to the effective assistance of counsel…

Torres-Estrada v. United States, Case No. 19-1485, 2024 U.S. App.  LEXIS 30919 (1st Cir., December 6, 2024)

– Thomas L. Root

Post-Conviction Amendments Taken Up by Supreme Court – Update for December 9, 2024

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

SCOTUS GRANTS REVIEW ON 2255 AMENDMENT QUESTION

The law is clear that a prisoner can amend a pending 28 USC § 2255 motion while it is pending in front of the district court. But if the district judge has already denied the § 2255 motion, whether an amendment is allowed while the inmate is appealing the denial is in doubt.

Amending a denied § 2255 motion – second bite of the apple?
Amending a denied § 2255 motion – second bite of the apple?

Last Friday, the Supreme Court granted certiorari to decide whether a prisoner has to make the 28 USC § 2244 “second-or-successive” showing to amend a § 2255 motion while on appeal—which six circuits require—or whether such an amendment is allowed in some cases (as two circuits hold) or any time (allowed by the 2nd Circuit).

The precise issue raised is “[w]hether [28 USC] § 2244(b)(2) applies (i) only to habeas filings made after a prisoner has exhausted appellate review of his first petition, (ii) to all second-in-time habeas filings after final judgment, or (iii) to some second-in-time filings, depending on a prisoner’s success on appeal or ability to satisfy a seven-factor test.”

A decision will be made by the end of June 2025.

Rivers v. Lumpkin, Case No. 23-1345 (certiorari granted December 6, 2024)

– Thomas L. Root

Addition By Subtraction At The BOP – Update for December 6, 2024

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

THAT’S ONE WAY TO DO IT, I GUESS

additionbysubtraction241206Federal Bureau of Prisons Director Colette S. Peters announced yesterday that the agency will not reopen FCI Dublin – no surprise there – but additionally will close six other minimum-security facilities in Colorado, Minnesota, Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, West Virginia, and Florida.

Associated Press obtained a letter to Congress in which Peters said the agency was taking “decisive and strategic action” to address “significant challenges, including a critical staffing shortage, crumbling infrastructure and limited budgetary resources.”

Addition by subtraction… but that doesn’t make the decision wrong.

Three of the closures are satellite prison camps to low-security prisons: FCI Oxford, Wisconsin, camp; FCI Englewood, Colorado, camp (72 inmates); and FCI Loretto, Pennsylvania, camp (76 inmates). FCI Oxford has already been emptied, having relocated its camp-eligible inmates last June.

The Oxford, Englewood and Loretto closures will free up BOP staff for assignment to the low-security facilities on site. The Duluth, Morgantown and Pensacola stand-alone camp closures, which will affect 1,647 prisoners, will let the BOP reassign staff who want to remain with the BOP to prisons in other parts of the country where staffing levels are low.

About 400 employees will be freed up for assignment elsewhere. A BOP statement said, “Many employees affected by this decision will move from one part of a facility to another part of the same facility. The remaining employees will have the opportunity to move to different FBOP facilities. The FBOP is not downsizing and we are committed to finding positions for every employee who wants to remain with the agency.”

The BOP anticipates the process will begin now at all the facilities (except Dublin and Oxford, which are already empty) and be concluded in about nine months.

paniccrowd240625As for FCI Dublin, AP said the permanent shutdown “seven months after a temporary closure in the wake of staff-on-inmate abuse” – that led to the widespread reporting of the abusive staff members’ nickname for the prison as the “Rape Club” – “is the clearest sign yet that the agency — which has more than 30,000 employees, 158,000 inmates and an annual budget of about $8 billion — is unable or unwilling to rehabilitate its most problematic institutions.”

All of the prisoners at the notorious female prison, located not far from the San Francisco Bay area, were hustled out of town on BOP buses last April in a BOP attempt to torpedo continued federal court litigation over sexual abuse of a yet-undetermined number of inmates (although the plaintiff class numbers in the hundreds). Alas, the Court was not fooled. Walter Pavlo wrote in Forbes yesterday that while there have been no prisoners at the facility since the last one left in early May, “one insider told me they had hoped it would reopen. That will not happen.”

Making the Dublin closure permanent surprises no one except perhaps that one insider, for the same reason that schools are demolished after mass shootings: the optics.

The BOP said that FPC Pensacola, which is owned by the Navy, is in “significant disrepair” and will be demolished. FPC Duluth camp has “aging and dilapidated infrastructure,” including several condemned buildings contaminated with asbestos and lead paint, the agency said.

The Morgantown camp inmates and about 150 employees will be relocated to “maximize existing resources” at the federal prison complex in Hazelton (known as “Misery Mountain”) about 23 miles to the east. The BOP expected to save the $26 million needed for repair at FCI Englewood by closing its camp.

hitroad240314American Federation of Government Employees National President Everett Kelley predictably whined about the closures: “This announcement jeopardizes the continued employment of 400 federal employees just weeks before the holidays. While the agency says it will attempt to place employees in other jobs, the reality is that most Bureau of Prisons facilities are in isolated locations far from each other, so many – if not most – employees affected will face disruptive relocations to remain employed.”

God forbid that government employees might face the same dilemma that private sector workers suffer on a regular basis.

The good news for the BOP is that the closures should cut costs slightly, reducing the number of facilities from about 121 to about 114 locations and reducing its staff shortage very slightly. Given that the BOP already ranks dead last in employee satisfaction among federal agencies, employee disappointment isn’t going to affect its status as a desirable place to work.

Associated Press, The US government is closing a women’s prison and other facilities after years of abuse and decay (December 5, 2024)

Forbes, Federal Bureau of Prisons Closing Prisons Ahead Of Trump Presidency (December 5, 2024)

KBJR-TV, Duluth, Federal Bureau of Prisons plans to ‘deactivate’ Duluth prison camp (December 5, 2024)

– Thomas L. Root

10th Circuit Deliberately Indifferent to Bivens – Update for December 5, 2024

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

10TH CIRCUIT KILLS BIVENS ‘DELIBERATE INDIFFERENCE’ CLAIM

The 10th Circuit minced no words: “The Supreme Court’s “abrogative process of Bivens has been ‘gradual, but relentless, such that the “‘right answer’ to whether to recognize a Bivens cause of action will always be no… Bivens is now all but dead.”

BivensdeadDustin Rowland’s lawsuit was pretty plain vanilla. He sued various BOP officials, claiming they were deliberately indifferent to his serious medical needs by repeatedly denying his requests for hernia surgery and post-operative treatment, seeking damages under Bivens v. Six Unknown Named Agents of the Federal Bureau of Narcotics. It is the kind of medical indifference suit that inmates file across the country all the time.

Or used to.

On November 19th, the 10th Circuit held that under the 2022 Supreme Court decision in Egbert v Boule, John’s case presented an application of Bivens that was different from the situations recognized as raising a valid Bivens claim. Given the “expressed caution about extending the Bivens remedy, even significant parallels to one of the Court’s previous Bivens cases” may not be enough to show that a case arises in the same context,” the 10th said Dustin could not seek damages for any 8th Amendment violations he had suffered.

Dustin’s case was materially different from the one prior case that SCOTUS – back in its salad days – had held raised a valid Bivens claim. In the decision in Carlson v. Green, the record showed that the inmate victim had died because of deliberate indifference. “Small differences can easily satisfy the new-context inquiry,” the 10th said.

He was dead, Dustin. You’re not. Viva la difference.

bivensalive241205The 10th’s holding drives a stake through virtually any Circuit Bivens 8th Amendment claim and probably will embolden the Government (like it needs any such encouragement to stretch precedent enough to deny an aggrieved prisoner a remedy for legitimate constitutional claims) to make similar arguments in other Circuits. If any circuit split results, the Supremes would settle it (and probably not in favor of the prisoner).

Rowland v. Matevousian, Case No. 23-1343, 2024 U.S.App. LEXIS 29406 (10th Cir., November 19, 2024)

Bivens v. Six Unknown Named Agents of the Federal Bureau of Narcotics, 403 US 388 (1971)

Egbert v. Boule, 596 U.S. 482 (2022)

Carlson v. Green, 446 U.S. 14 (1980)

– Thomas L. Root

Government Tries to Cabin 5th Circuit on Felon-In-Possession Ruling – Update for December 3, 2024

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

5TH CIRCUIT REVERSES DISTRICT COURT ON 922(g) DISMISSAL

mustread241203Just last week, I had someone send me a forgettable decision by a backwater Federal district court in a circuit a thousand miles away from where the prisoner had been convicted. Suggesting that the case made his pending motion a dead-bang winner, he demanded, “You have to read this case!”

No, I don’t. The only court whose opinions are binding everywhere is the Supreme Court. A court of appeals decision is binding only in its own circuit and then only when the court publishes the decision. A district court’s opinion binds no one outside of the case it was issued in (called the law of the case doctrine, something we’ll take up at another time).

That doesn’t keep people from touting the latest LEXIS case from the Jerkwater, Kansas, federal district court as though Moses had carried it down the slopes of Mt. Sinai. Judges themselves don’t help: a district court especially is all too glad to cite some nonbinding case in support of its own conclusion without taking care to note that the other opinion is what lawyers call “persuasive authority.”

peppermintmocha24120A good “persuasive authority” decision and $6.25 will get you a Peppermint Mocha at Starbucks for a limited time. In fact, a Court of Appeals decision – if it is not “published” – is nonbinding on other panels of the same court. A “published” decision, on the other hand, cannot be reversed unless the court does it on an en banc rehearing (or it’s nullified by a Supreme Court case).

So what? The 5th Circuit, which has become notorious at the Dept of Justice for anti-922(g) decisions, last week reversed a decision by US District Court Judge Carlton Reeves – whose opinions on federal criminal law are especially important because his side gig is serving as chairman of the U.S. Sentencing Commission – that defendant Jesse Bullock’s 18 USC § 922(g) felon-in-possession indictment should be dismissed because of the Supreme Court’s 2022 New York State Rifle & Piston Association v. Bruen decision. Judge Reeves found that in the wake of Bruen, prohibiting felons from having guns violated the 2nd Amendment.

guns200304The 5th held that Jesse’s many prior felony convictions, which included aggravated assault and manslaughter (for shooting an unarmed bar bouncer and “firing a ‘barrage of bullets’ into a nearby crowd,” killing a 19-year-old passerby) meant that he could be banned from possessing guns in light of last summer’s SCOTUS opinion in United States v. Rahimi (an appeal from this Circuit’s holding that the defendant could have a gun despite a domestic protection order and a violent history). The 5th found that “a ban on Bullock’s ability to possess a firearm ‘fits neatly’ within our Nation’s historical tradition of firearm regulation.”

Last week’s decision was unpublished, meaning that it would not bind another Circuit panel considering the same issue (or even the same person if he possessed a gun on another occasion). However, the day after the unpublished opinion was issued, the Dept. of Justice filed a motion asking the 5th to publish the case, arguing that an opinion identifying “aggravated assault and manslaughter as among the predicate offenses that district courts may look to in assessing whether a defendant’s use of a firearm may be prohibited… has potential significance in other cases for which these previous offenses serve as § 922(g)(1) predicates.”

Jesse has opposed the motion, contending that the opinion is a ho-hum application of Rahimi, not worth the ink figuratively needed to publish. “This Court addressed the merits of the district court decision without requesting supplemental briefing” after Rahimi was decided. “No oral argument was held. If published, the panel’s decision would preclude other panels from considering the issue with the benefit of more robust briefing and argument.”

boxedin241203Jesse’s last argument is most to the point. The government fears the 5th, with the benefit of a lot of briefing and focus, might issue another Rahimi-type decision. Getting a summary holding that violent prior convictions disqualify someone from gun possession would box in the Circuit, requiring another Rahimi-type decision to be en banc.

United States v. Bullock, Case No. 23-60408, 2024 U.S. App. LEXIS 29938 (5th Cir., November 25, 2024)

– Thomas L. Root

Joe Biden Does a Father’s Duty… Now Who Might Be Next? – Update for December 2, 2024

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

BIDEN PARDONS HUNTER… WHO MIGHT BE NEXT?

President Joe Biden pardoned his son, Hunter, last night, saving him prison time for gun possession offenses and tax crimes.

pardonme190123I will not listen to criticism for his action, regardless of the fact that the President recklessly claimed last summer he would never do such a thing. What father would not spare his son’s conviction and prison if it was in his power to do so? Even if Joe’s rationale – that no one is ever prosecuted for the 18 USC § 922(g)(3) and 18 USC § 922(a)(6) offenses that Hunter faced, and for his son to be indicted was raw political theater – is bullshit on stilts.

And it is. Somehow Joe omitted mention of Hunter’s tax convictions, those being of a nature and severity that are brought every day. As for the gun offenses, look at United States v. Daniels at Note 6, where a concurring judge chronicles other cases in that Circuit alone where (g)(3) offenses were brought against people who blew a little dope but were not intoxicated when they bought their guns.

Yes, Hunter’s gun offense was pretty pedestrian (but the (g)(3) conviction was probably unconstitutional, as Daniels explains). Still, if I were elected president (an event unlikely to happen), I would pardon any of my kids or siblings or parents or cousins in a heartbeat. It’s family.

In a statement released Sunday, Biden said, “I believe in the justice system, but as I have wrestled with this, I also believe raw politics has infected this process and it led to a miscarriage of justice.”

No reasonable person who looks at the facts of Hunter’s cases can reach any other conclusion than Hunter was singled out only because he is my son,” Biden said. “I hope Americans will understand why a father and a President would come to this decision.

On Twitter (now inexplicably called “X”) last night, New York University law professor and clemency expert Rachel Barkow said, “This pardon of Hunter Biden better be the first of a huge flurry of commutations. There are so many cases even more deserving than this one that the Pardon Attorney has recommended granting, and they’re just waiting for Biden’s signature.”

pardonturkey231121There were others just earlier last week. On Monday, Peaches and Blossom became the 7th and 8th turkeys to be pardoned by Joe Biden in his presidential career. Law professor and clemency expert Mark Osler has noted that presidents could apply lessons from the annual Thanksgiving week event to their clemency practices:

First, it occurs regularly. Turkeys are pardoned every year, not just in the waning days of an administration. Second, decisions are made by objective specialists with the current chairman of the National Turkey Federation… responsible for managing a thorough selection process… Third, there are defined criteria. The finalists are selected based on their willingness to be handled, their health and their natural good looks. Fourth, attention is paid to making sure they thrive after their grant of clemency. After the ceremony, they are sent to Virginia Tech’s “Gobbler’s Rest” exhibit, where they are well cared for… This contrasts sharply with the process of giving clemency to humans… [The] procedure through which clemency is granted is irregular, run largely by biased generalists, devoid of consistent, meaningful criteria, and it does little to ensure success of individuals after their release.

That does not lessen the optimism that in the next 49 days, Biden will hit a home run, pardoning or commuting sentences for everyone from Jack Smith and Merrick Garland to people on death row, CARES Act prisoners and those left behind by the First Step Act’s nonretroactivity.

Democrats and criminal justice reform advocates continue to pressure Biden to use his presidential authority to pardon those currently in federal prison fng from drugs to tax evasion—particularly those awaiting execution for more serious charges. Last week, 54 people who received clemency over the past five presidential administrations asked Biden to be “bold and compassionate during your remaining time in office and grant clemency to the deserving applicants referred to you by the Office of the Pardon Attorney.”

The clemency recipients wrote that they each had received long, unjust sentences before they finally regained their freedom.

death200330Prior to last Monday’s turkey pardoning, the group Prison Policy Initiative blasted Biden for reneging on his campaign promise to end the federal death penalty. “More turkeys have been pardoned from dinner plates in the US than people have been granted clemency from death row,” PPI said in an Instagram post. “Biden’s days left in office are limited, but it’s not too late for him to spare everyone from federal death row (and cement his legacy for the better).”

The Quaker organization Friends Committee on National Legislation said last week that “since 1973 there have been 200 exonerations from death row and over 1,600 people killed, with 50 executions at the federal level.” The group is not asking Biden to pardon all 40 people awaiting capital punishment but instead to commute their sentences to life in prison.

Writing in The Hill last week, former Bureau of Prisons Director Hugh Hurwitz urged Biden to commute the sentences of people currently on CARES Act home confinement. “Now that President-elect Donald Trump is returning to the White House,” Hurwitz wrote, “those remaining in home confinement are again concerned that his administration will reverse course and send them back to prison. Only this time, they have been quietly living at home and working in our communities for almost five years. This uncertainty is creating a lot of anxiety among these people and their families… We do not know what a new Trump administration will do, but there is no reason for us to wait and see. Until Jan 20, Biden has the unique power to grant clemency. This group of people has proven to be trustworthy and safe in our society. If ever there was a case for clemency, this is it.”

compassion160124Whether any of these pressure tactics will be enough to motivate Biden to move on clemency is not clear. But with less than two months left in his presidency, the only real strategy clemency advocates have is to stress how history will view him if he does nothing at all. And that will be effective only to the extent that he cares at all about that.

Associated Press, Biden pardons his son Hunter despite previous pledges not to (December 1, 2024)

United States v. Daniels, 77 F.4th 337 (5th Cir. 2023)

White House, Statement from President Joe Biden (December 1, 2024)

TwitterX, @RachelBarkow (December 1, 2024)

CNN, The process to pardon turkeys is more rational than the one used for humans (November 19, 2018)

Natl Criminal Justice Assn, Hunter Biden Defense Hints That President Should Pardon Him (November 30, 2024)

Tag24, Biden Urged to Take “Last Opportunity” for Positive Legacy in Letter from Over 50 Clemency Recipients (November 26, 2024)

Politico. Biden pardoned turkeys. Will he pardon more people? (November 26, 2024)

Prison Policy Initiative, More turkeys have been pardoned from dinner plates in the US than people have been granted clemency from death row (November 26, 2024)

The Hill, Biden’s easy case for clemency: prisoners in home confinement (November 26, 2024)

NCJA.Org, Death Penalty Opponents Seeking Commutations From Biden (November 26, 2024)

Friends Committee on National Legislation, Recommendations for Executive Action for the Remainder of President Biden’s Term (November 26, 2024)

– Thomas L. Root

Thanksgiving Week: What to Have for Dessert? – Update for November 29, 2024

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

DESSERT

pumpkinpie241129It can be hard to pick which traditional Thanksgiving pie – pumpkin or apple – to eat as a finish to the feast. But a tough choice like this one usually ends with eating both, not a decision to just forget dessert altogether and go home.

The 7th Circuit had a problem last week deciding whether a prisoner appealing the denial of his 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A) compassionate release motion should be given a court-appointed attorney. Ultimately, the Circuit decided not to decide.

The 7th took only three pages to deny the appeal but needed another 43 pages to express the differing views of the three-judge panel.

The inmate had an appointed attorney in district court, but when the lawyer withdrew, the Circuit provisionally appointed a replacement to argue whether the appeals court had the authority under 18 USC § 3006A “to appoint counsel at public expense—whether in an individual case or through a general order—for defendants… seeking a reduction of their sentences under 18 USC 3582.”

The 7th has previously held that district courts are not required to appoint counsel in compassionate release proceedings, “but it does not prohibit them from doing so.”

The panel found that the district judge did not abuse his discretion in denying the compassionate release motion, so it did not reach the issue of whether it had the power to appoint counsel: “In Judge Lee’s view… the principle of judicial restraint counsels that we not reach the issue, because we can affirm the district court’s denial… on narrower grounds… Judge Hamilton has doubts about whether the panel should address the merits, but explains why he believes the language of the Criminal Justice Act gives federal courts discretion to make such appointments… Judge Scudder believes it appropriate to resolve the merits question, and he would hold that the plain language of § 3006A does not authorize appointments of counsel in § 3582(c) proceedings.”

applepie241129One judge wanted pumpkin pie, one wanted apple pie, and one wanted both. So the panel decided on no dessert at all. However, with inmates frequently asking courts to appoint counsel, it is worthwhile noting that serious legal questions may make appointment impossible.

United States v. Bonds, Case No. 24-1576, 2024 U.S.App. LEXIS 29690 (7th Cir., November 21, 2024)

– Thomas L. Root

Thanksgiving Week: A Heaping Serving of Yams – Update for Thanksgivng Day 2024

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

YAMS

A true yam (as opposed to a sweet potato) is a monocot, a vigorous herbaceous, perennially growing vine related to lilies and grasses.

yams241128Speaking of “grass,” the marijuana kind, reports last week suggest that Biden’s promise to reclassify marijuana as a Schedule III drug – his latest promise to undo the war on drugs – might be in trouble .

Marijuana reform advocates last week asked an Administrative Law Judge (ALJ) to remove the DEA from its own hearing. They argue the agency has improperly communicated with antimarijuana groups in a bid to torpedo the Biden administration’s proposal. The advocates contended that “prominent doctors, researchers and state regulation experts are not being allowed to testify in a hearing” that will enable the ALJ to recommend whether rescheduling is appropriate.

Last week, the Washington Post reported, ALJ “signaled he will side with the DEA, writing the advocates’ request “adds nothing” and “presents little more than an ad hominem distraction.”

Under the reclassification proposal, marijuana would not be legalized federally like alcohol or tobacco, but would move to Schedule III, a category including prescription drugs such as ketamine, anabolic steroids and testosterone. That could lead to a lessening of Guidelines sentencing ranges, but even if that happens, it won’t happen immediately.

The ALJ pushed back the hearing from December 2nd to some time in January or February because it was unclear whether the 25 witnesses submitted by the DEA favored or opposed reclassification, or even why they should be allowed to testify, according to the ruling.

fail200526Reason magazine last week chronicled Biden’s criminal justice failures: “His voluminous 2020 criminal justice platform (now scrubbed from his website) advocated eliminating mandatory minimum sentences, cash bail, and the federal death penalty.” Another article noted that besides the death penalty, Biden “promised to “eliminate mandatory minimums”; “end, once and for all, the federal crack and powder cocaine disparity”; “decriminalize the use of cannabis and automatically expunge all prior cannabis use convictions”; and “use the president’s clemency power to secure the release of individuals facing unduly long sentences for certain non-violent and drug crimes.”

So far, Joe’s 0 for 5, and number 6 – use of clemency – hangs in the balance, with 54 days left.

Washington Post, DEA faces legal challenge as uncertainty clouds plan to reclassify marijuana (November 19, 2024)

Reason, Biden Failed To Deescalate the Drug War (November 22, 2024)

– Thomas L. Root