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A “Totally Decimated” DOJ Pardon Office Sidelined by “Corrupt” Clemency Process – Update for March 2, 2026

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

PARDON OUR MESS AT THE OFFICE OF PARDON ATTORNEY

The Dept of Justice Office of Pardon Attorney has always been rather opaque. Last week, we got a glimpse of President Trump’s OPA, and what we saw was not good.

Under the Constitution, the President holds unreviewable clemency power. However, since 1789, various government offices have provided the President with administrative support for the exercise of executive clemency. In 1865, a DOJ office was formally delegated the responsibility of assisting the President in vetting clemency petitions. It became the “Office of Pardon Attorney” in 1894. Historically, presidents have relied on OPA’s pardon review process to rely on the pardon attorney process before making pardons, but they are not required to do so.

OPA used to apply five standards for someone to be considered for clemency, including conduct since conviction, seriousness of the offense, acceptance of responsibility for the crime, the extent of punishment already suffered (especially collateral consequences), and references from other people who could attest to the applicant’s good character and rehabilitation.

Not anymore. A troubling New York magazine article last week detailed the mess that OPA has become, and the implications for federal prisoners without rich parents or powerful friends.

Elizabeth Oyer, who headed OPA when Trump came into office, was the first former public defender to serve as Pardon Attorney. Her staff of 45 was responsible for reviewing the cases of thousands of offenders to determine who was worthy of clemency. But within hours of President Trump taking office, “she was cut out of the process, which was rerouted from the top down.” Oyer told New York that she began learning about Trump clemency grants “when they popped up in the news.”

Oyer was fired last March when she refused to agree that actor and friend of Trump Mel Gibson should have his gun rights restored. Gibson was disqualified under 18 USC § 922(g)(9) because of a misdemeanor conviction for violence against his ex-girlfriend and the mother of his 1-year-old daughter at the time.  New York described Oyer’s firing as “a death knell for the office, according to some former staffers.”

“The office has been totally decimated,” an ex-staffer was quoted as saying. The office is down from 45 to about 15 employees. Many took buyouts when Elon Musk’s DOGE offered them last April. “Others,” New York said, “quit rather than stick around in an office where their work was being ignored.” (DOJ, of course, denies that OPA has been sidelined).

Two people appear to be in charge. Alice Marie Johnson, the “pardon czar” Trump appointed a year ago – a former federal prisoner serving life for a cocaine trafficking conspiracy before Trump commuted her sentence in 2018 (and later upgraded her to a full pardon) – works out of the White House. “Some ex-staffers hoped Johnson would maintain the office’s mission-based work…” one former OPA employee said. “But I don’t know that she has a staff,” says another former employee.

The official head of OPA is Edward Martin, named Pardon Attorney as a consolation prize after he was found to be too controversial to pass the Senate appointment process to be US Attorney for Washington, D.C. New York reported that Martin is uninterested in the Pardon Attorney position and apparently appears at the office about once a week.  “He’s just not there that much,” the staffer said.

The best way to obtain clemency in the current environment is to pay big in order to go around OPA. Lobbying for clemency is big business. Billionaire Changpeng Zhao, who violated money-laundering prevention statutes at his crypto exchange, Binance, was pardoned last fall, about a month after hiring the lobbying firm of Donald Trump Jr.’s friend Ches McDowell. The cost for a month’s lobbying? $450,000. (It helped that Binance was also a major backer of the Trump family’s cryptocurrency stablecoin). Nursing-home magnate Joseph Schwartz paid conservative lobbyists nearly $1 million last April to lobby for a pardon on tax-fraud charges; by November, Schwartz was free.

“Attorneys close to Trump are now seeking fatter fees,” New York reported. “Rudy Giuliani was reportedly shopping around a $2 million price last year. One former pardon-office lawyer… said they were hearing lobbyists go as high as $5 million to work their connections in the White House.”

Last Tuesday, in his State of the Union address, Trump asked that Congress “pass tough legislation to ensure that violent and dangerous repeat offenders are put behind bars and importantly, that they stay there.” Trump is not a friend of federal inmates who have neither connections nor a lot of money. Yet I hear weekly from prisoners believing that Trump is about to grant a large number of commutations to federal prisoners.

Not likely. All that is certain is that OPA has been broken and made irrelevant by the White House. “It’s heartbreaking,” one attorney who left OPA shortly after Oyer was fired told New York. “It’s not that they’re doing it differently that makes it heartbreaking. It’s that it’s corrupt.”

New York magazine, Trump’s Pardon Office Is ‘Totally Decimated’ The team has been virtually replaced by highly paid lobbyists and friends of the president. (February 27, 2026)

Politico, Trump showcases gruesome stories throughout the night (February 24, 2026)

~ Thomas L. Root

Pardon and Punishment – Update for February 19, 2026

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

JUSTICE, TRUMP ADMINISTRATION STYLE

Pardons for the Right People:    President Trump last Thursday pardoned five former professional football players — including Super Bowl champions, a Hall of Famer and a Heisman Trophy winner — for crimes ranging from perjury to drug trafficking.

footThe pardons of ex-NFL players Joe Klecko, Nate Newton, Jamal Lewis, Travis Henry and the late Billy Cannon were announced by White House pardon czar Alice Marie Johnson.

“As football reminds us, excellence is built on grit, grace, and the courage to rise again. So is our nation,” Johnson wrote on the social media site X, as she thanked Trump for his “continued commitment to second chances.”

Of course, for the thousands of people serving sentences for drug and violent crimes who do not happen to have been NFL players, the action – which excuses prior criminal conduct because of the athletic prowess of the recipient – only underscores the fact that the price of admission to Trump clemency continues to be fame, fortune, or political affinity with the President.

Nevertheless, writing in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog, Ohio State law professor Doug Berman was a little puzzled by the announcement: “Ever the showman and the sports fan, I am a bit surprised that Prez Trump did not announce these pardons himself, and I am even more surprised that he did not seek to get attention by issuing these pardons in the week leading up to the Super Bowl rather than during the week after when the spotlight has turned away from football.”

Punishment for the Wrong People:      One of Trump’s first executive actions a year ago was to order that 37 death row inmates whose sentences President Biden had previously been commuted to life imprisonment without chance for release be “imprisoned in conditions consistent with the monstrosity of their crimes and the threats they pose.”

US District Judge Timothy J. Kelly issued a preliminary injunction against a plan to transfer the 37 to ADX Florence.  The judge noted that BOP policy allows assignment to the supermax in only two circumstances: when ”placement in other correctional facilities creates a risk to institutional security and good order or poses a risk to the safety of staff, inmates, others, or to public safety” or when an inmate’s status is such that he “may not be safely housed in the general population of another institution.”

The judge said public statements by Trump and Attorney General Pam Bondi had guaranteed that the men would be transferred to the supermax facility because Trump wanted it, regardless of the BOP designation standards.

“It is likely that the [administrative review ]process provided to Plaintiffs was an empty exercise to approve an outcome that was decided before it even began,” Judge Kelly wrote.  He said Bondi and other officials “made it clear” to BOP that the inmates “had to be sent to ADX Florence to punish them, no matter what result the originally BOP process might have yielded.”

Forgiveness for Favorites:   The Dept of Justice last week moved to dismiss criminal contempt of Congress charges against Trump acolyte Steve Bannon, who served four months in the BOP for the conviction.

Although Bannon has done his time, his petition for certiorari is pending before the Supreme Court. The case relates to Bannon’s refusal to testify before the congressional committee investigating the January 6, 2021, attack on the US Capitol. He was convicted in 2022 of two counts of contempt of Congress for refusing to appear for a deposition and declining to produce documents requested by the committee.

The DOJ wrote in its motion to dismiss the case, that “[t]he government has determined in its prosecutorial discretion that dismissal of this criminal case is in the interests of justice.”

The New York Times, Trump Pardons Klecko, Jamal Lewis and Other Former N.F.L. Players (February 12, 2026)

Politico, Judge halts transfer of former federal death inmates to ‘supermax’ prison (February 11, 2026)

Memorandum Opinion, Taylor v. Trump, Case No 25-cv-3742 (DDC, February 11, 2026)

Associated Press, Trump pardons five former NFL players for crimes ranging from perjury to drug trafficking (February 13, 2026)

Brief for the United States, Bannon v United States, Case No. 25-453 (Supreme Court, filed February 9, 2026).

~ Thomas L. Root

‘Fortunate Sons’ and Clemency In The Trump Era – Update for January 22, 2026

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

TRUMP PARDONS 13, COMMUTES 8

For those who think that the old can be new again, recall Creedance Clearwater Revival’s 1969 protest song, Fortunate Son, and lay those lyrics next to President Donald Trump’s clemencies granted last week to 13 people (pardons) and 8 people (sentence commutations).

The pardons included five people who had served their sentences years ago, one woman whom Trump had pardoned five years ago for a fraud who was now indicted for a new fraud, and three currently facing a political bribery scandal in Puerto Rico.

The commutations included one mortgage fraud defendant serving 62 months and seven drug cases, two of whom were serving life sentences and four others serving 20 years or more.

One of the commutations went to James Phillip Womack — son of Arkansas Republican Congressman Steve Womack — who was sentenced in May of last year to eight years behind bars after being convicted of methamphetamine distribution.

The clemencies garnering the most reporting were pardons of Puerto Rico’s former governor, Wanda Vázquez Garced, who pled guilty last year in a federal public corruption case, and her two co-defendants, her aide Mark Rossini and billionaire Venezuelan-Italian banker Julio Martin Herrera Velutini.

Herrera Velutini’s daughter, Isabel Herrera, donated $2.5 million in December 2024 and $1 million last July to the pro-Trump political action committee MAGA Inc., according to public records. A White House official told CBS News that the donations had nothing to do with the pardon.

In a related story, the Washington Post reported yesterday that the pardoned January 6th defendants are demanding return of restitution payments paid as part of their criminal sentences. A judge ruling on a demand of one of them, Yvonne St. Cyr (who served half of her 30-month sentence before being pardoned), said in an order returning her $2,270.00), “Sometimes a judge is called upon to do what the law requires, even if it may seem at odds with what justice or one’s initial instincts might warrant. This is one such occasion.”

The Post said, “The ruling revealed an overlooked consequence of Trump’s pardon for some Jan. 6 offenders: Not only did it free them from prison but it emboldened them to demand payback from the government. At least eight Jan. 6 defendants are pursuing refunds of the financial penalties paid as part of their sentences, according to a Post review of court records… Others are filing civil lawsuits against the government seeking millions of dollars, alleging politically tainted prosecutions and violations of their constitutional rights. Hundreds more have filed claims accusing the Justice Department, the FBI and other law enforcement agencies of inflicting property damage and personal injuries, according to their lawyer.”

Washington Monthly observed last week that

It is safe to say that Trump’s abuse of the pardon power has no parallel in American history. Almost every president has granted a few that seem dodgy in retrospect; many have used them as an instrument of partisan politics; a few have used them as instruments of corruption. But in extent and scale, Trump’s pardons fall well below the subterranean ethical floor established even over the past 50 years. In pardoning 1,500 rioters convicted of involvement in the January 6 insurrection, Trump showed contempt for the law enforcement officers who protected the Capitol, and the system of government they preserved. His other pardons, from crypto fraudsters to foreign drug lords, reek with contempt for the very idea of law. Trump is also the first president to claim the power to undo a predecessor’s pardons, and the first to claim the power to pardon an offender convicted by a state, not the federal government. 

DOJ, Pardon and Commutations (January 15, 2026)

CBS, Trump Pardons Puerto Rico’s former governor Wanda Vázquez (January 16, 2026)

KATV, Trump commutes prison sentence of congressman’s son convicted in federal drug case (January 17, 2026)

Washington Post, They ransacked the U.S. Capitol and want the government to pay them back (January 20, 2026)

Washington Monthly, Amnesty Transactional (January 14, 2026)

~ Thomas L. Root

No One’s Pardoning Trump’s Use of Pardon Power – Update for January 8, 2026

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

NO ONE’S HAPPY ABOUT PRESIDENT TRUMP’S EPIC CLEMENCY PARADE

If there is a unifying thread of reaction to President Trump’s unprecedented train of pardons and commutations in 2025, it’s one of disquiet.

Trump granted clemency this year to over 1,600 people. The biggest tranche was the first one – 1500-plus people getting clemency (14 just commutations, the rest pardons) for the January 6, 2021, riot. Since then, he has commuted another 13 sentences and pardoned 72 others. For a range of figures, Trump said he viewed them as victims of an unfair justice system. Some were tied to his newfound interest in cryptocurrency or shared in his 2020 election grievances, while another (a Texas developer involved in bid-rigging) was simply brought up to Trump during a round of golf with a Republican buddy.

Twenty of the pardons went to businessmen, 16 to politicians, five to celebrities, 24 to anti-abortion activists, and 12 to people convicted of other non-drug offenses.  Only eight were for drug crimes, and those included the guy who started the Silk Road deep-web drug bazaar and a former Honduran president.

More than half of the acts of clemency for named individuals relate to prosecutions pursued by the Biden Dept of Justice — in addition to the Jan 6 cases.

Even Fox News was critical, saying, “While presidents of both parties have long used their pardon power in controversial ways, Trump’s clemency activity in 2025 stood out for its volume and for the deal-making style that has been a defining feature of his approach to power.” Fox listed Trump’s most controversial clemencies as including the Jan 6 rioters, Texas congressman Henry Cuellar (bribery charges, not yet to trial), the Chrisleys, former congressman George Santos (widespread fraud), and former Honduran president Juan Orlando Hernandez (serving a 45-year sentence for the same charges just made this past weekend against Nicholas Maduro and his wife).

Attorney Mitch Jackson, writing on Substack, said Trump had “corruptly commodified one of the most potent parts of the presidency and turned it into a product to be sold to the highest bidder.”

The scheme works like this: People seeking clemency pay about $1 million to hire well-placed lobbyists within the administration who then work to secure a pardon from Trump. If those pardons are successful, the person receiving clemency may also pay a six-to-seven-figure “success fee” after the president signs the paperwork guaranteeing their release, according to the essay.

In one instance, Donald Trump, Jr., introduced a lobbyist named Ches McDowell to the president while McDowell was seeking a pardon for Changpeng Zhao, the billionaire founder of Binance. Binance reportedly paid $800,000 to McDowell for the work and then offered a success fee of more than $5 million once Zhao was freed.

Trump pardoned Zhao, who had been convicted of money laundering, last October. Whether a success fee was paid, and if so for how much, has not been reported. However, Rep Maxine Waters (D-CA) claimed that Zhao “spent months lobbying Trump and his family while funneling billions into Trump’s personal crypto company,” World Liberty Financial. Reports indicate Binance parked $2 billion in WLFI’s stablecoin, generating about $80-87 million annually. The Trump family owns 60% of WLFI, meaning that Binance’s deposit meant the family could receive $48-52 million in passive income.

Jackson wrote:

In Donald Trump’s Washington, freedom has a price tag. The presidential pardon, one of the most serious powers granted by the Constitution, now looks like a product on a shelf. Picture what this means in real life. If you or someone you love faced an unjust sentence, would you have a million dollars for a broker. Most families do not. Your petition would sit in a stack, waiting for a formal review that can take years. Meanwhile, a billionaire pays for a direct line, and the request reaches the President through a family member at a ceremony. The system looks less like equal justice and more like a private club with a cover charge.

A cottage industry has arisen of lobbyists seeking clemency for a wide variety of clients. David Schoen, one of Trump’s former impeachment lawyers is following the same pardon playbook that has rewarded allies of the president and been driven by a desire for political retribution.

Schoen is representing two mobsters who were sentenced to life in 1992. In a Christmas Eve letter to Trump, Schoen sought clemency by arguing that they had been unfairly convicted by prosecutor Andrew Weissmann—a foe of Trump’s who led FBI director Robert Mueller’s special counsel team that investigated Russian interference in the 2016 election.

Wall Street Journal, A Visual Breakdown of Trump’s Pardon Spree (December 10, 2025)

Raw Story, ‘Disturbing’: Lawyer exposes how Trump shredded a ‘core promise’ of American law (December 28, 2025)

Benzinga, Trump Pardoned 3 Crypto Felons In 10 Months—Here’s What Each One Cost (January 2, 2026)

Fox News, Deal-making clemency: Inside Trump’s most disputed pardons of 2025 (December 30, 2025)

Free Press, Ex-Trump Lawyer Lobbies to Free Mobsters Prosecuted by an Enemy of the President (December 31, 2025)

~ Thomas  L. Root

A Year of Presidential Clemencies Bring Little Hope for Federal Prisoners- Update for December 29, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

CLEMENCY YEAR IN REVIEW

The conservative Washington Examiner last week reviewed President Trump’s unprecedented first-year clemency record of more than 1,600 people. The report was not favorable.

The lesson from over 11 months of Trump’s pardons and commutations is clear: if you don’t have rich parents, a MAGA flag and hat, or a means of enriching the Trump family, your odds of clemency rival those of winning the Powerball.

“On his first day back in office, Trump issued sweeping pardons for those tied to the Jan. 6 attack on the U.S. Capitol,” the Examiner wrote. “In November, he also moved preemptively to pardon several political allies, including Rudy Giuliani, former chief of staff Mark Meadows, and attorneys Sidney Powell and John Eastman, even though none were facing federal criminal charges at the time.”

The Examiner then listed Trump’s five most controversial clemency actions. Top of its list was the clemency for drug black market operator Ross Ulbricht last February, whom Trump promised to pardon when he pitched the Libertarian Party convention in 2024 for political support. Trump paid off within a month of taking office.

Second on the list was the pardon of Changpeng Zhao, founder of Binance, the world’s largest cryptocurrency exchange. Zhao was sentenced to four months in prison in April 2024 after pleading guilty to money laundering. Zhao and Binance have been key supporters of the Trump family’s crypto enterprises.

Third was former congressman George Santos, a serial liar sentenced in April to seven years in federal prison after pleading guilty to fraud and identity theft. Santos served about four months in a camp before being pardoned. The Examiner also cited this month’s pardon of former Honduran president Juan Orlando Hernandez, who had been serving a 45-year sentence at USP Hazelton for a massive drug trafficking operation that moved more than 400 tons of cocaine into the United States. Reports at the time suggested Trump sought to influence the Honduran presidential election, going on at the time.

For the final pardon on its “top five” list the Examiner noted this month’s pardon of Rep Henry Cuellar (D-TX), charged but not yet convicted of bribery and money laundering. In a Truth Social post, Trump said he never spoke to Cuellar or anyone in his family, but he felt good about “fighting for a family that was tormented by very sick and deranged people – They were treated sooo BADLY!” Of course, Cuellar is a Democrat, which makes it unlikely that a Biden Administration Dept of Justice would have targeted him unfairly.

Ironically, Trump responded in fury a few days after the pardon, as Cuellar filed to run again as a Democrat rather than turning Republican out of “loyalty” to the President.

The Washington Post reported that at least 20 people who have received clemency from Trump so far this year were also forgiven of restitution totaling tens of millions of dollars. For some, restitution was more onerous than the sentence. Paul Walczak, a health care executive convicted of willfully failing to pay over $4 million in taxes withheld from his employees and willfully failing to file individual tax returns, was sentenced in April to 18 months in prison. He was pardoned before serving a day, wiping out his $4 million restitution obligation to the IRS.

The common thread connecting almost all of Trump’s clemencies is that the beneficiaries had committed offenses with political import, had money ties to Trump or were supporters of the President.  The Jan 6 rioters fell into the first category. Walczak’s pardon came after his mother had raised millions of dollars for Trump’s campaigns and was involved in an effort to sabotage President Biden’s 2020 campaign by publicizing the addiction diary of his daughter Ashley, an episode that The New York Times said “drew law enforcement scrutiny.”

Trevor Milton, convicted of lying to investors to pump the stock of his company, electric vehicle maker Nikola, was sentenced to four years in prison and over $600 million  In discussing the pardon, which left investors high and dry, In describing his decision to pardon Milton, Trump said, “And they say the thing that he did wrong was he was one of the first people that supported a gentleman named Donald Trump for president. He supported Trump. He liked Trump.”

The transactional nature of Trump’s presidency was brought home a few weeks ago in an unusual quid pro quo raised in a video last week by former Pardon Attorney Elizabeth Oyer. You may recall that the Obama Administration brought a sprawling fraud case against FIFA and over 30 other defendants. The remnants of that case are now in front of the Supreme Court in petitions for certiorari brought by two defendants.

Earlier this month, world soccer organization FIFA announced a new “peace prize” that would be bestowed on a recipient who has taken “exceptional and extraordinary actions for peace and by doing so have united people across the world.” The inaugural FIFA “Peace Prize,” unsurprisingly, was awarded to President Trump on December 5.

Four days later, the DOJ filed a F.R.Crim.P. 48 motion to dismiss the indictment “in the interests of justice.”   In a Facebook post, Oyer reported that the dismissal came over the objection of the line prosecutor who had obtained the convictions.  She said, “This is a huge deal because it could also unravel dozens of other convictions of soccer officials and sports executives. It could also mean that the government has to return hundreds of millions of dollars in penalties paid by these people. It’s also a big deal because it’s an example of corruption at work. In Trump’s America, justice can be bought: all it takes is a shiny object or a large check.”

Washington Examiner, Trump’s five most controversial pardons of 2025 (December 25, 2025)

Washington Post, Trump’s pardons wipe out payments to defrauded victims (December 19, 2025)

New York Times, Trump Pardoned Tax Cheat After Mother Attended $1 Million Dinner (May 27, 2025)

CNN, What is the FIFA Peace Prize and why did Donald Trump win? (December 5, 2025)

Facebook, Days after FIFA gave him a medal, Trump’s DOJ started dismantling a major corruption prosecution (December 22, 2025)

~ Thomas L. Root

Pot Good, Fentanyl Very Bad – Update for December 23, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

TRUMP DOES THE ‘WEAVE’ ON DRUG CRIMES

President Trump is proud of “the weave,” that oratorical puzzlement that sounds to some like Grandpa forgot to take his meds. Last week, Trump tried it on drug policy.

On Monday, Trump signed an executive order declaring fentanyl and its precursors  as “weapons of mass destruction.” Three days later, he signed another order directing federal agencies to reschedule marijuana as a Schedule III rather than Schedule I.

The fentanyl executive order instructs federal agencies, including the Depts of Justice, State, Treasury and Defense, to pursue fentanyl-related crimes more aggressively and to explore military cooperation with civilian law enforcement.

The Atlantic last week reported that while the

WMD designation may not have immediate legal implications for Trump’s military powers, it could potentially change how domestic drug cases are prosecuted. The use of a WMD against people or property in the U.S. carries a maximum sentence of life in prison; if someone dies, prosecutors can argue for the death penalty… That could impose a life sentence on any person who uses drugs laced with illicitly manufactured fentanyl, or anyone who gives drugs laced with illicitly manufactured fentanyl to their friend. As of now, the Trump administration has offered no guidance on how this might play out.

Earlier this year, Attorney General Pam Bondi claimed that the Trump administration’s fentanyl seizures had saved the lives of 258 million Americans — three-quarters of the population of the entire country. However, in September, Trump claimed that “300 million people died … from drugs” in 2024, which would be almost the entire US population, and about five times as many people as died that year from anything anywhere in the world. In fact, CDC numbers show that fentanyl was involved in 42,233 deaths between April 2024 and April 2025.

Drug defendants with fentanyl in their cases probably should not expect any break from this Administration any time soon.

A different story has played out on marijuana, although Trump’s executive order issued last Thursday on weed changes more for the cannabis industry’s bottom line than the architecture of prohibition.

Under the Controlled Substances Act, marijuana is currently placed in Schedule I, a category reserved for substances deemed to have “no currently accepted medical use.” That’s the most restrictive controlled substance category — more serious than where fentanyl is scheduled — and clearly at odds with at least 40 states that have legalized medical marijuana.

Trump’s executive order on Thursday prompts the Justice Department to hasten the rescheduling of marijuana as a Schedule III drug, alongside common prescription medications like Tylenol with codeine.

The Biden administration began rescheduling in the fall of 2022, but left the matter unfinished despite its promise to get it done. Trump’s order — which directs Attorney General Pam Bondi to hasten the process of loosening federal restrictions but does not include a timeline — comes after an intensive lobbying campaign from cannabis business interests.

Although the Wall Street Journal complained that by his executive order, Trump is going “for the Stoner Vote,” the President was lobbied hard by the commercial cannabis industry for the change, due to the banking and tax relief such a reclassification will bring to the business. “I’ve never been inundated by so many people as I have about this particular reclassification,” Trump said.

While Schedule III drugs can legally be prescribed, they still require Food and Drug Administration approval, which marijuana lacks. While, in theory, the order could reduce or eliminate some federal criminal penalties, statutory mandatory minimums would remain unchanged unless Congress amends 21 USC §§ 841 and 960. It is possible that some Sentencing Guidelines would change, but any such modification is several years off and would have to undergo an additional proceeding to become retroactive.

Even under §§ 841 and 960 as now written, federal prosecutors have not prioritized marijuana cases in recent years, especially regarding state-level approved marijuana commerce. As of January 2022, no one in federal prison was doing time solely for simple marijuana possession. Marijuana trafficking cases are down 58% since 2020, according to the U.S. Sentencing Commission.

What might this mean for 18 USC § 922(g)(3), which prohibits users of unlawful drugs from possessing guns? One firearms trade group has reminded its members that “state legalization of marijuana similarly has no effect on legality under 18 USC § 922(g)(3), and possession by a purchaser of a state medical marijuana card should be taken as evidence of unlawful use.”

What’s more, Trump taking a more accepting stance toward marijuana could prompt Congress to revisit the Controlled Substances Act, either by amending it to exempt state-level marijuana legalization regimes or by de-scheduling the drug from federal regulation altogether.

Trump’s order could also impact United States v. Hemani, currently pending in the Supreme Court. Hemani was convicted of a § 922(g)(3) offense, and SCOTUS has been asked to rule on whether disarming marijuana users complies with the 2nd Amendment. A decision is expected by June 2026.

Executive Order, Designating Fentanyl As A Weapon Of Mass Destruction (December 15, 2025)

Executive Order, Increasing Medical Marijuana and Cannabidiol Research (December 18, 2025)

The Atlantic, The New ‘Weapon of Mass Destruction’ (December 16, 2025)

Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Provisional Drug Overdose Death Counts (September 17, 2025)

U.S. Sentencing Commission, Quick Facts – Marijuana Trafficking (FY 2024) (May 2025)

Roll Call, Press Gaggle: Donald Trump Speaks to Reporters Before Air Force One Departure – September 14, 2025 

The Hill, Trump signs executive order to expedite marijuana rescheduling (December 18, 2025)

CNN, Trump signs executive order expediting marijuana reclassification after lobbying from cannabis industry (December 18, 2025)

The Reload, Analysis: Trump’s Marijuana Moves Unlikely to Immediately Impact Gun Owners (December 21, 2025)

~ Thomas  L. Root

Trump Rumored to Plan Marijuana Rescheduling – Update for December 15, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

TRUMP TO LOOSEN POT SCHEDULING?

You may recall that President Joe Biden made a big deal about rescheduling marijuana from a Schedule I controlled substance to Schedule III. This de-escalation of weed would have loosened a lot of the Controlled Substances Act restrictions and might have led to changes in mandatory minimum sentences and easing of marijuana Guidelines.

Biden didn’t get it done by the end of 2024 as promised, and his departure from the White House seemed to have brought the effort to a standstill.

President Trump ruminated about easing pot regulation this past summer. Late last week, rumors exploded in Washington that President Trump is expected to issue an executive order as soon as today that would allow for reclassification of marijuana, a White House official (who remained anonymous because he was not authorized to speak about it) told reporters.

Trump is expected to push the government to reduce regulation of the plant and its derivatives to the same level as some common prescription painkillers and other drugs, the Washington Post reported. The anticipated executive order is expected to direct federal agencies to pursue reclassification, the people said.

Reclassification will not decriminalize marijuana, but it would ease barriers to research and may drive Congress and the Sentencing Commission to reconsider sentence levels for the drug.

Although the President cannot reclassify pot by executive order, he can direct the Dept. of Justice to cancel a pending administrative hearing and issue the final rule.

The Post said that in a call last Wednesday between Trump and House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-LA), Johnson expressed skepticism about the plan, but Trump “ended the call appearing ready to go ahead.”

CNBC, Trump expected to sign executive order to reclassify marijuana as soon as Monday, source tells CNBC; pot stocks surge (December 12, 2025)

Washington Post, Trump seeks to cut restrictions on marijuana through planned order (December 11, 2025)

~ Thomas L. Root

Flattery, Politics, Money – It’s What a Pardon Requires – Update for December 11, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

LESSONS FOR CLEMENCY APPLICANTS – CONTACTS AND MONEY HELP

President Donald Trump’s clemencies continued last week with beneficiaries including former congressman Henry Cuellar (D-TX) and his wife, and entertainment venue developer Tim Lieweke, accused of rigging bids for a $375 million basketball arena built for the University of Texas. None had gone to trial yet.

Trump claimed on Truth Social that the Cuellars’ bribery prosecution was the result of his speaking out against former President Joe Biden’s immigration policy. As for Lieweke, the pardon came after his lawyer, former Rep. Trey Gowdy (R-SC) (who hosts a Fox News program), sold Trump on the pardon while playing a round of golf with him.

“There’s nothing conventional about Trump’s pardoning,” said Margaret Love, former U.S. pardon attorney. “You don’t know whether he’s got a personal interest in the case, whether [it is] because of the nature of the offence — he’s concerned with bribery and financial crimes convictions.”

This year, roughly 10,000 federal prisoners have filed clemency petitions through the Office of Pardon Attorney. Only 10 of those have been granted. In previous administrations, OPA filtered a select few pardon applications to the president, and presidents only occasionally circumvented that process. With Trump, OPA seems to be where clemency petitions go to die. So how does an inmate get a leg up?

    • First, as Axios reported last week, “serious criminal conduct matters far less than whether the defendant pledges loyalty, flatters the president or aligns with his ideological project.” Honduran president Juan Orlando Hernández, pardoned the week before, wrote a fawning letter calling Trump’s accomplishments “historic” and gushing that “Mr. President, you and I also shared something deeper, a profound love for our countries. We are men of faith, patriots, willing to risk our lives for the safety of our people.”
    • Second, blame Biden. Trump said that Henry Cuellar had been prosecuted by Biden because he objected to Biden’s “open border” policies. The Honduran President complained that his case was brought “only because the Biden-Harris DOJ pursued a political agenda to empower its ideological allies in Honduras…”
    • Third, hire the right people. The Honduran President got Trump buddy Roger Stone to convince the President to issue the pardon. Lieweke had hired Gowdy’s law firm for representation in the criminal case.
    • Fourth, money always helps. Beyond paying people with presidential access, donating to a Trump cause may help. Last April, Trump pardoned Paul Walczak for tax crimes after Walczak’s mother attended a $1-million-per-person fundraiser at Mar-a-Lago.

New York Times columnist Sam Sifton wrote last week that “with Trump, it often comes down to winning him over — or at least his family or closest advisers. And because there are many ways to get in his good graces — donating to his political committees, helping fund the construction of the White House ballroom, having one of his friends vouch for you — there is a cottage industry of lawyers and lobbyists seeking to exploit those avenues.”

Saikrishna Prakash, a University of Virginia law professor who writes about the presidential pardon power, said last week that Trump is “enamored with this power precisely because it’s unchecked.”

Politico, Henry Cuellar will seek reelection as a Democrat after Trump pardon (December 3, 2025)

Wall Street Journal, A Round of Golf Changed Trump’s Tone on the Concert Industry (December 6, 2025)

Wall Street Journal, Trump’s Pardon for Cocaine Juan (December 2, 2025)

Axios, Trump wields pardons as purest form of power (December 3, 2025)

Financial Times, ‘Why are we letting this guy go?’ Donald Trump’s pardons upend US justice system (December 5, 2025)

New York Times, Who Gets a Presidential Pardon? (December 4, 2025)

~ Thomas L. Root

Deja Vu All Over Again – Update for December 8, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

TRUMP TRIES TO VOID BIDEN CLEMENCIES

I have previously reported that last Tuesday, President Trump wrote on his inaptly-named “Truth Social” that he was declaring an untold number of President Biden’s clemencies to be of “no further force or effect” because Trump said the proclamations had been signed with an autopen as opposed to being “directly signed by Crooked Joe Biden.”

(Trump’s reference to Biden as “crooked” has a certain ‘pot calling the kettle black‘ quality to it, but we’ll leave that alone for now).

Forgive me for reprinting the portions of this post you may have already read. I built on last Thursday’s content for LISA’s newsletter to federal prisoners and their families published last night, and it seemed to me that there was enough new content to warrant a partial repost. Like the great philosopher Yogi Berra said, “It’s deja vu all over again.”

Tuesday night, Trump ranted on Truth Social that he was voiding all pardons and commutations that were signed by Biden with an autopen:

“Any and all Documents, Proclamations, Executive Orders, Memorandums, or Contracts, signed by Order of the now infamous and unauthorized “AUTOPEN,” within the Administration of Joseph R. Biden Jr., are hereby null, void, and of no further force or effect. Anyone receiving “Pardons,” “Commutations,” or any other Legal Document so signed, please be advised that said Document has been fully and completely terminated, and is of no Legal effect.”

Trump has often claimed that Biden used the autopen, a mechanical device that allows signatures without a person using their hand, because of the former president’s physical and mental frailty. Biden issued 4,245 acts of clemency during his four years in office, more than any other US president since the start of the 20th century, according to Pew Research Center. Before leaving office last January, he issued several pardons — including for family members — and commuted sentences for about 1,700 drug offenders.

No one has reported whether Biden used an autopen to sign any of the pardons or commutations, but that has not deterred Trump from claiming he did.

Most of the clemencies were commutations rather than pardons. Biden only issued 80 individual pardons, but he did issue “pardons by proclamation” which affected entire classes of people. The pardons by proclamation included one for former military service members convicted of violating a ban on gay sex and people convicted of certain federal marijuana nontrafficking offenses.

David Super, a constitutional and administrative law professor at Georgetown University, told Government Executive last spring that “the Constitution does not require signatures for pardons. It simply says the president has the power to pardon.”

“So if President Biden wanted to simply verbally tell someone they’re pardoned, he could do that. It wouldn’t have to be in writing at all,” he said. “Administratively, of course, we want things in writing… but there’s no constitutional requirement.”

If Trump were to try to rearrest someone who received clemency in order to return them to prison, legal experts predict the actions would be unlikely to stand. “I can’t imagine the court saying that it wasn’t a valid pardon because of the autopen issue,” Stanford University Law School professor Bernadette Meyler told The Daily Signal. “Biden made statements regarding these pardons, so it would be hard to show that they weren’t a decision of the President.”

To reverse the pardons, DOJ would have to act, and the courts would have to resolve the question. “If Biden never authorized it, it’s an invalid pardon anyway,” Paul Kamenar, counsel for the National Legal and Policy Center, explained.

Ironically, Trump’s recent pardon of people “for conduct relating to support, voting… or advocacy for or of any slate or proposed slate of Presidential electors… in connection with the 2020 Presidential Election” is so vague and limitless that it could apply to thousands of people. In an Eastern District of Pennsylvania case of a man accused of voting both in Pennsylvania and Florida back in 2020 (he says he voted for Trump in both places), the defendant has moved to dismiss the indictment by claiming the pardon applies to him, too.  The Dept of Justice has argued in that case that it’s up to Attorney General Pam Bondi and Pardon Attorney Edward Martin to decide who, and which possible crimes, Trump actually meant to cover.

Politico reported last week that there’s neither historical nor modern precedent for a president to delegate his pardon power to subordinates on a pardon this vaguely worded. In fact, it is remarkably similar to what Trump has accused Biden of having done.

Other clemency issues will be more difficult to litigate if it means reincarceration or returning old penalties, said John Malcolm, director of the Meese Center for Legal and Judicial Studies at The Heritage Foundation.

“This is totally unprecedented territory,” Malcolm told The Daily Signal. “Normally pardons and grants of clemency, for example, are not subject to challenge since a president’s pardon power is plenary.”

“Here, the issue will be litigated when Trump takes some action that runs contrary to what Biden did–such as seeking to reincarcerate someone who was pardoned or granted clemency or setting an execution date for one of the 37 death row inmates whose sentences Biden commuted–and then we’ll see what a court does,” Malcolm added.

Trump’s move is a key first step. “The bigger threat that President Trump has brought to the public’s attention is the idea of unelected staffers exercising power they don’t have,” Stewart Whitson of the Foundation for Government Accountability told The Daily Signal. “It could be at the behest of a well-funded organizations or even foreign funding pushing unelected bureaucrats to act.”

Newsweek, Trump Says All Pardons, Commutations Signed by Biden Autopen ‘Terminated’ (December 2, 2025)

Government Executive, Trump says he is voiding Biden executive actions signed with autopen (December 1, 2025)

Stanford Law School, Why Trump Can’t ‘Void’ Biden’s Pardons Because of Autopen (March 17, 2025)

Government’s Opposition to Defendant’s Motion to Dismiss the Indictment (ECF 23), United States  v. Weiss, Eastern District of Pennsylvania, filed November 28, 2025

Politico, DOJ claims it has the power to decide who gets Trump’s sweeping 2020 pardon (December 4, 2025)

Daily Signal, What’s Next After Trump Voids Biden Autopen Orders? (December 4, 2025)

~ Thomas L. Root

I Really Do Hate To Say ‘I Told You So’ – Update for December 4, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

TRUMP TRIES TO VOID BIDEN CLEMENCIES

On Tuesday, I warned that President Trump wrote last week on the inaptly-named “Truth Social” that he considered “[a]ny document signed by Sleepy Joe Biden with the Autopen, which was approximately 92% of them,” to be of “no further force or effect.” Trump said he was overturning all the executive orders under the Biden administration and “anything else that was not directly signed by Crooked Joe Biden.”

I speculated that “anything else” might include clemencies, but that Trump had not yet tried to void any of them. But that was Tuesday morning. On Tuesday night, Trump ranted on Truth Social that he had voided all pardons and commutations that were signed by his predecessor, President Joe Biden, with an autopen:

Any and all Documents, Proclamations, Executive Orders, Memorandums, or Contracts, signed by Order of the now infamous and unauthorized “AUTOPEN,” within the Administration of Joseph R. Biden Jr., are hereby null, void, and of no further force or effect. Anyone receiving “Pardons,” “Commutations,” or any other Legal Document so signed, please be advised that said Document has been fully and completely terminated, and is of no Legal effect. Thank you for your attention to this matter!

Trump has repeatedly claimed without citing any evidence that Biden’s use of the autopen, a mechanical device that allows signatures without a person using their hand, resulted from the former president’s physical and mental frailty. Biden issued a record 4,245 acts of clemency during his four years in office, more than any other US president since the start of the 20th century, according to the non-partisan Pew Research Center. It is not known whether Biden used an autopen to sign pardons.

Before leaving office in January, Biden issued several pardons — including for family members he said he wanted to shield from politically motivated investigations — and commuted sentences for a number of nonviolent drug offenders. Trump, known for his criticism of political rivals, has repeatedly seized on Biden’s use of the autopen to sign official documents during his presidency.

Most of the clemencies were commutations rather than pardons. Biden only issued 80 individual pardons, but he did issue “pardons by proclamation” which affected entire classes of people. The pardons by proclamation included one for former military service members convicted of violating a ban on gay sex and people convicted of certain federal marijuana nontrafficking offenses.

David Super, a constitutional and administrative law professor at Georgetown University, told Government Executive last spring that “the Constitution does not require signatures for pardons. It simply says the president has the power to pardon.”

“So if President Biden wanted to simply verbally tell someone they’re pardoned, he could do that. It wouldn’t have to be in writing at all,” he said. “Administratively, of course, we want things in writing. It makes things a lot simpler, but there’s no constitutional requirement.”

If Trump were to try to prosecute or arrest someone who received clemency in order to return them to prison, legal experts predict the actions would be unlikely to stand. “I can’t imagine the court saying that it wasn’t a valid pardon because of the autopen issue,” says Stanford University Law School professor Bernadette Meyler. “Biden made statements regarding these pardons, so it would be hard to show that they weren’t a decision of the President.”

Of course, as he has already demonstrated, Trump is unlikely to shrink from trying to reimprison someone simply because no one believes his power extends to such an action.

Newsweek, Trump Says All Pardons, Commutations Signed by Biden Autopen ‘Terminated’ (December 2, 2025)

Government Executive, Trump says he is voiding Biden executive actions signed with autopen (December 1, 2025)

Time, Why Trump Can’t ‘Void’ Biden’s Pardons Because of Autopen (March 17, 2025)

~ Thomas L. Root