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Section 922(g) Constitutionality Gets Messier – Update for May 12, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

EN BANC 9TH CIRCUIT DECISION FINDS § 922(g)(1) IS CONSTITUTIONAL

The question that has loomed for thousands of federal defendants since of the Supreme Court upended decades of 2nd Amendment jurisprudence with the 2022 New York State Rifle & Pistol Association v. Bruen decision is whether 18 USC § 922(g)(1), which essentially slaps a lifetime gun possession ban on anyone with a felony conviction, remains constitutional. Second Amendment compliance of the so-called felon-in-possession statute just got more complicated, if not fractured, with last Friday’s 9th Circuit ruling in United States v. Duarte.

gunshow241018No one familiar with the 9th Circuit’s legendary anti-gun predisposition should be surprised.

Steven Duarte got pulled over in 2019 while having a gun in his car. Because he had been convicted of five prior felonies – including vandalism, evading a cop twice, possession of drugs, and a state-law felony for possessing a gun as a felon – he was charged and convicted of an 18 USC § 922(g)(1) offense. He challenged § 922(g)(1)’s constitutionality as applied to him, and a year ago, a three-judge 9th Circuit panel ruled 2-1 that after Bruen, § 922(g)(1) was unconstitutional as applied to Steve, a nonviolent felon.

The 9th Circuit, being the 9th Circuit, voted to rehear the case en banc. Last Friday, a year to the day after the 3-judge panel ruled in Steve’s favor, the en banc court (with five judges disagreeing for one reason or another) held in a 127-page opinion that the history and tradition of gun laws in America meant that § 922(g)(1) could disarm all felons consistent with the 2nd Amendment.

Back in 2008, the Supreme Court held in District of Columbia v. Heller that the 2nd Amendment conferred “an individual right to keep and bear arms” on the people. In a frenzy of obiter dicta, the Court noted, however, that “[l]ike most rights, the right secured by the Second Amendment is not unlimited:”

Although we do not undertake an exhaustive historical analysis today of the full scope of the Second Amendment, nothing in our opinion should be taken to cast doubt on longstanding prohibitions on the possession of firearms by felons and the mentally ill, or laws forbidding the carrying of firearms in sensitive places such as schools and government buildings, or laws imposing conditions and qualifications on the commercial sale of arms.

Two years after Heller, the Supremes repeated in McDonald v. City of Chicago that the “assurances” that Heller “did not cast doubt on such longstanding regulatory measures as ‘prohibitions on the possession of firearms by felons and the mentally ill.'”

nickdanger220426The Duarte majority ran with that. Before Bruen, the 9th held in United States v. Vongxay that “[n]othing in Heller can be read legitimately to cast doubt on the constitutionality of § 922(g)(1)” and that “felons are categorically different from the individuals who have a fundamental right to bear arms.” The en banc majority ruled last week that “Bruen did not change or alter this aspect of Heller or McDonald. Rather, Bruen and its lineal descendent, United States v. Rahimi, support Vongxay’s holding that § 922(g)(1) constitutionally prohibits the possession of firearms by felons.

First, the Bruen Court largely derived its constitutional test from Heller and stated that its analysis was consistent with Heller. Second, the Circuit said, “Bruen limited the scope of its opinion to ‘law-abiding citizens,’ evidenced by its use of the term fourteen times throughout the opinion.” The opinion lets the idea that people who have been convicted of a felony at any time in their lives can never be law-abiding citizens be inferred by the reader.

Third, the en banc 9th said, in the Bruen decision “six justices, including three in the majority, emphasized that Bruen did not disturb the limiting principles in Heller and McDonald. Finally, the Duarte ruling said, “the Bruen majority clarified that ‘nothing in our analysis should be interpreted to suggest the unconstitutionality of the 43 States’ ‘shall-issue’ licensing regimes… Justifying this reservation, the Supreme Court explained that “shall issue” laws require background checks for the very purpose of ensuring that licenses are not issued to felons.”

deadfingers250512Following that, the Duarte court decided that because capital punishment was the penalty for many if not most felonies in colonial America and because being dead was a worse outcome than not being allowed to have a gun, permanent disarmament is consistent with everyone’s expectations at the time the 2nd Amendment was ratified. A dissenting judge referred to this as “the cold, dead fingers’ rationale.

Dissenting, Judge Lawrence VanDyke argued that given the “paradigm change in Second Amendment jurisprudence that Bruen effected,” the majority’s conclusion that the Circuit’s pre-Bruen precedent remained good law. More importantly, he recognized that the effect of the majority’s holding was to give state legislatures “unilateral discretion to disarm anyone by assigning the label ‘felon’ to whatever conduct they desire” and thus “can disarm entire classes of individuals, even absent a specific showing of individual dangerousness or propensity to violence.”

circuitsplit220516The 127-page opinion aligns the 9th Circuit with four other circuits upholding the categorical application of § 922(g)(1) to all felons, the 4th, the 8th, the 10th, and 11th. Two circuits – the 5th and 6th – have rejected “as applied” challenges like Steve’s, but have left open the possibility that § 922(g)(1) might be unconstitutional as applied to at least some felons. The 3rd Circuit has held in an en banc decision that § 922(g)(1) is unconstitutional as applied to a defendant who was convicted of making a false statement to secure food stamps (not precisely a felony, but falling within the class of prohibited people defined by § 922(g)(1)). The 1st, 2nd and 7th Circuits have thus far declined to address constitutional challenges to § 922(g)(1) on the merits.

Writing in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog, Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman observed that

[t]he Supreme Court has so far dodged this issue, which has been broadly litigated since Heller was decided back in 2008 and which has generated considerably more lower court division since Bruen and Rahimi reoriented Second Amendment jurisprudence. With this latest ruling in the largest circuit, and with the Justice Department’s new efforts to restore gun rights to more persons with criminal convictions… I suspect the Justices might see even more reasons to avoid taking up this issue in the days ahead.

United States v. Duarte, No. 22-50048, 2025 U.S. App. LEXIS 11255, at *66-67 (9th Cir. May 9, 2025)

New York State Rifle & Pistol Association v. Bruen, 597 U.S. 1 (2022)

District of Columbia v. Heller, 554 U.S. 570 (2008)

McDonald v. City of Chicago, 561 U.S. 742 (2010)

United States v. Rahimi, 602 U.S. 680 (2024)

United States v. Vongxay, 594 F.3d 1111 (2010)

Sentencing Law and Policy, En banc Ninth Circuit broadly rejects Second Amendment challenge to federal felon-in-possession prohibition (May 10, 2025)

– Thomas L. Root

A Nikola Truckload of Pardons – Update for May 9, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

CLEMENCY BAZAAR

Trevor Milton knew how to do it. The founder of the electric-truck maker Nikola Corp. was convicted of wire fraud in 2022 for a promotional video that purported to show its electric semi rig hauling a trailer but was really a prototype without any electroc motors that Nikola had recorded rolling downhill.

nikola250509Trevor applied for a presidential pardon, arguing that his trial was flawed by a biased juror, lousy jury instructions, and prosecutors bringing charges in the wrong venue.

Complaining about an unfair prosecution hardly separated Trevor from thousands of other federal prisoners unhappy about their convictions. But Trevor had more: he pointed out that the prosecutors were the same people who had previously investigated some of President Trump’s allies. And he prepared for seeking a pardon by donating almost $1.7 million to support Trump’s 2024 presidential campaign and hired two lawyers well-known in conservative circles to push for his pardon.

“All the effort appeared to pay off,” Bloomberg Law reported this week, when Trevor got a phone call. “[A]fter 30 seconds on hold, President Donald Trump got on the line and told Milton that he was going to grant him a full pardon.” A week later, Trump called him again to report “’[i]t’s signed. You’re cleaner than a baby’s bottom, you’re cleaner than I am, Trevor,’ Milton recalled” to Bloomberg.

The president “is effectively and responsibly using his constitutional authority,” White House spokesman Harrison Fields explained. “Over the past four years, we have witnessed the weaponization of the justice system against the president’s allies. The president is committed to righting those wrongs and ending lawfare.”

clemencyjack161229Some critics suggest that Trump is not righting wrongs as much as running a pardon bazaar. Gregg Nunziata, former general counsel for Marco Rubio when he was a senator and now executive director for the Society for the Rule of Law, told Roll Call that Trump’s actions are “deeply un-American.”

“From the first days in office, there has been a pattern in pardons, in personnel, in the policies of using the powers of government to reward the president’s friends and allies and punish his perceived enemies,” Nunziata said. “That is the rule of a man out for his own interest and that is an assault on the full protection of the law and notions of fair play that our society, our country, depend on.”

As for its role, the Dept of Justice – which is without a Pardon Attorney since the firing of Elizabeth Oyer over the Mel Gibson gun flap two months ago – is “committed to timely and carefully reviewing” all clemency applications and making unbiased, consistent recommendations to the president, according to a DOJ statement.

Milton said he filed for clemency with the DOJ Pardon Attorney in January. Bloomberg reported, however, that the pardon didn’t follow the normal DOJ review process.

President Joe Biden set a record for granting clemency during his term, handing out over 4,000 commutations but only about 80 pardons. The commutations went overwhelmingly to federal prisoners and people who fell within classes of convictions – primarily for marijuana possession – or for CARES Act home confinees. Biden received widespread and bipartisan criticism for preemptively pardoning his family and allies to prevent Trump from going after them criminally.

obtaining-clemencyTrump, on the other hand, has set a presidential record for granting pardons – 1,590 and counting – starting with the January 6th Capitol rioters and then expanding to include white-collar defendants, cryptocurrency entrepreneurs, and anti-abortion activists. Pardon recipients include “numerous others who praised him or served as a witness against political rivals, including former Illinois Gov. Rod Blagojevich… He also pardoned Devon Archer and commuted the sentence of Jason Galanis, former business partners of Hunter Biden who served as witnesses in the House probe against the former president,” Roll Call reported yesterday.

Trump has even extended his pardon efforts beyond the limits of presidential authority (which does not extend to pardons for state offenses). He posted on TruthSocial Monday night that has directed DOJ “to take all necessary action to help secure the release” of Tina Peters, a former Colorado local election clerk in Colorado who was sentenced to nine years in state prison last fall for her role in a voting system data breach, a failed attempt to find voter fraud from the 2020 election.

Last March, DOJ filed a statement of interest in Peters’ pending 28 USC § 2254 habeas corpus case pending in US District Court for the District of Colorado. The post-conviction action seeks federal review of the constitutionality of her state conviction. The DOJ claims that it is concerned about Peters’ health and allege that “[r]easonable concerns have been raised about various aspects of Ms. Peters’ case.”

The pace of Trump’s pardons eclipses the president in second place, Bill Clinton (396 pardons in eight years) and in the process has fostered a “breakdown in the traditional vetting process for deciding who gets relief and supercharged a pardon economy unlike anything seen before,” as Bloomberg put it.

As a result, people who can afford it are spending big to get their applications in front of Trump, devoting tens of thousands of dollars to fees for attorneys, lobbyists and consultants on the pardon process.

money160118“There’s a huge level of interest,” said  Margaret Colgate Love, who served as the US Pardon Attorney during the Clinton years and now represents clemency clients. “People think Trump is going to do something for them.”

Presidents from both parties have long used their authority to circumvent official process and dole out pardons to friends and supporters. The constitution puts almost no limits on the practice, though leaders typically wait until the end of their tenure to award clemency. Trump has announced clemency grants on a dozen occasions since he took office three months ago.

All of this is not good news for the ordinary federal defendant, let alone a prisoner who can afford a donation of several Honeybuns and a couple of soups to the Trump campaign. “It seems like ordinary people who don’t have the resources to hire a lobbyist or well-connected lawyer and don’t have political connections and access to the White House front door are not being considered for clemency at all,” Oyer told Bloomberg.

A White House spokesman said Trump would work with the administration’s pardon czar, Alice Marie Johnson, to “continue to provide justice and redemption to countless deserving Americans.” Those with fat wallets and MAGA hats, that is.

Bloomberg Law, Lawyers Are Quoting $1 Million Fees to Get Pardons to Trump (May 7, 2025)

Roll Call, Pardons for friends, retribution for foes (May 7, 2025)

Democracy Docket, Trump Orders DOJ to ‘Secure the Release’ of Convicted Election Denier Tina Peters (May 6, 2025)

– Thomas L. Root

Escape From Alcatraz Fixation – Update for May 8, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

The Federal Bureau of Prisons is an agency with too little money, a $3 billion backlog of infrastructure repair needs, 4,000 fewer employees than needed, 143,000-plus prisoners in BOP facilities, and utterly chaotic management.

So what does the agency need more than anything right now? How about a mandate to rehab a prison with a 300-inmate capacity that was shut down for being too costly some 62 years ago.

intentions250508What a great idea! What could possibly go wrong?

In what the Associated Press called “a stunning directive from President Donald Trump,” the BOP was told in a Truth Social tweet last Sunday night to “REBUILD, AND OPEN ALCATRAZ!” — the legendary federal penitentiary that still stands on an island in San Francisco 62 years after it last imprisoned an inmate.

“Even as the Bureau of Prisons struggles with short staffing, chronic violence and crumbling infrastructure at its current facilities,” AP reported on Monday, “Trump is counting on the agency to fulfill his vision of rebooting the infamously inescapable prison known in movies and pop culture as ‘The Rock.’”

Alcatraz, the island located off the coast of San Francisco, was closed as a prison in 1963 and has since been turned into a museum run by the National Park Service, a tourist attraction generating about $6 million in revenue annually. The BOP closed the prison after determining that an estimated $3-5 million was needed just for restoration and maintenance work to keep the facility open. That’s $31-52 million in 2025 dollars, and that doesn’t account for deterioration over the past 62 years since closure.

The number also did not include daily operating costs. The BOP says Alcatraz was nearly three times more expensive to operate than other prisons. In 1962, BOP Director James Bennett said it was not an “economically sound policy” to invest millions of dollars to rehab Alcatraz. Housing an inmate in Alcatraz costs more than three times what it costs in Atlanta.

alcatraz250508On its website, the BOP says: “The major expense was caused by the physical isolation of the island – the exact reason islands have been used as prisons throughout history. This isolation meant that everything (food, supplies, water, fuel…) had to be brought to Alcatraz by boat. For example, the island had no source of fresh water, so nearly one million gallons of water had to be barged to the island each week.” Add to that staff costs: in San Francisco, federal pay would be adjusted for the sky-high cost of living in the Bay Area, which ranks 7th out of 9,294 metro areas on earth.

The BOP already has a “supermax” facility, ADMAX Florence, holding 354 inmates and 13 penitentiaries that together imprison over 17,200 high-security inmates. Alcatraz never even held its capacity of 336 inmates. 

At no time has the BOP argued it needs more high-security or ADMAX beds. In fact, the BOP’s sole new facility in the planning stages is a new medium-security prison in Letcher County, Kentucky.

None of the economics or agency needs analysis matters to President Trump. Rather, his idea to reopen Alcatraz is a reflection of his political instincts and personal tastes, even as it is a long shot to come to fruition.

Trump’s suggestion that Alcatraz could once again be a penitentiary for hardened criminals highlights both his efforts to project a tough-on-crime image and his fondness for cultural symbols of past generations:

violent160620For too long, America has been plagued by vicious, violent, and repeat Criminal Offenders, the dregs of society, who will never contribute anything other than Misery and Suffering,” Trump wrote on Truth Social. “When we were a more serious Nation, in times past, we did not hesitate to lock up the most dangerous criminals, and keep them far away from anyone they could harm. That’s the way it’s supposed to be.”

Trump’s nostalgia may be misplaced. He was recalling a time (1961) when the nation was incarcerating 119 people per 100,000 population. By last year, the state and federal government were locking up almost five times that number, 531 people per 100,000 population, the 6th highest rate in the world.

The facts are irrelevant. What matters is that Trump thinks Alcatraz is symbolic, that “it represents something. Right now, it’s a big hulk that’s sitting there rusting and rotting,” he told reporters. “It sort of represents something that’s both horrible and beautiful, and strong and miserable. Weak. It’s got a lot of qualities that are interesting.”

When Trump was asked what inspired him to reopen Alcatraz, he said, “Well, I guess I was supposed to be a moviemaker.”

Newly minted BOP Director William K. Marshall III promptly issued a statement enthusiastically supporting Trump’s call. He promised that the BOP “will vigorously pursue all avenues to support and implement the President’s agenda.

“I have ordered an immediate assessment to determine our needs and the next steps,” Marshall said in the statement. “USP Alcatraz has a rich history. We look forward to restoring this powerful symbol of law, order, and justice.”

williammarshall250508Good luck with that, Bill. The BOP needs $3 billion for infrastructure repair. It asked Congress for $260 million for Fiscal Year 2025. It got $179 million. Of the $3 billion needed to repair existing BOP facilities, Walter Pavlo wrote in Forbes last fall, “Spending at these levels is simply not going to happen.”

Earlier this year, BOP issued a memorandum to senior leaders that it had to take on more than $400 million in new expenses — due to a government-wide 5.2% pay increase for employees and inflation — without receiving any additional funding to cover it. While the agency said it should prioritize hiring, a corrections officer and union representative told Government Executive in October that workers “are leaving in droves” and “running from this agency” because of job strain.

Six weeks ago, the BOP cut all retention bonuses, meant to stop the loss of staff, especially correctional officers.

It doesn’t much matter what Billy says the BOP will “vigorously pursue.” The BOP is a NASCAR driver punching the accelerator on a car that’s out of gas.

Corene Kendrick, ACLU National Prison Project deputy director, dismissed Trump’s Alcatraz statement as a “stunt.” She told the Guardian, “I don’t know if we can call it a ‘proposal’, because that implies actual thought was put into it. It’s completely far-fetched and preposterous, and it would be impossible to reopen those ancient, crumbling buildings as anything resembling a functioning prison.”

policestate190603The Los Angeles Times warned that “it’s easy, as many quickly did, to write off this push to spruce up and fill up America’s most notorious prison-turned-national park as just bloviating or distraction. But like the sharks that circle that island in the Bay, the real danger of the idea lurks beneath the surface… Trump in recent weeks has moved to undo years of criminal justice reform. He is making changes that increase police power, signaling a push to refill federal prisons and detention centers with Black and brown people and curbing the ability of those impacted to seek redress in courts.”

The Times argued that reopening Alcatraz as a prison “is nostalgia for an America where power ran roughshod over true justice, and police were an authority not to be questioned — or restrained.”

Associated Press, The federal Bureau of Prisons has lots of problems. Reopening Alcatraz is now one of them (May 6, 2025)

The Hill, Trump’s call to reopen Alcatraz faces ‘daunting’ challenges (May 5, 2025)

NBC News, Trump’s call to reopen Alcatraz as a prison could be stymied by roadblocks (May 5, 2025)

The Guardian, Not just Alcatraz: the notorious US prisons Trump is already reopening (May 6, 2025)

BOP, The Rock

Forbes, The Bureau Of Prisons Under A Trump Administration (November 7, 2025)

Los Angeles Times, The real threat behind reopening Alcatraz (May 5, 2025)

– Thomas L. Root

They’re Just Inmates Once Again, Billy Says – Update for May 6, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

LUCKY 13?

William K. Marshall III has been sworn in as the 13th BOP Director, the agency reported last week.

unlucky13250506The number ‘13’ is traditionally seen as unlucky. Superstition or not, Marshall will need a large dose of good fortune to right the BOP, let alone to avoid the fate of the prior three directors, who were fired or quit under pressure.

Putting first things first, Billy made the bold move of ordering that inmates no longer be called “Adults in Custody,” the kinder, gentler term ushered in by the last director, Colette Peters. Walter Pavlo reported on LinkedIn that one of Billy’ first last week was rolled out in an internal email telling staff that “effective immediately BOP will no longer adhere to Adult in Custody (AIC / AICs). Please ensure as of Monday, April 28, 2025, all BOP templates, memos, etc. reflect the usage of inmate(s).”

On his plate right after that may be a BOP corrections officer who was indicted last week in the Eastern District of Pennsylvania US District Court for allegedly sexually abusing an FDC Philadelphia adult-in-custody – oops, an inmate – by using force. The US Attorney’s Office said the inmate was injured during the incident, which occurred last July.

Ironically, last week the Senate passed the Prison Staff Safety Enhancement Act (S.307), sponsored by Sen Marsha Blackburn (R-TN) and Sen Jon Ossoff (D-GA), to address inmate sexual harassment and sexual assault of BOP staff. The bill, intended to build on the DOJ Inspector General’s 2023 report about inmate-on-staff sexual harassment, now goes to the House of Representatives.

The same bill passed the Senate late last year but died when Congress ended without the House acting on it.

The law that would provide additional protections to federal inmates, the Federal Prison Oversight Act, became law last summer, “but it hasn’t gone into practical effect yet, due in part to funding issues,” Washington Stand reported last week.

morale250225Marshall’s most immediate problem is perhaps the most insoluble. The BOP’s struggles with severe staffing shortages that are chronic and well documented, yet the Trump Dept of Government Efficiency just eliminated BOP employee retention bonuses, created in 2021 to keep prisons open. Trump’s Executive Order stripping BOP employees of collective bargaining rights, handed down a month ago, exacerbated the crisis, which is now “a self-fueling monster [with] low staffing levels cause mandatory overtime, stressful conditions, burnout, and, unsurprisingly, high rates of turnover,” the Hill said last week.

Billy has inherited a tinderbox. Pleasing his bosses while keeping it from igniting will require skill and more luck than his predecessors have had in the last seven years.

BOP, Deputy AG Blanche Swears in William K. Marshall III (April 28, 2025)

Cherry Hill Courier-Post, Cherry Hill corrections officer accused of sexual abuse at Federal Detention Center (May 2, 2025)

Prison Staff Safety Enhancement Act (S.307)

DOJ Inspector General, Evaluation of the Federal Bureau of Prisons’ Efforts to Address Sexual Harassment and Sexual Assault Committed by Inmates Toward Staff (Feb 23, 2023)

Federal Prison Oversight Act, PubL 118-71, 138 Stat 1492 (July 25, 2024)

Washington Stand, Trump’s First Step Act Was a Monumental Success. His New Administration Has a Chance to Build On It. (May 1, 2025)

The Hill, Prison understaffing: A crisis seen by few, felt by prisoners and prison employees (April 26, 2025)

– Thomas L. Root

Cash Registers Ringing for Presidential Clemency… Just Not For Uncle Sam – Update for May 5, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

PARDONS: CRIME AND DRAMA

theatremasks250505Former Dept of Justice Pardon Attorney Elizabeth Oyer last week claimed on social media that President Trump’s pardons of white-collar defendants have cost Americans $1 billion.

Oyer totaled the money that the pardoned people owed or might owe in restitution and fines. Some pardon recipients had not yet been sentenced, leading her to estimate the restitution that might be imposed. The pardoned people who had already begun paying restitution can now seek reimbursement from the government.

Oyer, who has been outspoken against the Trump administration since she was fired in March over her opposition to a DOJ decision to restore actor Mel Gibson’s gun rights, said “that the $1 billion figure highlights the unusually high number of Republican allies convicted of fraud and pardoned by Trump before they served their sentences.” She called that “a significant break from the traditional and often protracted pardon application process,” the Washington Post reported.

“It’s unprecedented for a president to grant pardons that have the effect of wiping out so much debt owed by people who have committed frauds,” Oyer said. “They do not meet Justice Department standards for recommending a pardon.”

Law360 reported last week that the spate of White House pardons is resulting in white-collar defendants being solicited by scammers who promise to influence White House connections to secure pardons and commutations in exchange for big fees.

clemencyjack161229The clemency pitches call for payments of hundreds of thousands or millions, “prey on the desperation of people serving or facing prison time,” some experts say. “Historically, seeking a pardon was seen as a low-percentage effort, something that would be very difficult to pursue as part of the defense strategy, except in the most obvious circumstances,” Joe Whitley, chair of law firm Womble Bond Dickinson’s white collar defense practice, told Law360.

One clemency pitch that a “consultant” recently sent to a bank fraud defendant called for payment of $155,000 a month for six months, along with an additional $1 million “success fee” once clemency was granted. The consultant claimed to have access to Trump at his Mar-a-Lago resort, according to the defendant’s lawyer. The defendant was also pitched a different clemency service for $3 million, including a $2.5 million success fee, for “advocacy with the Trump administration for a pardon and/or case dismissal,” Law360 said.

“Unfortunately, a lot of what’s going on and a lot of the decisions being made are setting up corruption — it’s making this all dependent on having access to people in power and charging money for that access,” one big law firm partner told Law360.

money240822A white collar sentencing consultant was quoted as saying that a typical clemency package costs about $40,000 to $50,000. Law firms might charge up to $200,000 for clemency work.

“Selling a guaranteed pardon because of a perceived relationship is a problem,” the consultant told Law360. “In my opinion, it’s gross negligence to say, ‘I can get the president of the United States to grant this clemency on your behalf’.”

Washington Post, Fired DOJ attorney says on TikTok that Trump pardons cost U.S. $1 billion (May 1, 2025)

Law360, Pardon Me? Why Offers To Secure Clemency Might Be A Scam (April 24, 2025)

– Thomas L. Root

Lying Its Way To A Win – Update for May 2, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

WHAT PROFITS A MAN…

badboys250502Things were going Mike Romano’s way. He had served about 10 years on a 20-year white-collar offense, with a spotless disciplinary and programming record, when he was sent to CARES Act home confinement in 2022.

About a month later, however, the halfway house supervising his home confinement told him to come by the following day. Mike was always compliant with the conditions of his home confinement, so he did so. He soon learned that obeying the rules didn’t count for much. The US Marshals came by and whisked him back to prison without so much as an explanation why, let alone a chance for him to argue against the return.

After he got back to prison (and was released from administrative detention), prison officials told Mike that the reason for the revocation was that he had not yet served 50% of his sentence. Later, the excuse changed: he was returned because a hue and cry had been raised by so many of his fraud victims. That was false as well: no one had complained. Finally, the excuse settled on this: the US Attorney’s Office that had prosecuted Mike a decade before had yipped to the BOP that Mike – who had no criminal history prior to the fraud and a DOJ recidivism rating of “minimum” – was a bad guy who should not benefit from home confinement.

Mike filed a petition for habeas corpus under 28 USC 2241, arguing that he had a protected liberty interest in home confinement that could not be taken from him without first giving him due process, that is, a hearing at which he had notice of why he was being revoked and a chance to argue against the decision.

The District Court decided last week that it lacked jurisdiction to hear the case, doing so in a reluctant decision that excoriated the government for what the court clearly saw as a string of prevarications that would have done Pinocchio proud.

liar170209“Mr. Romano,” the Court wrote, “who had no infractions during his brief time on home confinement, was never given a hearing or any formal process before being returned to custody. The record contains no indication that BOP identified a violation of any condition of release, and the Government does not contend otherwise. Instead, the Government’s position has shifted over the course of this litigation, from categorical ineligibility, to discretionary revocation based on purportedly new victim concerns, to reliance on prosecutorial input. The shifting nature of the Government’s explanations over the past three years—some of which were initially presented to the Court in sworn declarations—has given rise to serious concerns about its candor, particularly in light of the absence of any alleged rule violation or contemporaneous justification in the record.”

The court noted that “[t]his sequence of events—release, compliance, revocation without explanation, and eventual exclusion from clemency—raises serious due process and liberty concerns. At a minimum, the record reflects institutional miscommunication, inconsistent representations to the Court, and a complete lack of transparency in the process by which Mr. Romano was returned to custody. Whether the Court has jurisdiction to review this matter is a question of law the Court addresses below. But the handling of Mr. Romano’s revocation calls into question the fairness and transparency of the entirety of the underlying process.”

liar151213At the time Mike was sent to CARES Act home confinement, he had served 47% of his sentence. The BOP told him upon his return to custody that he needed 50%, but the Court declared this to be “facially incorrect: the CARES Act placed no such categorical restriction, and internal BOP guidance had already accounted for the length of time served in determining Mr. Romano’s eligibility.” The government then changed its argument, contending that “new victim concerns that were purportedly raised after his release” resulted in the cancellation of his home confinement. The Court doubted that canard when it was raised, and ordered discovery. It was only then “that a different account emerged. According to subsequent BOP disclosures,” the Court wrote, “Mr. Romano’s revocation was prompted by communications from the United States Attorney’s Office… which expressed what one official described as “extreme concerns” about Mr. Romano’s release.”

Ultimately, the District Court ruled that Mike’s petition

must be dismissed for lack of jurisdiction because it does not challenge the fact or duration of his confinement, or the execution of his sentence in any way that is subject to judicial review as defined by current precedent. Rather, it challenges the BOP’s discretionary decision to revoke a particular placement—that is, to require Mr. Romano to serve his custodial sentence at [a BOP facility] rather than at home under the temporary authority conferred by the CARES Act. That decision, however unfair or unjust it appears to be, does not alter the amount of time Petitioner must serve, nor is it inconsistent with the sentencing court’s judgment. It therefore falls outside the scope of § 2241.

Home confinement is merely a “change in the location where the inmate serves his sentence,” the Court said, still within BOP custody but “simply a less restrictive site of confinement.”

The Court also rejected the theory that a § 2241 petition could challenge the BOP’s abuse of discretion in revoking the home confinement. The Court admitted that it tended to agree with a line of cases permitting “limited review of BOP actions that are so arbitrary or capricious as to violate due process,” it found that because those decisions were based on a case in which the BOP decision effectively extended the petitioner’s federal custody beyond what the sentencing court intended. Here, Mike’s overall sentence remained unaffected, with only the question of where he would serve it at issue.

The Court concluded:

To be sure, Mr. Romano’s revocation appears to have been unfair, unjust, and done without any process. As such, there can be no doubt that it raises legitimate concerns. The record suggests that his home confinement was revoked not due to any misconduct or change in eligibility, but rather because of pressure from prosecutors after the fact. The Government has offered multiple, inconsistent explanations for its decision, and admits that it afforded Mr. Romano no process whatsoever. But troubling facts do not create jurisdiction where none exists. Federal courts are courts of limited jurisdiction. Where, as here, Congress has committed a decision to the unreviewable discretion of the BOP—see 18 U.S.C. 3621(b)(5)… —§ 2241 offers no basis for judicial intervention.

So the government won. But as Jesus once asked, “For what is a man profited, if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?” Some government lawyers and BOP officials may be about to find that out.

ausalies171207The day after the Court’s decision, the District Judge ordered the government to show cause why its attorneys and witnesses should not be punished for their falsehoods. Two BOP employees who provided affidavit were told to “submit sworn statements by May 8, 2025, explaining the sources of information on which they relied for the factual assertions made in their declarations and the steps they took to ensure the accuracy of those statements prior to submitting them to the Court under penalty of perjury.”

After that filing, the Court said, government lawyers must “appear in person” before the Court to “show cause as to why sanctions should not be imposed.”

Romano v. Warden, Case No. 23-02919, 2025 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 78025 (D.N.J. April 24, 2025)

Order to Show Cause (ECF 71), Romano v. Warden, Case No. 23-02919 (D.N.J. April 25, 2025)

– Thomas L. Root

Suing the BOP for Medical Malpractice: Not for Amateurs – Update for May 1, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

REMINDER: FEDERAL TORT CLAIMS CAN BE A MINEFIELD

BivensdeadWith the Supreme Court having pounded a stake through the heart of Bivens v. Six Unnamed Known Agents of the Bureau of Narcotics as a means of collecting damages for Bureau of Prisons medical errors and omissions (and, incidentally, holding the BOP accountable for providing even minimally acceptable healthcare), the only way to vindicate government medical misfeasance is a tort claim action.

You cannot bring a tort action against the government unless the claim meets the restrictions of the Federal Tort Claims Act, a law which provides many ways for a pro se prisoner plaintiff to screw up.

I had a call from one such unfortunate inmate this past week. He had filed his administrative exhaustion (done on an SF-95 form, not a BP-9) and gotten the usual denial. He thought he was good to go with a lawsuit. But in his SF-95, he asked for $50,000 in damages. He was shocked to learn that his SF-95 claim for $50,000 had capped his lawsuit claim at that amount.

Two cases decided last week remind litigants of other pitfalls.

Although an FTCA action is brought under a federal statute, the laws that govern whether a BOP employee was negligent (in medical cases, whether he committed medical malpractice) are the laws of the state where the neglect happened. Most state medical malpractice statutes require that a malpractice claim be supported by an affidavit from a medical expert.

A former FCI Sandstone inmate sued, claiming that BOP health service employees had failed to properly treat him for injuries from a fall. The district court ruled that the plaintiff’s expert-disclosure affidavit required by Minnesota law was deficient and threw out the case.

Recently, the 8th Circuit agreed that the plaintiff’s affidavit “fail[ed] to satisfy the requirements of Minn. Stat. 145.682” by failing to reference the applicable standard of care, the appropriate amount of time, the proper standard of care, the preoperative standard of care, and the standard of care.

Of course, for most inmates filing FTCA actions without an attorney, access to state law materials – let alone the ability to pay for a medical expert witness – is just not going to happen.

In another case, back in 2019, an inmate sued a BOP employee in a Bivens action for sexual assault. The case was dismissed, but the prisoner appealed. Two years later, while the appeal was pending, he brought an FTCA suit with the same claim.

healthcare220224The district court dismissed the FTCA claim in 2022 for lack of subject matter jurisdiction, finding that the BOP employee was not acting within the scope of her employment (an FTCA requirement) at the time of the alleged assault.

Last week, the 4th Circuit dismissed his Bivens appeal as well. The FTCA contains a little-noticed “judgment bar” under 28 USC § 2676 that prohibits claims arising from the same event after an FTCA judgment. The 2022 FTCA dismissal thus permanently blocked the plaintiff’s Bivens appeal.

Mancini v. United States, Case No. 24-1464, 2025 U.S. App. LEXIS 9190, (8th Cir. Apr. 18, 2025)

Longworth v. Mansukhani, Case No. 21-7609, 2025 U.S. App. LEXIS 9032 (4th Cir. Apr. 16, 2025)

– Thomas L. Root

The Short Rocket – Update for April 29, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues. 

Today (and not just because Gayle King and Kate Perry came back to earth after their blasted-into-space celebrity stunt), here’s a short rocket of some stories you might have missed.

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CASE SHORTS

fiore250429Who’s Getting Pardoned? The Associated Press reported last week that President Donald Trump pardoned Michelle Fiore, a Nevada Republican politician who was awaiting sentencing on federal charges that she embezzled $70,000 meant for a statue honoring a slain police officer.

Fiore spent the money on personal expenses, including a facelift. She has been released on her own recognizance ahead of sentencing next month.

AP said, “In a lengthy statement Thursday on Facebook, the loyal Trump supporter expressed gratitude to the president while also accusing the US government and ‘select media outlets’ of a broad, decade-long conspiracy to ‘target and dismantle’ her life.”

She’s right, of course: Such media dismantling is the easily foreseen consequence of stealing charitable contributions to finance one’s own lifestyle.

The White House confirmed the pardon without comment.

Meanwhile, former congressman George Santos, sentenced last week to 87 months for multiple frauds, publicly appealed to Trump to offer him “a chance to prove I’m more than the mistakes I’ve made.” Santos’s lawyers said the legal team would seek a presidential pardon — something that Santos himself had ruled out two days before his sentencing.

The Dept of Justice reports that the last dozen or so clemency grants are all of white-collar defendants, with a lone commutation of a defendant accused of opioid distribution in early March.

Associated Press, Trump pardons Nevada politician who paid for cosmetic surgery with funds to honor a slain officer (April 24, 2025)

The New York Times, George Santos’s Closing Act: A Prison Sentence of More Than 7 Years (April 26, 2025)

DOJ, Clemency Grants by President Donald J. Trump (2025-Present) (April 27, 2025)

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Durbin Ending Senate Career: Senator Richard Durbin (D-IL), a mainstay on the Senate Judiciary Committee, is retiring at the end of his current Senate term in December 2026.

durbin191120Durbin has served on the Judiciary Committee for more than two decades, including as chairman from 2021 through 2024. He wrote the 2010 Fair Sentencing Act, which reduced the federal sentencing disparity for crack/powder cocaine offenses. In 2018, Durbin and Sen. Charles Grassley (R-IA) led bipartisan efforts to enact the First Step Act, the most significant criminal justice reform legislation in a generation. Since then, he and Grassley led efforts–not yet successful–to pass the Safer Detention Act, Prohibiting Punishment of Acquitted Conduct Act, and Smarter Sentencing Act.

Press Release, Durbin Announces He Will Not Seek Re-Election in 2026 (April 23, 2025)

Roll Call, Durbin’s run at Judiciary Committee focused on immigration, judges (April 23, 2025)

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Angelos Meets With Johnson: Pardon recipient Weldon Angelos, founder of the criminal justice non-profit The Weldon Project, met with Pardon Czar Alice Johnson at the White House last Wednesday to discuss future clemency options.

marijuana160818Marijuana Moment reported last week that “[a]s the cannabis community continues to search for signs that the president will proactively engage on the issue after he endorsed [marijuana] rescheduling… the meeting between Weldon Angelos and the White House official signals at least some openness to the idea of acting on marijuana reform.”

Angelos said the meeting left him “feeling incredibly hopeful.”

Marijuana Moment, Marijuana Activist Pardoned By Trump Meets With White House Officials As Pressure Builds For Reform (April 25, 2025)

– Thomas L. Root

 

6th Circuit Holds Sentencing Commission Went Too Far On Compassionate Release – Update for April 28, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

6TH CIRCUIT STRAINS TO INVALIDATE COMPASSIONATE RELEASE CHANGE-IN-THE-LAW CATEGORY

dontthink220919A three-judge 6th Circuit panel took a wrecking ball to the Sentencing Commission’s compassionate release statute last week, joining the 3rd and 7th Circuits in invalidating the “extraordinary and compelling” reason that the defendant was serving years and years more than Congress now believes he deserves.

The compassionate release statute, 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A), allows a court to reduce a prison sentence for “extraordinary and compelling reasons.” Congress authorized the Sentencing Commission to define what constitutes an extraordinary and compelling reason, and the USSC did so in the revised USSG § 1B1.13 adopted in November 2023. The reasons included medical reasons, family circumstances, and prisoner abuse.

The “extraordinary and compelling reason” at issue in last week’s case is set out in USSG § 1B1.13(b)(6). It holds that a nonretroactive change in the law can present a reason warranting a sentence reduction if a prisoner has served at least 10 years of “an unusually long sentence,” and there is a “gross disparity” between the inmate’s sentence and the sentence that would apply if nonretroactive changes in the law since the original sentencing were given retroactive effect. Even then, it’s not automatic. Instead, § 1B1.13(b)(6) directs the court to fully consider “the defendant’s individualized circumstances.”

bunnygun190423The best example of such a sentence is where someone has been convicted of multiple 18 USC § 924(c) sentences for using a gun in drug crimes or crimes of violence. Congress intended that if Donnie Drugseller had been convicted of a § 924(c) and served his mandatory five years, only to get out and do the same thing again, the second § 924(c) would carry a minimum of 25 years. This makes perfect sense: we should learn from our experiences, and that includes Donnie learning that he shouldn’t carry a gun.

Poor drafting, however, resulted in a statute requiring that Donnie, who carried a gun while selling drugs on Monday and did it again on Tuesday, receive two “stacked” § 924(c) counts–one for each day–and be sentenced for 30 years mandatory and consecutive years. That would be five years for Monday’s gun and 25 more years for Tuesday’s.

Congress did not ever intend that, fixing its mistake in a revised § 924(c) included in the First Step Act. Now the statute does what it was always meant to do, applies the 25-year sentence only if Donnie had been convicted of a § 924(c) crime prior to committing the second one. Under the changed law, Donnie’s sentence would have been 10 years (five for Monday and five more for Tuesday).

However, for political reasons, the § 924(c) change was not made retroactive to reach sentences imposed before the First Step Act was passed. In last week’s Bricker decision, the 6th Circuit conceded that this left people like Donnie, who were sentenced before First Step,

serving prison sentences that are much longer than the sentences of new inmates who committed the exact same crimes. Recognizing the unfairness, the Commission decided that the disparity was… a factor worth considering when deciding whether an individual old-timer had an “extraordinary and compelling reason” for early release. That is understandable and even laudable. The question is whether the Commission has the authority to do that under the law, particularly the Constitution.

Back before the 2023 adoption of the new § 1B1.13, the 6th Circuit held in United States v. McCall that “the that the phrase ‘extraordinary and compelling’ in § 3582(c)(1)(A)(i) is clear and unambiguous” and that nonretroactive legal changes in the law could not be considered extraordinary and compelling reasons for a sentence reduction:

The Circuit panel held that under the Constitution’s separation of powers, the Commission lacked the “power to overrule a Circuit Court’s interpretation of a statute” or to adopt a policy statement that contradicts a federal statute: “[T]he Commission cannot overrule McCalls determination about the plain text of the statute by promulgating a contradictory policy statement… we conclude that the Commission overstepped its authority and issued a policy statement that is plainly unreasonable under the statute and in conflict with the separation of powers. We therefore hold that USSG § 1B1.13(b)(6) is invalid.

In her dissent, Judge Stranch vigorously disagreed, arguing that “the majority opinion misapprehends recent Supreme Court precedent on administrative law, misconstrues this court’s opinion in… McCall, and ignores the plain language of several statutes to read constraints into a statutory scheme where none exist.”

badjudge171016Writing in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog, Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman blasted the Bricker decision as “another reminder that courts can and often will ignore textualism principles when it leads to a policy outcome that they dislike.” He notes that “the panel majority in Bricker [is] inventing much broader non-textual limits on compassionate release than did the Third Circuit in United States v. Rutherford… That ruling is the subject of a pending cert petition, and Bricker surely increases the odds that cert on this issue will be eventually granted. But… I am quite unsure whether congressional text or judicial policy preferences would ultimately prevail on this matter at SCOTUS.”

United States v. Bricker, Case No. 24-3286, 2025 U.S.App. LEXIS 9538 (6th Cir. April 22, 2025)

United States v. McCall, 56 F.4th 1048 (6th Cir. 2022)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Deepening circuit splits, divided Sixth Circuit panel decides to “look beyond” statutory text to rewrite compassionate release limits (April 24, 2025)

United States v. Rutherford, 120 F.4th 360 (3d Cir. 2024)

– Thomas L. Root

Notifying Next-of-Kin Bill Introduced – Update for April 25, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

BILL INTRODUCED REQUIRING BOP TO TELL YOUR FAMILY PROMPTLY THAT YOU’RE DEAD

badnews250425Senators Jon Ossoff (D–GA) and John Kennedy (R–LA) have reintroduced legislation that would require the Dept of Justice to issue guidance to the Federal Bureau of Prisons for promptly notifying families when federal prisoners become seriously ill, suffer life-threatening injuries, or die, as a “basic human dignity of incarcerated people, a concept rooted in the Eighth Amendment and Due Process Clause of the 14th Amendment…”

“Too often, the families of those incarcerated never find out about a serious illness, a life-threatening injury, or even the death of a loved one behind bars,” Ossoff said in a press release.

The Senate bill is S.1322. A companion House bill (H.R. 2718) has been introduced by Representatives Sydney Kamlager-Dove (D–CA), John Rutherford (R–FL), Barry Moore (R–AL), and Glenn Ivey (D–MD).

Ossoff and others introduced the same bill in the last Congress without success. The latest pieces of legislation, unlike earlier effort, have bipartisan sponsorship.

tears201022The BOP stated that its policy is to notify next-of-kin when a prisoner dies. However, Reason has reported that families have “described delays in being notified that their incarcerated loved one had been hospitalized, or even died; having their phone calls ignored; not being allowed to see their loved one in their final moments; delays in being sent the body and death certificate; being given inaccurate or incomplete information about the manner of death; or waiting months and years for the Bureau to fulfill their public records requests for more information about how their loved one died.”

Anecdote supports Reason’s report.  Just ask the Sisk family or the Bardells.  Whether either chamber of Congress cares enough to pass such common-sense and merciful measures in the 2025-2026 session remains to be seen.

H.R. 2718, Family Notification of Death, Injury, or Illness in Custody Act of 2025

S. 1322, Family Notification of Death, Injury, or Illness in Custody Act of 2025

Reason, Bill Would Require Federal Prisons To Notify Families of Serious Illness and Death (April 10, 2025)

– Thomas L. Root