Tag Archives: FIRST STEP Act

The “Closer to Home” Illusion – Update for May 20, 2019

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

BOP DOES NOT HAVE TO WALK 500 MILES

aardvark190520There is not a single inmate in the federal prison system who would not be willing to walk, roll or crawl 500 miles to be home right now. Any no one on the outside is so hard-hearted that he or she cannot concede that housing inmates close enough to family to permit visits does not help with rehabilitation.

For those reasons (if basic humanity were not enough), the First Step Act’s provision directing the Bureau of Prisons to “place the prisoner in a facility as close as practicable to the prisoner’s primary residence, and to the extent practicable, in a facility within 500 driving miles of that residence,” got a lot of coverage when the bill passed last December.

But just as the media buzz that 4,000-plus inmates were going to be dumped on America’s streets the day after the Act passed was wrong, the giddy hopes that inmates were about to be placed near to their families have been tempered by the realities of what the Act says and what the BOP is willing to do.

There is a usually a separation between promise and reality, sometimes a crack and sometimes a chasm. It is probably worthwhile, therefore, to explain just how little Sec. 601 of the First Step Act really promises families and inmates.

Sec. 601 modified 18 U.S.C. § 3621(b) to read that the BOP should try to place prisoners within 500 miles of home. That placement, however, is not required. In fact, it is subject to some pretty big exceptions, being subject to

(1)   bed availability,
(2)   the prisoner’s security designation,
(3)   the prisoner’s programmatic needs,
(4)   the prisoner’s mental and medical health needs,
(5) any request made by the prisoner related to faith-based needs,
(6)  recommendations of the sentencing court, and
(7)  “other security concerns of the” BOP.

Number 7 is a doozy. The placement need not violate a rule, or a BOP program statement, or even a local rule adopted by the sending or receiving prison. It just has to be a “concern.” Whatever that is, it is clearly something to be defined by the BOP.

jello190520Prior to the First Step Act, the BOP required that an inmate be at one institution for at least 18 months, and that he or she have 18 months without a disciplinary report (the BOP called it “clear conduct”) before he or she could be considered for a transfer. Often, transfers were denied because the inmate was deemed to need programming available at his or her current location, or occasionally, because the inmate had skills (a welder, for example, or a GED instructor) the current institution believed it needed to retain. When the transfer came (if it did), the inmate seldom ended up at the institution he or she desired.

In the wake of First Step, however, the BOP is still requiring that an inmate be at one institution for at least 18 months, and that he or she have 18 months without a disciplinary report (the BOP called it “clear conduct”) before he or she could be considered for a transfer. The BOP can still deny transfers for programming needs, perceived mental health needs (which, given the state of mental health treatment in the system, is a hoot), and for lack of bed space (which inmates from years past know to be an excuse that means whatever the BOP wants it to mean). Anything not covered by the foregoing can easily fall within the as-amorphous-as-Jello “security concerns” exception.

But they can’t do that, can they? Of course not. The injured inmate can always that the BOP to court…

Not so fast. Sec. 601 of the First Step Act added a free pass to the BOP: “Notwithstanding any other provision of law, a designation of a place of imprisonment under this subsection is not reviewable by any court.” So you don’t like what the BOP did? You can’t sue, can’t even bring a habeas corpus action, can’t even get on Judge Judy. The directive of § 601, detailed in its mandate and limitations, is completely undone by the last line of § 601, which tells the BOP, “if you don’t follow the law, no one is allowed to call you on it.”

wendys190520Imagine a football game like that, where one team gets a yellow flag repeatedly, with each penalty being marched off for zero yards. Or, my preferred fantasy, a diet on which if you succumb to Wendy’s Peppercorn Mushroom Melt Triple with a side of Baconator Fries and large Coke, the 2,190 calories you consume would not keep you from dropping a pound a day. Sweet deal for the BOP.

If the BOP could be sued, the results would not be much different. Courts traditionally give substantial deference to the judgments of prison administrators. Even restrictive prison regulations are permissible if they are “‘reasonably related’ to legitimate penological interests. The BOP would say that its transfer restrictions – like 18 months of clear conduct – serve a legitimate penological goal. The courts, deferring to the BOP’s interpretation of the revised statute and its flexibility granted therein, would undoubtedly accept that.

chevron190520Finally, even without prison-administration deference, courts generally defer to administrative agencies “when it appears that Congress delegated authority to the agency generally to make rules… and that the agency interpretation claiming deference was promulgated in the exercise of that authority.” This is called “Chevron deference,” and – while opponents hope to see the Supreme Court undo it at some point soon – it would easily apply to 18 U.S.C. § 3621(b) as to how the BOP measures bed availability, security concerns, programming needs and mental and physical health needs.

So if the BOP ignores the Act’s 500-mile placement requirement, there is no remedy. Even if there were, BOP rules on transfer and the exceptions to closer-to-home would probably be unassailable.

Sec. 601, First Step Act of 2018, Pub. L. No. 115-015, 132 Stat. 5208, 5238 (Dec. 21, 2018)

Chevron, U.S.A., Inc. v. NRDC, Inc., 467 U.S. 837 (1984)

Turner v. Safley, 482 U.S. 78 (1987)

– Thomas L. Root

BOP Will Calculate First Step Extra Good Time on July 19th – Update for May 6, 2019

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

JULTEENTH

imageMost everyone knows that “Juneteenth” is an unofficial but increasingly-popular holiday commemorating June 19, 1865, the date on which slavery was abolished in Texas, the last stronghold of the dying Confederacy. When the Texan slaves were declared free on that date, slavery was no longer legal anywhere in North America. 

This year, July 19, will become “Julteenth,” the date on which BOP computers will automatically update sentence records to credit the additional seven days per year good-time that was awarded in the First Step Act last December, crediting federal prisoners retroactively to the start of their sentences. Some prisoners will receive, in one fell swoop, a six months credit on their incarceration.

When First Step passed last December 21st, Congress intended that the seven days be credited immediately. Indeed, opponents and supporters of the bill predicted an immediate flood of federal prisoners released in time for Christmas. Proponents envisioned the happiest of Christmases for many reunited families. Opponents darkly predicted vicious criminals running amok on America’s Yuletide streets. But in the back-and-forth on debating and amending the measure to please some die-hard opponents of any criminal justice reform legislation that suggested common sense, the seven days’ good time got tucked in a section of the bill addressing the new risk assessment system. A subsection of that provision gave the Attorney General 210 days (which worked out to July 19, 2019) to roll out the risk assessment proposal. Broadly written and poorly conceived, the measure hooked the seven days’ additional good time to that section as well.

unintendedconsequences190506The additional good-conduct time was granted because it was what Congress always had intended. Unfortunately, the prior good-conduct time provision in 18 USC 3624(b)(1) but had written so poorly that the Bureau of Prisons was able to interpret it in the most miserly way possible. In irony that would be appreciated had it not dashed prisoners’ hopes so badly, the good time “fix” was screwed up to, enabling the Dept. of Justice to interpret it to delay the seven days’ good time until the risk assessment – which has nothing to do with the seven days’ additional good time – was completed.

Since First Step passed, DOJ has blown through a 30-day deadline for starting the risk assessment adoption process, leading some to speculate on whether it would ignore the July 19 deadline for the seven days’ additional good-time credit as well. Fortunately, BOP last week dispelled that speculation with a welcome announcement that the additional credit would be automatically applied on that date.

Whether the Attorney General will deliver a risk assessment program on July 19th, one that will meaningfully determine risk of recidivism in an efficient and fair way, is another thing altogether. Previously, we reported on the appointment of conservative think-tank Hudson Institute to host the Independent Review Committee, the group that is to recommend a risk assessment program for adoption. In a joint statement released a week ago last Tuesday, House Judiciary Committee Chairman Jerrold Nadler (D-New York) and Subcommittee on Crime, Terrorism and Homeland Security Chairwoman Karen Bass (D-California), sharply questioned the appointment, declaring that “our concerns about this decision remain” even after staff was briefed by the agency.

Under the Act, the IRC’s function is to create independent oversight of the law’s implementation and to ensure that reforms are carried out in a bipartisan and evidence-based manner. First Step directs the DOJ’s National Institute of Justice to “select a nonpartisan and nonprofit organization with expertise in the study and development of risk and needs assessment tools.”

strangelove190506“The Hudson Institute appears to have little or no expertise in the study and development of risk and needs assessment tools,” Nadler and Bass complained. “Committee staff questioned DOJ representatives charged with overseeing First Step Act implementation as to why the Hudson Institute was selected, and were told that DOJ representatives did not know. Staff asked whether the Hudson Institute has ever studied or developed a risk and needs assessment tool, and were told that DOJ representatives did not know. Staff asked on what date the Hudson Institute was selected, and were told that DOJ representatives did not know. Staff asked what process was used to select the Hudson Institute, and again were told that DOJ representatives did not know.”

The suggestion is that political sources out the DOJ (read “the White House”) dictated Hudson Institute’s appointment. “The Hudson Institute and its leadership have opposed sentencing reform and… the First Step Act’s reforms,” the joint press release said. “We are concerned that the selection of a biased organization lacking requisite expertise may reflect a lack of intent to diligently and effectively implement the bipartisan criminal justice reforms passed last Congress.”

Marc Mauer, executive director of the Sentencing Project, agreed. “The Hudson Institute has no interest or expertise in criminal justice policy, and to the extent they do have any opinion about policy, they’re very hostile to the kinds of provisions that are in the First Step Act,” Mauer told Salon magazine. “It’s a strange choice when there are so many other reputable think tanks and organizations that do have experience in these issues.”

Nadler and Bass demanded that The Hudson Institute’s appointment be rescinded, but DOJ sources report that such a move is very unlikely. Of more significance is the question of whether a workable risk assessment system is in place in the next two and a half months, so the BOP can roll out programs inmates can use to earn good-time credits.

In the midst of the flying political fur over Hudson Institute’s involvement, no one is speculating about that.

House Judiciary Committee, Nadler & Bass Statement on DOJ’s Selection of the Hudson Institute to Host First Step Act Independent Review Committee (Apr. 23)

Salon, Is the Trump Justice Department trying to sabotage the First Step Act? (Apr. 28)

– Thomas L. Root

Fake News on Second Step Act – Update for May 2, 2019

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

JUST FOOLIN’

trumpaprilfool190502President Trump told an April Fools’ Day gathering the White House to celebrate the First Step Act that “I’m announcing that the Second Step Act will be focused on successful reentry and reduced unemployment for Americans with past criminal records, and that’s what we’re starting right away.”

Um… not really.

The Washington Examiner last week quoted White House sources as saying that “there’s definitely not a Second Step Act.” In fact, it appears that Trump wandered off script from the prepared speech, which did not mention a Second Step at all.

Instead, the source is quoted as saying, the White House is focused instead on implementing the First Step Act in a way that denies ammunition to opponents such as uber-critic Sen. Tom Cotton, R-Ark.

cotton190502So far, First Step has not been a roaring success. A drafting error stalled additional “good time” credit for 150,000 federal inmates, creating a likely wave of about 4,000 releases around July. White House officials considered options to move forward the date but ultimately did not. “There’s a lot of concern that they have to get this right. Folks like Tom Cotton are just waiting for someone to do something stupid,” said the source who has worked on White House efforts. “People are going to want to wait and see how this [First Step Act] works out.”

Meanwhile, a broad coalition of groups is pushing for repeal of the federal ban on Pell Grants for incarcerated students, as talks heat up over reauthorization of the Higher Education Act. Those organizations include civil rights groups, religious colleges and conservative organizations, argue that college access for students behind bars is an issue of equity for postsecondary education and also the logical extension of efforts to end mass incarceration.

Since 1994, federal law has prohibited prisoners from receiving Pell Grants, the primary form of need-based student aid. The Trump administration, however, has named financial aid for incarcerated students as a top priority for a new higher ed law.

Washington Examiner, Trump declared he was working on a Second Step Act. The proposal doesn’t exist (Apr. 26)

Inside Higher Ed, The Case for Pell in Prisons (Apr. 22)

– Thomas L. Root

ACLU Questions Implementation of First Step – Update for April 24, 2019

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

ADVOCACY GROUPS BLAST DOJ/BOP FIRST STEP ACT PLANNING AND IMPLEMENTATION

An Apr. 12 letter to the Dept. of Justice from the American Civil Liberties Union, writing on behalf of 10 other advocacy groups, blasted DOJ’s selection of the Hudson Institute as host of the Independent Review Committee, which is tasked with developing the First Step Act’s risk assessment system.

risk160627The IRC is to propose a risk assessment system for use in the enabling the Bureau of Prison’s programming to reduce recidivism, for which inmates will receive extra good time that can be used to cut sentences and award additional halfway house or home confinement. The First Step Act requires that the risk assessment system be in place by July 19, but DOJ is already two months behind.

The ACLU letter complained that while the Act required that a non-partisan non-profit host organization with expertise in the study and development of risk and needs assessment tools be picked, “the Hudson Institute is… a politically conservative think tank, whose research and analysis promotes global security, freedom and prosperity…” and “there is no evidence on its website, in the form of research publications or otherwise, which remotely suggests the organization has any expertise or experience in the study and development of risk and needs assessment systems.”

The letter also warned that neither the current BOP security classification system nor the U.S. Probation Office post-conviction risk assessment protocol should be adopted as a substitute for the Act’s risk assessment system, because neither was “designed to identify specific criminogenic needs and heavily relies on static factors that classify many people who do not go on to reoffend as high risk.”

Not the right halfway house - but you could get drunk here, which is what it may take to believe that BOP will implement FIRST STEP's transitional housing mandates.
Not the right halfway house – but you could get drunk here, which is what it may take to believe that BOP will implement FIRST STEP’s transitional housing mandates.

Finally, the letter noted that since 2017, BOP has made substantial cuts in rehabilitative programming, staff, and halfway houses. “There are 25,000 people in federal prison waiting to be placed in prison work programs, at least 15,000 people waiting for education and vocational training, and at least 5,000 people are awaiting drug abuse treatment,” the letter said. “There is nowhere near enough programming to help prisoners succeed in their communities upon release and thereby reduce recidivism overall. We therefore urge BOP to begin rebuilding rehabilitative services now.”

ACLU, Letter to David B. Muhlhausen (Apr. 12)

– Thomas L. Root

Justice Dept. Picks First Step Foe to Spearhead Recidivism Risk Standard Adoption – Update for April 15, 2019

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

HAS DOJ SENT THE FOX TO GUARD THE HENHOUSE?

As we observed last Tuesday, the Dept. of Justice has announced that it had appointed the Hudson Institute, a right-of-center think tank best known for its national security work, to design a risk-assessment tool that must be in place before prisoners can receive earned-time credit for completing BOP programs designed to reduce recidivism.

bog190312

The appointment, required by the First Step Act to be in place by Jan. 21, was only 78 days late.

First Step requires that a prisoner’s risk of recidivism (different from security and custody levels) be assessed before he or she starts programming. The risk can go up or down, depending on the inmate’s progress. The lower a prisoner’s risk, the more credit that can be earned.

However, the Act does not specify how a person’s recidivism risk level should be calculated. Instead, it instructs the attorney general to consult with an “independent review committee” to design the system.

DOJ said that Hudson Institute will host the independent review committee. Hudson has the discretion to appoint committee members, who will work to advise on the shape of the final risk-adjustment tool.

henhouse180307Some lawmakers from both parties who backed First Step Act expressed concern late last week at Hudson’s appointment. “I’m a little bit worried that we just let a fox in the chicken coop here,” Sen. Richard Durbin (D-Illinois) said during a confirmation hearing last week. “This… think tank… published an article entitled, ‘Why Trump Should Oppose Criminal-Justice Reform…’ [and has] now been chosen by the Department of Justice and Trump administration to be part of this so-called independent review system.”

Sen. Mike Lee (R-Utah) described the institute as an “opponent of the First Step Act… I don’t see a lot of good faith in implementing this law right now,” Lee said. “And it’s become increasingly clear to me in the last few days that some Department of Justice officials at least don’t like the First Step Act, and they seem not to care that Congress passed this law and that President Trump signed this into law.”

The Hudson Institute, founded in 1961, is known for its work on national security and foreign policy, though it also focuses on economics and domestic policy. For the First Step Act, it has announced six committee members so far who will develop the risk assessment program, one of whom is Hudson’s chief operating officer, John Walters.

Walters once wrote that it was a “great urban myth” that the country was imprisoning too many people for drug possession and that the 100:1 crack-to-powder cocaine disparity was merely a “perceived,” not a real, racial injustice. In 2015, Walters wrote that the concept of “mass incarceration” was a myth, and that “the great majority of federal prisoners appear to be incarcerated because they were, properly, adjudged guilty and justly sentenced.”

release160523The New York Times reported last Tuesday that First Step’s retroactive application of the 2010 Fair Sentencing Act has already “prompt[ed] 800 sentencing reductions already, according to the Justice Department. Of that group, nearly 650 inmates have been released from prison. Another 22 inmates have received sentencing reductions under a compassionate release program that is part of the law.” It reported last Saturday that since First Step was passed, 10 prisoners of 23 that have so far been deemed eligible have been released under the First Step’s Elderly Offender Home Detention (EOHD) program.

Testifying last Tuesday before the Appropriations Subcommittee of the House Committee on Commerce, Justice, Science, and Related Agencies, Attorney General William Barr promised “to robustly fund and diligently implement [First Step] at the Department.”

If you want to know where the real headwinds to First Step will come from, look no further that last Saturday’s Times. It’s one thing to support criminal justice reform in the abstract. But when it comes to individuals, the Gray Lady makes it clear that her anti-felon “lock-’em-up” biases are every bit as finely honed as Sen. Tom Cotton’s ever were.

unforgivenfelon190415The newspaper breathlessly reported on one inmate released under EOHD: “The First Step Act offered prisoner rehabilitation programs and overhauled sentencing policies that supporters claimed had a disproportionate effect on poor defendants, especially minorities. But one person who benefited from the law was Hassan Nemazee, who was once an investor of enormous wealth and who donated heavily to Democratic political causes.” The Times reported that “Mr. Nemazee was charged in 2009 with orchestrating a scheme that defrauded banks of nearly $300 million,” and it complained that home detention “feels a lot like freedom.”

Once the media start picking at the offenses for which inmates who benefit from First Step were convicted, public outrage will not be far behind.

Washington Free Beacon, “DOJ Taps Conservative Think Tank to Help Implement FIRST STEP Act” (Apr. 8)

Mother Jones, Trump Keeps Celebrating Prison Reform. His Administration’s Latest Move Could Sabotage It (Apr. 11)

New York Times, Justice Dept. Works on Applying Sentencing Law as Critics Point to Delays (Apr. 8)

New York Times, He Committed a $300 Million Fraud, but Left Prison Under Trump’s Justice Overhaul (Apr. 13)

– Thomas L. Root

After Partying Last Week, First Step Finally Gets Down to Business – Update for April 9, 2019

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

FIRST STEP CELEBRATED, BUT WORRIES OVER IMPLEMENTATION REMAIN

Amid questions by some critics about the Administration’s support for the First Step Act, the Dept. of Justice’s National Institute of Justice (NIJ) yesterday announced the selection of the Hudson Institute to host the Independent Review Committee mandated by the Act to develop and implement risk and needs assessment tools and evidence-based recidivism reduction programs for the Bureau of Prisons.

firststepB180814“The Department of Justice is committed to implementing the First Step Act,” a DOJ press release quoted Attorney General William Barr as saying. “The Independent Review Committee plays an important role in that effort by assisting in the development of a new risk and needs assessment system and improvements to our recidivism reduction programming.”

NIJ also announced that it is contracting with outside researchers, including Grant Duwe, Ph.D., Zachary Hamilton Ph.D., and Angela Hawken Ph.D., for  consultation on the DOJ’s development of the risk and needs assessment system under the Act.  Dr. Duwe is the Director of Research for the Minnesota Department of Corrections, and an expert on the development of recidivism risk assessment systems. Dr. Hamilton is an Associate Professor of Criminal Justice and Criminology and the Director of the Washington State Institute for Criminal Justice, and focuses on treatment matching through risk and needs assessment systems. Dr. Hawken is a Professor of Public Policy at the New York University Marron Institute, and is the founder and director of New York University’s Litmus/BetaGov program, which assists in the development and validation of data-driven policies.

The announcement comes on the heels of last week’s White House  “First Step Act Celebration,” which was intended to bring attention to a rare piece of bipartisan legislation President Trump passed last year, and which he plans to highlight on the campaign trail. He also announced plans for a “Second Step Act,” focused on easing employment barriers for formerly incarcerated people.

“We are proving we’re a nation that believes in redemption,” Trump said, describing the “second step” legislation as featuring a $88 million funding request for prisoner social reentry programs. “The ‘Second Step Act’ will be focused on successful reentry and reduced unemployment for Americans with past criminal records, and that’s what we’re starting right away.”

“As president, I pledged to work with both parties for the good of the whole nation,” Mr. Trump said at the East Room gathering, pointing to the legislation as an example of bipartisan work that he said was “so important to me.”

But even as they danced at the White House, several observers expressed skepticism that the now-passed bill will enjoy the Administration’s full support.

money160118The Administration’s budget, released last month, listed only $14 million to pay for the First Step Act’s programs. The law specifically asked for $75 million a year for five years, beginning in 2019. The Office of Management and Budget, however, noted that the bill passed after the budget had already been finalized, and that the White House intended to revisit First Step Act funding.

Ensuring that First Step is adequately funded is crucial to its effectiveness, said Nancy La Vigne of the Urban Institute. “We always recognized that without proper funding, the First Step Act is really nothing more than window dressing,” she said.

Mr. Trump said that “my administration intends to fully fund and implement this historic law.”  On Apr. 2, the White House announced Trump will ask Congress for $147 million to implement First Step, far above the $14 million in the original budget.

risky-business-4fea6b87b70a6First Step requires development of a risk and needs assessment tool to assess inmates and determine what types of programs reduce recidivism and the incentives they would receive. The Dept. of Justice missed the Jan. 21 deadline for forming the committee tasked with developing the risk assessment standard, instead starting the committee formation process only yesterday. The Crime Report said last Monday, “It’s not clear whether the government will meet the July deadline for developing the system.”

Kevin Ring, president of Families Against Mandatory Minimums, says there hasn’t been much clarity from the administration on the status of these measures.

“All the timelines were ambitious, so it’s not surprising that they haven’t met them all,” Ring said. “It’s just it seems to be a bit of a black box. We don’t know what’s taking so long.”

The New York Times today observed that

Putting the law into practice quickly became complicated. The government partly shut down one day after Congress passed the bill and sent it to President Trump to sign into law, and many of the Justice Department employees who would have worked to fulfill it went on furlough. The shutdown, the longest in history, lasted through the end of January.

That has given law enforcement officials just over two months to start carrying out a complicated piece of legislation, a senior Justice Department official said in defending their pace… The criminal justice overhaul was also passed during intense tumult at the top of the Justice Department, which oversees the Bureau of Prisons and would be responsible for carrying out much of the new legislation.

The New York Times, Justice Dept. Works on Applying Sentencing Law as Critics Point to Delays (Apr. 9)

Hudson Institute, Hudson Institute To Host First Step Act’s Independent Review Committee (Apr. 8)

Washington Examiner, Trump announces Second Step Act to help ex-prisoners find work (Apr. 1)

The Crime Report, As White House Celebrates First Step Act, Inmate Risk-Assessment Tool Lags (Apr. 1)

The New York Times, Trump Celebrates Criminal Justice Overhaul Amid Doubts It Will Be Fully Funded (Apr. 1)

NPR, 3 Months Into New Criminal Justice Law, Success For Some And Snafus For Others (Apr. 1)

– Thomas L. Root

Will First Step Let the Holloway Black Swan Swim Again? – Update for March 26, 2019

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

A REMARKABLE ORDER, A “HOLLOWAY” EASTER EGG

A fascinating order from Judge David Larimer in the Western District of New York is focusing attention on an overlooked section of the First Step Act.

hammer160509First, the order: thirteen years ago, Chad Marks took a drug count and two 18 USC 924(c) counts to trial. Had he pled guilty like his co-defendants, he would be home now. But he rolled the dice and lost, and Judge Larimer was forced by statute to hammer him with 40 years, a mandatory minimum of 10 for the drugs, 5 for the first 924(c) and 25 for the second 924(c)

Over 13 years, the Judge said in his Order, Chad has gained a college degree and completed over 100 programs. Now Chad has asked the judge to ask the U.S. Attorney to agree to let the judge vacate one of the 924(c) convictions, which would cut Chad to 15 years and get him immediate release. The Judge’s Order, citing Chad’s “extraordinary accomplishments,” asks the Government to “carefully consider exercising his discretion to agree to an order vacating one of Marks’ two Section 924(c) convictions. This would eliminate the mandatory 25-year term that is now contrary to the present provisions of the statute. Congress has now recognized the injustice of ‘stacking’.”

blackswan170206You may remember the Holloway decision of a few years ago, where EDNY Judge Gleeson convinced the U.S. Attorney to consent to an otherwise unauthorized court order cutting an inmate’s sentence, because of the inmate’s prison accomplishments and the harshness of the mandatory minimums. I wrote about it at the time, referring to the decision as a “black swan” and calling out some hopemongers who were trying to fleece inmates of money to prepare their own “Holloway” motions. Holloway had a cold fusion problem: it was elegant, even beautiful, but it was not replicable. Instead, a Holloway motion would only work when the court and the U.S. Attorney agreed to ignore the strict procedural rules against granting the remedy the inmate sought.

Holloway was a grand conspiracy among the players – defendant, judge and prosecutor – to let the defendant out of prison. I praised its wisdom and creativity, even while lamenting that it would hardly work anywhere else in the nation, where jurists like Judge Gleeson, U.S. Attorneys like Loretta Lynch, and defendants like Francois Holloway were not in the same courtroom at the same time.

But First Step may have changed all of that, in a way Congress probably neither noticed or intended. Everyone knows that the Act changed compassionate release to let a prisoner take his or her request under 18 USC 3582(c)(1) to court if the Federal Bureau of Prisons either turns it down or (as happens more often) fails to act on it within 30 days. But what went unnoticed in all the talk about dying inmates is this: there is more than one way to get a sentence modified under 3582(c)(1).

easteregg190326In computer software and media, an Easter egg is an intentional inside joke, hidden message or image, or feature hidden in a program. The Easter egg in compassionate release is subsection 3582(c)(1)(A)(i) permits sentence reduction for any “extraordinary and compelling” reason, not just illness. Traditionally, inmates have been referred by the BOP for acts of heroism. I knew of one UNICOR worker referred under (c)(1)(A)(i) who save the life of his BOP staff supervisor when the man collapsed of a heart attack. But “compelling and extraordinary” has hardly ever been used, because the BOP had to propose it to the court, and the BOP did not care to do so.

That has changed. As Ohio State law professor Doug Berman noted last week in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog when writing about the Chad Marks’ case, “I [use] the term “extraordinary and compelling” in this post because I do not think the federal judge here has to rely on the U.S. Attorney to do justice in this case now that the First Step Act has changed the process around judicial consideration of sentence modifications under 18 USC 3582(c)(1)(A)(i)… [The] Act now provides that an inmate can bring a request to “modify a term of imprisonment” directly to a sentencing court (rather than needing a motion made by the Bureau of Prison) based on the claim that “extraordinary and compelling reasons warrant such a reduction.” This is what gets described often as the “compassionate release” provision of federal law, and most generally assume that it is only applicable to sick and dying prisoners. But, ever the textualist, I am eager to highlight to everyone that Congress only formally requires a judge to find “extraordinary and compelling reasons warrant such a reduction.” As I read this new Marks Order, I think Judge Larimer has already essentially made such a finding.”

falsehope170510I know of one inmate who already is using his case history and BOP record in asking a court for a (c)(1)(A)(i) sentence modification. I do not think, generally speaking, such a motion will work unless the judge already is unhappy with the length of a mandatory sentence. But that will hardly stop the shadier “paralegal” shops from trying to sell people Holloway motions upgraded to (c)(1)(A)(i)s.

Order, United States v. Marks, Case No. 03-CR-6033 (WDNY Mar 14, 2019)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Federal judge pens extraordinary and compelling order requesting US Attorney to vacate old stacked 924(c) conviction in extraordinary and compelling case (Mar 19)

– Thomas L. Root

Playing the BOP for “Dopes” – Update for March 19, 2019

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

THREE CONSULTANTS INDICTED FOR ADVISING CLIENTS TO SCAM RDAP

Nothing new here: cheating to get into the Bureau of Prison’s Residential Drug Abuse Program and qualifying for 12 months off one’s federal prison sentence is as old as… well, as old as the RDAP program itself.

RhHqJ3fIt used to be easy. I knew a guy who had friends pose as substance abuse counselors in letters to the BOP in order to get him in to RDAP, back a decade ago.

A year ago, Queens, New York, lawyer Scott “Mighty Whitey” Brettschneider was charged federally with ginning up fake letters to get a client into RDAP (and later, with more serious offenses).  Now, three Michigan residents from an outfit called RDAP Consultants have been accused of telling clients over the past six years to falsely inform BOP officials that they had drug and alcohol problems, of showing them how to fake withdrawal symptoms, and of teaching them how to fraudulently obtain medication to treat withdrawal symptoms in order to show prescriptions to qualify for the program. The defendants allegedly advised clients to begin drinking alcohol daily before going to prison and to show up drunk.

The indictments were handed up at the end of January, but the story only broke last week.

The case has put a spotlight on the world of prison consulting, in which some ex-convicts and former prison employees charge thousands of dollars for their inside knowledge to help people prepare for life behind bars. Some consultants say there has been wrongdoing in the industry for decades, including encouraging clients to scam their way into the rehab program.

“It’s an unregulated industry, so something like this hopefully brings some attention to it,” said Dan Wise, a former inmate who completed the RDAP program and now runs Federal Prison Time Consulting in Spokane, Washington.

cheating190319The small industry now is “totally the Wild West,” Jack Donson, a retired BOP employee and president of My Federal Prison Consultants told AP.

Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman argued last week in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog that the indictments are a symptom of a larger problem:

“Federal prisoners have historically had precious few means to seek to earn reductions in their sentences. Thankfully, the First Step Act is a significant step toward treating this disease, as it provides an elaborate set of mechanisms for allow some prisoners to earn reductions through other rehabilitative efforts. But, critically, the First Step Act has a number of problematic exclusions and restrictions on which prisoners can earn reductions AND there is reason to worry that poor implementation of the First Step could lead to privileged prisoners again being better able to access programming and reduction that should be made properly available to as many prisoners as possible.”

Mr. Monopoly“Poor implementation” may be right. When the White House released budget priorities for 2020 last week, only $14 million was explicitly listed to finance First Step’s programs. It’s unclear if additional funding could come from savings that could result from the early release of eligible prisoners under the measure or from reducing expenses elsewhere within the Dept. of Justice, as some advocates for the programs hope. The White House did not respond to questions.

A.M. New York, Queens defense lawyer Scott Brettschneider charged with making false statements (Mar. 26. 2018)

Associated Press, Show up drunk: Indictments spotlight prison rehab scams
(Mar. 11, 2019)

Sentencing Law and Policy, New indictment exposes underbelly of federal RDAP program … and provides still more reason to be thankful for passage of FIRST STEP Act (Mar. 15)

The Marshall Project, First Step Act Comes Up Short in Trump’s 2020 Budget (Mar. 12)

– Thomas L. Root

FSA Resentencings Reflect District Court Confusion – Update for March 11, 2019

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

FAIR SENTENCING ACT RESENTENCINGS ALL OVER THE MAP

As prisoners who were sentenced for crack offenses before the August 2010 effectiveness of the Fair Sentencing Act (FSA) are discovering, district courts are all over the map in interpreting the First Step Act provisions that make the FSA retroactive.

crackpowder160606Here’s one problem: A number of prisoners seeking retroactive FSA application were sentenced under the mandatory pre-United States v. Booker guidelines. Are their guidelines still mandatory on resentencing?

And another: Virtually all of the eligible defendants have indictments that specified “5 grams or more” or “50 grams or more” of crack – the standard for mandatory minimums before FSA – but had judges finding at sentencing that the amount of crack in their cases was much higher, such as “400 grams or more.” Before the Supreme Court’s 2013 Alleyne v, United States decision, a Presentence Report finding of 400 grams would subject the defendant to a 10-to-life sentence no matter what the indictment said. Alleyne said that the facts supporting a mandatory minimum sentence had to be found by a jury beyond a reasonable doubt or admitted by the defendant. So what amount of crack should drive their new sentence, 50 or 400?

The issue district courts are grappling with is whether an FSA resentencing has to pretend that Booker and Alleyne were never decided, or whether a new FSA sentence has to be constitutional under all of those decisions handed down since the defendant was first sentenced.

Three district court decisions in the last week or so make it clear that those questions are still up in the air. In United States v. Glore, the government argued that because a defendant who was charged with 5 grams or more had been found in his PSR to have had 46 grams, he was not eligible for a sentence reduction under the retroactive FSA, because the 46 grams still required a 5-year minimum sentence under the FSA’s 28-gram threshold. The government said Alleyne should not apply, because it was decided well after the original sentence was imposed.

badjudge160502Citing United States v. Fleurival, the district court rejected the government argument, holding that “the government has the prerogative to argue that even if a defendant is eligible for a First Step reduction, the court should decline to exercise the broad discretion given it by the First Step Act, and refuse to reduce a defendant’s sentence. But its argument that a defendant is not eligible because the sentencing court might have elected to calculate his statutory penalties in a way that now is unlawful, and back then would have been illogical, is unpersuasive.”

Meanwhile, in United States v. Newton, a Virginia district court ruled that although the defendant was originally sentenced under pre-Booker mandatory guidelines, his new sentence under the retroactive FSA should be decided under advisory guidelines and the sentencing factors in 18 USC 3553(a). The government, comparing the FSA resentencing to an 18 USC 3582(c)(2) sentence reduction, argued that Dillon v. United States made it a limited resentencing, and the court had to pretend that the law on the day of the original sentencing remained the law at resentencing.

The district court rejected this argument, noting that the Sentencing Commission said in January that while courts would have to settle whether the FSA resentencing was subject to Dillon, district judges should nevertheless “consider the guidelines and policy statements, along with other 3553(a) factors, during the resentencing.”

In a New York case last week, United States v. Davis, the government argued the defendant was not eligible for relief under the First Step Act because his actual offense conduct involved over 1.5 kilos of crack, which even under the FSA would trigger a 10-life sentence under 21 USC 841(b)(1)(A). The government hypothesized that if the current FSA had been in place when Mr. Davis committed his crime, his indictment would have alleged “280 grams or more of cocaine base” instead of “50 grams or more,” and thus still would have triggered the higher  841(b)(1)(A) penalties.

release160523The court rejected the government’s argument out of hand, holding that “it is the statute of conviction, not actual conduct, that controls eligibility under the First Step Act.” The defendant won his release.

But the foregoing views are not universally shared. Last week, a Florida district court held in United States v. Potts that a defendant who had been charged only with a “detectable amount” of crack, which carried no mandatory minimum, was nevertheless subject to a 10-year minimum sentence because his presentence report found he was responsible for 125 grams. The district court concluded that First Step’s provision making the FSA retroactive does not “expressly provide for a full or plenary resentencing or for a reconsideration of original sentencing determinations.” Instead, “although Defendant is eligible for a reduced sentence under Fair Sentencing Act, he is not entitled to a full resentencing, and all other determinations made at the time of his sentencing must remain unchanged.” The court cited United States v. Delaney and United States v. Kamber, but neither of those decisions hold that an FSA resentencing is limited like a 3582(c)(2) resentencing.

There is going to be a lot of litigation before the parameters of the FSA resentencing are firmly and finally set.

United States v. Davis, 2019 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 36348 (W.D.N.Y. Mar 6, 2019)
 

United States v. Delaney, 2019 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 28792 (W.D.Va. Feb. 22, 2019)

United States v. Fleurival, 2019 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 20057 (W.D.Va. Feb. 6, 2019)

United States v. Glore, 2019 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 35838 (E.D.Wis. Mar. 6, 2019)

United States v. Kamber, 2019 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 15691 (S.D.Ill. Jan. 31, 2019)

United States v. Newton, 2019 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 33356 (W.D.Va. Mar. 1, 2019)

United States v. Potts, 2019 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 35386 (S.D.Fla. Mar. 6, 2019)

– Thomas L. Root

So What’s The Second Step? – Update for March 6, 2019

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

FIRST STEP, SECOND STEP – CRIMINAL JUSTICE REFORM STILL DEBATED

Psychology professor Keith Humphreys wrote in the Washington Post last week that even after the First Step Act, the Feds still imprison seven times as many inmates as in 1980.

Postgraphic190307Critics complained that First Step would leave the nation “overwhelmed with violent crime.” But Humphreys asked why the federal government should imprison anyone at all. “In reality,” he wrote, “virtually every murder, rape, assault and battery is charged under state law and results in imprisonment at the state or local level. The federal prison system holds only 1.8% of U.S. inmates serving time for violent crimes… It is implausible that the number of and deserved sentence length for such offenses are seven times greater than they were before the federal prison population exploded.”

Noting that the federal criminal code has exploded with white-collar crimes, carjacking, DVD piracy, and street-corner drug dealing ¬– all offenses that states punish as well – Humphreys suggests that “the extremely broad coalition that supported the First Step Act can reasonably aim higher in its next round of proposed reform, returning the federal prison system to its traditional role as an important – but small – part of the U.S. correctional system.”

softoncrime190307Meanwhile, the ultra-progressive Socialist Worker last week complained that First Step “is more of a tip toe than a first step. But… no matter how ineffective, First Step is a sign of changing times. It wasn’t too long ago that any politician who favored prison reform would be labeled as ‘soft on crime’. First Step reflects a lessening of the tough-on-crime rhetoric…”

It is virtually impossible to count the number of people benefitting from the retroactive Fair Sentencing Act Sec. 404 of the First Step Act) but last week The Providence Journal reported that “so far, 14 Rhode Islanders convicted under stiff mandatory-sentencing laws have gained early release under the newly enacted federal law called the First Step Act…”

Washington Post, The new criminal justice law will modestly shrink prison populations. Should we go further? (Feb. 25)

Socialist Worker, Is First Step a Step Forward? (Feb. 25)

Providence Journal, ‘First Step’ toward freedom for R.I. drug offenders (Mar. 2)

– Thomas L. Root