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Pinching a Statute ‘Til It Hollers: BOP and Earned Time – Update for December 2, 2020

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

BOP ROLLS OUT PROPOSED FSA EARNED TIME RULES

Twenty-three months after passage of the First Step Act authorized the Federal Bureau of Prisons to give earned time credits to inmates who complete programs that have been shown to reduce recidivism, the BOP is finally getting around to adopting rules on how such credits will be rewarded. And, unsurprisingly, the BOP is making Ebenezer Scrooge look like Santa Claus.

scrooge201202First Step focused on assessing each prisoner’s likelihood of recidivism and rolling that assessment into a recidivism and needs assessment system known as PATTERN. The BOP was then to determine which of the programs identified as likely to reduce recidivism each inmate needed. As the inmate completed the programs, he or she would see the PATTERN score – ranging from “high risk” down to “minimum risk” – decrease. To encourage the prisoners to complete the programs, First Step authorized the award of “earned time credits,” equal to 10 to 15 days for each 30 days of programming completed. The earned-time credits can be used for more halfway house, more home confinement, or up to 12 months of early release.

Of course, the devil’s in the details. The language in the Act says:

A prisoner shall earn 10 days of time credits for every 30 days of successful participation in evidence-based recidivism reduction programming or productive activities.

rules201202What exactly does First Step mean by “30 days of successful participation?” The BOP has finally announced proposed rules to define that, and the definition is a doozy.

The proposed rule figures that “30 days” means 30 program days. A “program day” is eight hours, the BOP says. In other words, a 500-hour program would be worth 500 hours/8 hours-to-a-day, or 62.5 program days. Completion of the 500-hour program would award an inmate two months (60 days) of program credit, which is worth 20 days earned time credit for inmates with medium or high recidivism risk, and 30 days credit for inmates with minimum or low risk.

In the BOP, a 500-hour program takes 12-18 months to complete.  That may seem like a fairly substantial commitment for a month more of home confinement. But it is consistent with what we’ve come to expect from the BOP: given a chance to interpret the extent of its authority to be lenient, it invariably interprets that authority in the most chary way possible.

results201202The proposed rule does settle one question which has been coming up often in the last few months: FSA earned time credits may only be earned for successful completion of an Evidence-Based Recidivism Reduction Program and Productive Activity assigned to the inmate based on the inmate’s risk and needs assessment, and only for those successfully completed on or after January 15, 2020.

The proposed rule does not address the procedures for determining whether an individual inmate will have FSA earned time credits applied towards prerelease custody, early transfer to supervised release, a combination of both, or neither. Instead, it only addresses the procedures for earning, awarding, loss, and restoration of FSA credits.

The public may submit comments to the BOP on the proposed rule until January 25, 2021.

Federal Register, Proposed Rule: FSA Time Credits (November 25, 2020)

– Thomas L. Root

COVID Peaks, Vaccine on the Horizon – Update for December 1, 2020

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

BOP HITS UGLY COVID MILESTONE AS VACCINE IS PROMISED

With yesterday’s numbers, the Bureau of Prisons continues into new  COVID-19 record with 4,792 sick inmates, topping previous records of 3,461 on May 11 and 4,454 on July 23. The inmate death toll hit 157 last week, with one fatality – Louis Rector at FMC Butner – having been declared recovered in July, only to be hospitalized two months later and then to linger for two months before dying.

BOPCOVID201201A record 1,414 BOP staff are sick. COVID is in 126 BOP facilities. Fifteen joints have more than 100 inmates sick, and four have more than 200 COVID cases. The BOP says it has tested 54% of all inmates at least once, with a positivity rate of 29%.

The big news now is about vaccine. The Associated Press reported last week that the BOP would be “among the first government agencies to receive the coronavirus vaccine, though initial allotments of the vaccine will be given to staff and not to inmates, even though sickened prisoners vastly outnumber sickened staff,” citing documents it had obtained from the BOP.  AP said the BOP has “been instructing wardens and other staff members to prepare to receive the vaccine within weeks, according to people familiar with the matter. The people could not discuss the matter publicly and spoke to the AP on condition of anonymity.”

reinfection200831Government Executive reported that the BOP “would provide vaccines to all staff and inmates under the interim plan. Employees and inmates at private contract facilities are not slated for inclusion. In a recent memorandum for staff obtained by Government Executive, the bureau said employees, rather than inmates, would receive ‘initial allocations.’ CDC will determine the size of that allocation. The memo also provided a glimpse into the process federal workers will follow to receive a vaccine from their agencies: staff will follow a specific link that will allow them to register and, once registered, they can set up an appointment at their facility’s health services department.”

The government has not yet approved any vaccine, a necessary step before any doses can be delivered. Several vaccine makers have asked for expedited permission, and CBS reported yesterday that vaccine may be available by Christmas.

Advocates say the federal government should be doing more to ensure vulnerable, at-risk inmates have access to the vaccine as soon as possible. “If true, it’s a disgrace,” David Patton, the head of the federal defender office in New York, said of the Bureau of Prisons plan. “Prisoners are among the very highest-risk groups for contracting COVID-19. The conditions of confinement make social distancing and proper hygiene and sanitation nearly impossible. The government should certainly prioritize prison staff, but to not also prioritize the people incarcerated is irresponsible and inhumane.”

AP said the BOP “has been accused of missteps and scattershot policies since the virus reached the U.S. earlier this year.”

A prime example may be the one reported by WUSA-TV, Washington, DC, last week. Fabian Tinsley died of COVID last April at Butner, but no one told his family Fabian’s niece discovered news accounts of his death when she Googled him in August.

johndoe201201WUSA-TV said, “Officials with the Federal Bureau of Prisons failed to inform Tinsley’s family of his death in April. Staff from the North Carolina facility only notified next-of-kin after reports from the CBS News affiliates in Raleigh and Washington. “I think they thought we wouldn’t care enough, and that’s been the problem,” said Latesha Boyd, Tinsley’s niece. “We have no closure, that’s how I feel.”

The TV station reported that “After the communications breakdown became apparent in August, Boyd said Butner staff called frequently with apologies. Yet the family said they could only describe their current situation as being trapped in a bureaucratic runaround, with no firm details on where to find Tinsley’s body.”

In an October statement from the BOP, “a spokesperson said communication with the family continues,” WUSA-TV reported.

BOP, Inmate Death at FMC Butner (November 23, 2020)

Associated Press, Federal prisons to prioritize staff to receive virus vaccine (November 23, 2020)

Government Executive, Several Federal Agencies to Deliver COVID-19 Vaccines to Employees Directly (November 23, 2020)

CDC, COVID-19 Vaccination Program – Interim Playbook for Jurisdiction Operations (October 29, 2020)

WUSA-TV, 224 days after a DC man died of coronavirus, his family still has no idea where to find his body (November 26, 2020)

– Thomas L. Root

Clemency Stampede On the Horizon? – Update for November 30, 2020

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

FLYNN PARDON SETS OFF CLEMENCY SPECULATION

Just as predicted, President Trump pardoned turkeys Corn and Cob last Tuesday. But the act may have whetted the President’s appetite for something besides Big Macs, because the day after pardoning the turkey, Trump pardoned Michael T. Flynn, his first national security adviser.

innocent161024Flynn, you may recall, has been seeking to have the case against him dismissed after twice pleading guilty to lying to the FBI.  Much of the media (and opposing politicians) have responded with howls of indignation, believing that he must have pled guilty because he knew he was guilty. Those of us familiar with the federal criminal system, of course, know better: a plea of guilty is irrelevant to actual guilt: instead, it’s just a white flag waved at an enemy force of superior strength, hoping that negotiated surrender is better than being overrun and massacred.

But that’s a discussion for another day. The Flynn pardon was followed by a New York Times report that the White House is weighing a number of pardons and commutations for Trump to issue in his final weeks in office. The consideration is prompting jockeying by a range of clemency seekers and their representatives. Besides the usual cast of people connected to Trump and his campaign, several groups that have previously pushed for criminal justice reform are working with an ad hoc White House team under the direction of presidential advisor and son-in-law Jared Kushner, which has what the Times called a goal of announcing as many as hundreds of commutations for federal prisoners.

“Lists of people are being circulated,” federal post-conviction attorney Brandon Sample told The Times. In addition to a number of Trump associates who may benefit from clemency, Trump is said to be focused on ways to use clemency to further burnish his criminal justice reform credentials, which were made when he supported passage of the First Step Act. The Times said, “A blitz of late pardons or commutations for federal crimes — over which presidents have unchecked power — is seen by some criminal justice reform activists as another way to build his record on that issue.”

exotic201130Kodak Black, a rapper doing time on a § 922(g) felon-in-possession-of-a-gun conviction, publicly announced he would donate $1 million to charity if Trump granted him clemency, Another celebrity inmate,  Joseph Allen Maldonado-Passage (that’s “Joe Exotic” to you) – convicted in 2019 on two counts of murder-for-hire for plotting to kill his nemesis and Big Cat Rescue owner Carole Baskin, as well as eight counts of falsifying wildlife records and nine counts of violating the Endangered Species Act – has had representatives lobbying the White House for a pardon since last April. Trying to beat a 22-year sentence, Joe reportedly had his people stay in a Trump hotel, dropping $10,000 in an attempt to get the President’s attention. A group of celebrities, Republican officials and civil rights advocates sent a letter to President Trump last Wednesday, urging him to pardon or commute the sentences of people in federal prison for nonviolent federal marijuana offenses.

The New York Post said last week that the President’s “allies see the final two-month stretch of Trump’s term as an opportunity to cement his first-term legacy before handing over the reins to Biden, who authored some of the most punitive drug laws.”

Physical lists of convicts seeking commutations and pardons have swirled in the West Wing since June 2018, the Post said, when Trump freed Alice Johnson from a federal drug conspiracy sentence at the request of Kim Kardashian. Johnson spoke at this year’s Republican National Convention and traveled with Trump to the first presidential debate.

crazynumbers200519Trump often speaks proudly of freeing Johnson and turned to her for recommendations. During this year’s campaign, Trump pledged minority voters a new clemency commission if he won re-election. Yet, with over 13,000 clemency applications on file, Trump has used his clemency power less often than any president in modern history, according to data from the Dept of Justice. Trump’s sparse use of pardons, commutations and other forms of official leniency stands in sharp contrast to his predecessor, Barack Obama, who used the clemency power more frequently than any chief executive since Harry Truman.

As of Nov. 23, Trump had granted clemency 44 times, including 28 pardons and 16 commutations. That’s the lowest total of any president since at William McKinley, who was elected in 1897. Obama granted clemency 1,927 times during his eight-year tenure, including 212 pardons and 1,715 commutations. The only modern president who granted clemency almost as infrequently as Trump is George H.W. Bush, who granted 77 pardons and commutations in his single term.

Politico, Trump pardons Corn the turkey as a finishing White House act (November 24, 2020)

The New York Times, Trump’s Pardon of Flynn Signals Prospect of a Wave in His Final Weeks in Office (November 25, 2020)

Marijuana Moment, Republican Lawmakers And Celebrities Push Trump To Free Marijuana Prisoners Before Leaving Office
(November 25, 2020)

New York Post, Turkeys, Corn and Cob, expected to be first in slew of final Trump pardons (November 24, 2020)

Pew Research Center, So far, Trump has granted clemency less frequently than any president in modern history (November 24, 2020)

– Thomas L. Root

Happy Birthday to Us! – Update for November 30, 2020

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

LISA NEWSLETTER TURNS FIVE YEARS OLD

On November 29, 2015, LISA published its first newsletter. Volume 1, Number 1 was sent to 13 inmates. We’ve published one every Sunday night since then (except for one week in July 2019, skipped so the editor could take his wife on a 40th wedding anniversary trip). That’s 260 newsletters.

Happy birthday to us.

Cake201130

In five years, our subscriber base went from 13 to 10,971. Then last October, the Federal Bureau of Prisons banned us for a day (an accident, they said), and when we were turned back on, our subscriber base had been wiped out.

Still, six weeks later, we are back up to over 3,500 inmates.

What you see on the website (besides the newsletter itself) is an expanded version of what we run in the newsletter. Our goal in the newsletter is to provide federal prisoners with legislative and judicial news that is factual, well-sourced and timely. On the website, we tend to let our opinions show, but we keep the newsletter as neutral as we can.

After five years, the newsletter is still free and is still sent every Sunday night. 

– Thomas L. Root

Turkey Gobbles Up Trump’s Last Pardon? – Update for November 25, 2020

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

TRUMP ISSUED NEW PARDON YESTERDAY… OF A TURKEY

Thanksgiving week is the traditional time for the President of the United States to “pardon” a turkey or two… and this week was no exception. Yesterday, President Trump – absent any appreciation for irony of having ordered five executions before he leaves office in two months – pardoned turkeys Corn and Cob. “We hope — and we know it’s going to happen — that Corn and Cob have a very long, happy and memorable life,” Trump said.

pardonturkey201125

Politico noted that “turkeys pardoned at the White House are bred for slaughter and are often too unhealthy to support long lifespans. Most die a few months after getting pardoned.” They will still outlive five federal inmates, including one woman, scheduled to be executed by lethal injection at the US Penitentiary in Terre Haute over the next 60 days. It is irregular for an administration to execute prisoners during its lame-duck period, rather than to let the incoming administration make its own decisions on the matter.

The Presidential pardon-fest every Thanksgiving Week has its owen rituals. “The turkeys will be given silly names (past recipients have included birds named Mac and Cheese), some children and White House staffers will look on, and there will be forced jokes and stiff laughter,” law professor and pardon expert Mark Osler complained last year.

We still get requests from people on where to find clemency applications and questions about how to write them. To be blunt, pardon and commutation petitions make sense only if an inmate has exhausted all other avenues for relief and has plenty of extra postage to waste.

That sentiment is shared by Osler and New York University law professor Rachel Barkow, a former Sentencing Commission member. Last week, they wrote about how, for all of the talk Trump’s 44 commutations issued in the past four years have caused, he “has exercised this presidential power rarely.” All but five of his grants were to people connected to him politically or championed by celebrities. Indeed, Trump’s early grant of a pardon to Arizona sheriff Joe Arpaio energized Trump’s political opponents in Arizona and may have cost him enough voters to lose the state.

presidential_pardon_thanksgiving_tile_coasterTrump used a Super Bowl ad to highlight his grant of clemency to Alice Marie Johnson, whose case was pushed on him by Kim Kardashian. Earlier this year, he fully pardoned her — and she was a featured speaker at the Republican National Convention. Barkow and Osler wrote, “Treating clemency as made-for-TV fodder, and plucking out a few cases that the campaign hoped had compelling narratives, is disappointing. More than 13,000 petitions are moldering in the bureaucratic maze of the clemency process, even as covid-19 ravages U.S. prison populations.”

The authors worry that “people will focus on Trump’s inappropriate grants and conclude that the clemency power needs to be limited — instead of focusing on the many people still waiting for a decision. This raises two issues: Any legislation to limit the clemency power is likely to be found unconstitutional. This approach also gets the problem backward: Clemency must be expanded, not limited, because there are so many people serving disproportionately long federal sentences who have no hope for relief other than presidential clemency.”

clemency170206Biden’s major competitors in the primaries all endorsed the idea of taking clemency out of the hopelessly conflicted Justice Department and establishing a bipartisan board. That proposal was included in the Democratic Party platform. It must be implemented — and soon. The overstuffed clemency pipeline is about to burst.”

Last week, the Prison Policy Initiative urged President-elect Biden to “use the president’s clemency power to release people convicted of nonviolent drug crimes. A President Biden,” the Initiative wrote, “willing to use clemency in a broad, sweeping manner could significantly reduce the federal prison population — without needing to consult Congress. But if President-elect Biden spends too much time reviewing clemency applications to avoid all possible risk, it’s unlikely that he will make a big impact.”

Politico, Trump pardons Corn the turkey as a finishing White House act (November 25)

Washington Post, Trump abused the clemency power. Will Biden reform it? (November 16)

Prison Policy Initiative, The promise — and peril — of Biden’s criminal justice reform platform (November 13)

– Thomas L. Root

BOP and COVID: The Best of Times, The Worst of Times – Update for November 24, 2020

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

INMATES CATCHING COVID, BOP CATCHING HEAT

Last week, we said the Bureau of Prisons was feeling the third wave of coronavirus. The numbers bear us out.

Inmate cases, which have averaged 2,065 active cases a day since Sept 1, hit 3,933 last night. That’s the highest number since the end of July, an increase of 117% since Nov 1 and 16% over a week ago. At the same time, BOP staff cases hit an all-time high of 1,264, up 17% in a week. The virus is again present in all 122 BOP facilities. The BOP has tested 53% of its inmate population, with 28% returning as positive.

BOPCOVID201124

The Dept. of Justice Inspector General reported a week ago that BOP officials made a number of mistakes that hobbled the agency’s ability to control the spread of COVID-19 at FCI Oakdale, Louisiana. The DOJ’s internal watchdog found Oakdale officials “failed to promptly” implement COVID-19 screening protocols, took too long to limit inmate movement and failed to properly quarantine and isolate inmates, among other issues. Specifically, Oakdale lacked adequate personal protective equipment and left inmates with the virus in their housing units for a week without being isolated.

Oakdale was the initial BOP prison to experience a serious COVID-19 outbreak, and chalked up the first of what is now over 150 federal inmate deaths.

Failure201124Predictably, the BOP criticized the report, arguing its officials and staff complied with guidance to screen staff and inmates for COVID, took proper steps to limit inmate movement during the pandemic, and provided proper protective gear and guidance to employees on how to take precautions to protect against the spread of the disease.

Drug manufacturer Pfizer has applied for emergency use authorization for its COVID-19 vaccine from the Food and Drug Administration, to be followed by competing vaccine maker Moderna on December 4, and AstraZenica/Oxford about a month later. An emergency use authorization is a fast-track vaccine authorization that can be processed much more quickly than normal approval. The FDA is expected to take one to three weeks to go through the application and make a decision on issuing the emergency authorization. USA Today reports that vaccine could be approved by the week of December 14.

By the end of December, the government expects to have about 40 million vaccine doses available for distribution. The Pfizer and Moderna vaccines both require two doses given between 21 days apart. The BOP has reportedly told the inmate population that it is working to obtain vaccine for its staff and inmates. However, correctional facilities are currently reported to be included in “phase two” of the vaccine rollout, despite the fact healthcare professionals and prisoner advocates argue that they should be given a higher priority.

“We’re hearing promising news that we are one of the targeted areas to get the first dosage—at least our staff is in the first group, and then our patients with higher risk factors would be next,” said Thomas Weber, CEO of a private company providing medical services to state prisons and detention centers. “However, we have a concern about the availability of enough vaccines and how they’re going to distribute them.”

money160818Finally, 15 members of Congress, all Democrats, wrote to DOJ and the BOP last Tuesday to ask about the changing policies for medical copayments in federal prisons during the pandemic where there have been widespread coronavirus outbreaks. “On March 30, the BOP issued a memorandum waiving the requirement that incarcerated individuals pay ‘copay fee[s] for inmate requested visits to health care providers.’ That waiver expired on October 1, and it is unclear whether that waiver has been extended, given the continued spread of COVID-19 throughout the nation and in federal prisons,” they wrote. “It is also unclear whether the BOP has considered making its copay waiver permanent.”

Office of Inspector General, Remote Inspection of Federal Correctional Complexes Oakdale and Pollock (November 17, 2020)

Reuters, U.S. Justice Dept watchdog: Louisiana prison officials botched COVID-19 pandemic (November 17, 2020)

Atlanta Journal-Constitution, Federal prison in Louisiana left inmates with virus in housing for week (November 18, 2020)

USA Today, When could the first COVID-19 vaccines be given in the US? (November 18, 2020)

Letter to Attorney General William Barr and BOP Director Michael Carvajal (November 16, 2020)

– Thomas L. Root

Two More Circuits Ease Compassionate Release Requirements – Update for November 23, 2020

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

6TH AND 7TH CIRCUITS FOLLOW BROOKER; CLARIFY COMPASSIONATE RELEASE

If there has been any silver lining to the COVID-19 pandemic at all – and reasonable people can easily argue that there has not been – it might be the explosion in compassionate release motions brought by federal prisoners.

compassionate200928
As I have said before, 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A)(i) – which permits federal judges to reduce otherwise-final sentences when “extraordinary and compelling” reasons for doing so exist – has been a “sleeper” for three decades. Until 2018, the “catch” in this sentence reduction subsection that made it such a snoozer was the requirement that only the director of the Bureau of Prisons could bring a motion under the subsection. The Director, of course, is a bureaucrat who would not have petitioned to have his or her own mother released from federal stir.

By the way, nowhere in the statute is the motion called a “compassionate release” motion. Nevertheless, the sentence release motion has been dubbed as such by the BOP, to the point that the terms “compassionate release” and “sentence reduction” are freely interchangeable.

Prior to 2018, the number of occasions on which the BOP asked a court to release an inmate early made blue moons seem like a nightly event by comparison. Congress, tired of the BOP’s nonfeasance in using the sentence-reduction subsection, modified § 3582(c)(1)(A)(i) in the First Step Act, so that now – after paying lip service to the BOP’s former role by asking the Director to bring a sentence reduction motion no one seriously believes the BOP will bring – an inmate may file the motion directly.

Sentence reduction business picked up after First Step’s passage 23 months ago, but it took the pandemic to start the land rush. Somewhere around 4,000 sentence reduction motions claiming that COVID-19’s risk to medically-vulnerable inmates have been filed in the last eight months.

But with no history of sentence reduction adjudication, there has been blessed little judicial guidance as to how a court is to analyze such a motion, the application of the Sentencing Guidelines to sentence reduction motions, and how much detail is demanded in a decision denying such a motion. These are matters of more than academic interest.

According to 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A)(i), a sentence reduction motion must show the existence of extraordinary and compelling reasons for the reduction and that the reduction “is consistent with applicable policy statements issued by the Sentencing Commission.” In deciding the motion, the statute directs, the court must “consider[] the factors set forth in section 3553(a) to the extent that they are applicable.”

details170803As is usually the case, the devil’s in the details. Lack of definitive appeals court decisions on what the subsection requires a district court to do has led to dreadfully inconsistent results, with conditions that were extraordinary and compelling to one judge are ho-hum to another. Some judges hold that the outdated Sentencing Commission guidance (it has not been changed to account for the First Step Act, because the Sentencing Commission has lacked a quorum since December 2018) must be followed, regardless of the nonsensical result such guidance dictates. And while many judges provide detail in opinions denying sentence reduction motion, others reject them with one-sentence orders that rob appeal courts of the ability to figure out the basis for the denial.

Finally, we are beginning to get appellate guidance on how district courts should decide 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A) petitions. In late September, the 2nd Circuit handed down United States v. Brooker, holding that the limitations of Sentencing Guideline 1B1.13 simply do not apply to sentence reduction motions brought by prisoners rather than the BOP. Last Friday, the 6th and 7th Circuits added materially to the body of law guiding decision-making on sentence reduction motions.

The 7th Circuit decision was a simple one. Tequila Gunn moved for compassionate release, arguing that because her medical condition made her more susceptible to the coronavirus, her sentence should be reduced to time served. The district court denied the motion, because the BOP Director had not determined her condition to be an “extraordinary and compelling” reason for sentence reduction, as required by USSG § 1B1.13.

This was the conundrum: 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A) only permits sentence reductions “consistent with applicable policy statements issued by the Sentencing Commission,” and that statement requires that the “extraordinary and compelling” reasons have to be determined by the BOP and no one else. That requirement is still in the Guidelines, the Circuit said, “because the Sentencing Commission has not updated its policy statements to implement the First Step Act. (It can’t, because it lacks a quorum.)”

negativezero201123The 2nd Circuit solved that problem two months ago in Brooker, ruling that § 1B1.13 simply does not and cannot apply to a sentence reduction motion filed by someone other than the BOP Director. The statute says a sentence reduction must be “consistent with” all “applicable” policy statements. The 7th notes that any decision is “‘consistent with’ a nonexistent policy statement. ‘Consistent with’ differs from ‘authorized by’.” Therefore, judges are free to define for themselves what constitutes an “extraordinary and compelling” reason for reduction.

Meanwhile, the 6th Circuit issued a decision last Friday that is comprehensive in its instruction. Not only does the decision follow Brooker – holding that “the passage of the First Step Act rendered 1B1.13 ‘inapplicable’ to cases where an imprisoned person files a motion for compassionate release” – it provides a template for deciding such cases and outlines the detail expected of judges in sentence reduction decisions.

The 6th held that “compassionate release hearings are sentence-modification proceedings that must follow a Dillon-style test. At step one, a court must find whether “extraordinary and compelling reasons warrant” a sentence reduction… At step two, a court must find whether “such a reduction is consistent with applicable policy statements issued by the Sentencing Commission… At step three, § 3582(c)[(1)(A) instructs a court to consider any applicable § 3553(a) factors and determine whether, in its discretion, the reduction authorized by steps one and two is warranted in whole or in part under the particular circumstances of the case.”

denied190109Finally, the 6th made clear that judges ruling on sentence reduction motions must “write more extensively in § 3582(c)(1)(A) decisions where the record bears little indication that the district judge considered all the defendant’s evidence and arguments before granting or denying compassionate release,” the Circuit said. “Absent thorough record evidence of the judge’s factual decisions, district courts should not issue single-sentence or otherwise exceedingly slim compassionate release decisions or cite § 1B1.13 or the § 3553(a) factors without any analysis of their requirements,” the appellate court said. “But as long as the record as a whole demonstrates that the pertinent factors were taken into account by the district court… a district judge need not specifically articulate” its analysis of every single 3553(a) factor. Again, we look at what the judge stated about the 3553(a) factors in both the initial sentencing and the sentencing-modification proceedings when determining whether the judge satisfied her obligation to explain.”

The 7th Circuit Gunn decision is welcome for its concurrence with Brooker. The 6th Circuit Jones decision is even better, the most comprehensive opinion on application of the sentence reduction statute to date,

United States v. Jones, Case No 20-3701, 2020 US App. LEXIS 36620 (6th Cir. November 20, 2020)

United States v. Gunn, Case No 20-1959, 2020 US App. LEXIS 36612 (7th Cir. November 20, 2020)

– Thomas L. Root

Bear Hunting – Update for November 19, 2020

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

SOME DAYS YOU GET THE BEAR…

billybear201119Billy Walters, convicted of insider trading charges in 2017, has filed a Bivens action against five law enforcement officials – including former SDNY US Attorney Preet Bharara – seeking a holding that his due process rights were violated when agents leaked confidential grand jury material to The Wall Street Journal and The New York Times, intended to “tickle the wire” by enticing investigation targets to implicate themselves on wiretaps. The leaks continued for more than a year, with 13 different stories about the investigation.

(A Bivens action, for those who are joining us late, is an action for money damages alleging that federal agents or employees violated one’s constitutional rights. It is so named for the case establishing the right – now rapidly being diminished – that case being Bivens v. Six Unknown Named Agents, 403 U.S. 388 (1971), in which Mr. Bivens sued federal drug agents who kicked down his door, searched his apartment, and arrested him without a warrant for a drug crime that was never prosecuted).

Billy’s lawyers complained about the leaks at the time, but the US Attorney denounced the complaints as “false’’ and “baseless accusations that are undermined by the facts.’’ Only after the judge permitted Billy some discovery into there origin of the leaks did the US Attorney change his tune, admitting that a senior FBI agent had in fact leaked information and would be punished for it.

But evidence provided to the court showed that Bharara himself, along with a team of five other top prosecutors under him, were aware for two years that the FBI was leaking false information about Billy to the press. “While expressing outrage in selected emails shared with the court,” Forbes reported, “Bharara and his team appeared to do nothing to actually halt the activity.”  The FBI agent was severely lashed with a wet noodle, and retired with full benefits a few years later.

Billy’s judge expressed shock (although not enough shock to acquit Billy):

Mr. Walters is charged with, among other things, tipping material non-public information to another. And to help support that case, the special agent apparently tipped material non-public information improperly to another. That’s what we have here.

The 2nd Circuit later observed that the leaking of confidential grand jury testimony was “serious misconduct and, indeed, likely criminal’’ and “in some respects more egregious than anything Walters did.”

Billy’s complaint, filed by two law firms, seeks compensatory and punitive damages, and a declaration that Billy’s rights were trampled by the US Attorney and his minions.

Billy may have gotten the bear…

Real Clear Politics, Fighting Prosecutorial Leaks (November 11, 2020)

Forbes, Billy Walters Files Lawsuit Against FBI Leaker And US Attorney Team Who Covered It Up (October 30, 2020)

Complaint, Walters v. Bharara, Case 20cv8803 (SDNY Oct 22, 2020)

… AND SOME DAYS THE BEAR GETS YOU

Inmates cannot make a phone call without reading the writing on the wall (literally, it is painted on the wall above the phones in big letters, both English and Spanish) warning that phone calls are monitored and recorded.

Martin Shkreli, the original pharma bro (now a resident of FCI Allenwood Low), discovered that getting locked up wasn’t the end of his legal problems. The Federal Trade Commission sued a company he had run for anticompetitive conduct, and – with the cooperation of the BOP – got recordings of all of his inmate phone calls and emails.

martybear201119King Belshazzar was quite troubled by the handwriting on the wall, but Martin Shkreli is no King Belshazzar. so he talked freely on the inmate phones.  When the FTC told him it had gotten recordings of all of his inmate calls and emails – including communications with attorneys – from the BOP, Marty cried foul, arguing that he had an attorney-client privilege against disclosure, not to mention that the FTC’s possession of the records violated the Privacy Act.

The district court was unmoved. It ruled that under United States v. Mejia – 2nd Circuit precedent that holds an inmate has no expectation of privacy where all of the posted notices tell him otherwise – the court gave the FTC the go-ahead to use the material, except for a battle over four categories of documents. Last week, having rejected the Privacy Act argument, the court ruled that the FTC could use it all.

That should be a cautionary tale for inmates who don’t already believe those postings about calls and emails being monitored.

The bear got Marty…

Order, FTC v. Vyera Pharmaceuticals, LLC, Case 1:20cv706-DLC Dkt 308 (SDNY, November 10, 2020)

– Thomas L. Root

11th Circuit Says ‘Answer All the Questions, Judge’ – Update for November 17, 2020

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

11TH CIRCUIT SENDS § 2255 MOTION BACK TO DISTRICT COURT FOR CLISBY ERROR

clisby201117A Clisby is not – to the best of my knowledge (and I try to keep up with this sort of thing because my three grandkids expect nothing less) – the hottest new toy this Christmas season. Instead, Clisby is an 11th Circuit decision that requires a federal district court “to resolve all claims for relief raised in a petition for writ of habeas corpus… regardless whether habeas relief is granted or denied.” The holding applies to § 2254 and § 2255 motions alike.

Cliff Senter filed a § 2255 motion claiming that his Armed Career Criminal Act conviction could not stand after Johnson v. United States was decided, because one of the priors it relied on was an attempted Alabama robbery, and – because no such crime was on the books in Alabama when he was convicted of it – it had no elements, and thus could not be matched with the elements test of 18 USC § 924e.

It was a pretty solid argument, but the district court misinterpreted it to be a collateral attack on the attempted robbery conviction. While a post-conviction movant can argue that a state prior conviction doesn’t meet the ACCA test, he or she cannot argue that the state conviction is invalid and should be thrown out. That question needed to be resolved by the state courts that imposed the conviction to begin with. The district court thought that Cliff was attacking the validity of the Alabama attempted robbery conviction, and held Cliff couldn’t do that in a § 2255 motion.

Of course he could not, but sometimes an argument does double duty, and when that happens, the court has to apply it to the issue properly before it, even if it could apply equally to an issue that – if raised – would not properly be before it. Last week, the 11th Circuit reversed the dismissal of Cliff’s § 2255 motion, holding that

“when a habeas petitioner… presents a claim in clear and simple language such that the district court may not misunderstand it,” a district court must address and resolve the claim. In this case, Senter clearly raised the claim that his ‘attempted robbery cannot qualify as a violent felony under either the force clause or as an enumerated offense because it is a non-existent offense and therefore does not have any elements and by misconstruing it as a collateral attack on his state conviction, the district court failed to resolve his actual claim and violated Clisby.”

paperwork201117To be sure, a district judge may grow weary of deciding an especially prolix § 2255 motion – with issue after issue, and each issue having multiple sub-issues which themselves have multiple sub-parts – but that’s what comes with the cool robe and lifetime sinecure. 

This decision remind us that Clisby will cause a case to be sent back until the district court finishes all of the paperwork.

Senter v. United States, 2020 U.S. App. LEXIS 35704 (11th Cir. November 13, 2020)

– Thomas L. Root

Third COVID Wave Breaking Over BOP – Update for November 16, 2020

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

BOP TRANSFEREES BRING COVID TO FORT DIX, SENATORS SAY

The third wave of COVID-19 sweeping the country apparently does not intend to exempt the Federal Bureau of Prisons. Active inmate cases, which have averaged 1,900 a day since September 1, have shot up last over the last two weeks, hitting 3,163 last Friday. That’s the highest number of BOP cases since the end of July. At the same time, BOP staff cases hit an all-time high of 1,049. The virus is present in 119 of 122 BOP facilities.

BOPCOVID201116

Last week, Government Executive magazine reported that the BOP “has experienced perhaps the worst outbreak of any federal agency per capita, with about 7% of its workforce contracting the virus. All told, more than 2,500 bureau employees have tested positive. Nearly 20,000 federal prisoners have also contracted COVID-19, or about 14% of the federal inmate population.”

The death toll has mounted as well. Three more federal inmates deaths were reported since November 6th, one at USP Tucson and two at the Springfield medical center. Citing a National Commission on COVID-19 and Criminal Justice study, the Washington Post reported last week that “when adjusted for age, sex and ethnicity, the mortality rate in federal prisons is twice that of the general population.”

The BOP has reported that as last Friday that it has tested half of all inmates at least once. The number testing positive inched up a point last week to 26%. One out of four tests has been positive ever since the BOP began reporting testing last spring.

reinfection200831The hottest BOP facilities for COVID-19 last week were USP Tucson (Arizona) with 363 inmate cases, and FCI Fort Dix, New Jersey (233 cases). These were followed by FCI Beaumont Low (Texas), USP Thomson (Illinois), FCI Bastrop (Texas), the FMCs at Butner, North Carolina, and Springfield, Missouri, USP Marion (Illinois), FCI Yazoo Medium (Mississippi), FCI Gilmer (West Virginia), FCI Greenville (Illinois) and FCI Jesup (Georgia), all with 100 or more cases.

The Fort Dix epidemic is especially troublesome, with Congressional criticism raining down on the BOP even as employee unions finger-point. Senators Robert Menendez and Cory Booker (both D-New Jersey) wrote to BOP Director Michael Carvajal last Monday, accusing the BOP of negligently transferring COVID-19 infected prisoners from FCI Elkton to Fort Dix, thus introducing the disease to Fort Dix. The senators said, “It is clear that BOP does not have an effective plan to ensure COVID-19 positive inmates are not transferred between facilities…”

The Philadelphia Inquirer reported last week that “as recently as mid-October, US Attorneys opposing compassionate release motions by Fort Dix prisoners argued that ‘the BOP has taken effective steps to limit the transmission of COVID-19’.” Now, the paper said, “videos purportedly taken by a prisoner inside Building 5812 and circulating among family members show a unit in chaos — debris scattered and trash overflowing — a byproduct of a shortage of staff and healthy inmate workers, according to family members.”

The BOP says all prisoners are quarantined for 14 days and tested prior to being moved. The receiving prison is also to test and quarantine new prisoners for two weeks, which is what Brian Kokotajlo, a BOP union official at Fort Dix, says happened there. He’s skeptical about how things were handled at Elkton. “They said the inmates were tested when they left Elkton, but personally I don’t believe that to be true,” Kokotajlo said. “If they tested them at Elkton, how they made it on the bus and how they made it to us and became positive in a six-hour drive across the state of Pennsylvania, nobody seems to be able to figure that out.”

fingerpoint201116But Joseph Mayle, the Elkton union chief, blamed false negatives produced by COVID-19 rapid testing for infected prisoners being sent to Fort Dix. “My staff here, they’re not going to throw inmates on a bus without testing them,” Mayle said. “If that’s what they’re saying, that’s not what’s happening.”

BOP spokesman Justin Long issued a statement denying that Elkton transfers caused the Fort Dix outbreak. “Contact investigations indicate the infections were not the result of this inmate movement but rather may have originated from the community,” Long said.

In Pekin, Illinois, local residents protested this past weekend, complaining that the BOP is failing to protect inmates from coronavirus and asking the agency to release eligible inmates to home confinement. Dozens of protesters gathering Saturday, “demanding inmate get proper medical care, nutrition and hygiene needed to keep safe from the virus,” a local TV station reported.

The group also alleged that “the BOP’s website is not keeping up-to-date information, saying the 66 confirmed cases within the Pekin prison is a false number,” WMBD-TV reported. “They believe that number is well over 100.”

Washington Post, Prisons and jails have become a ‘public health threat’ during the pandemic, advocates say (November 12, 2020)

Government Executive, Coronavirus Cases Are Spiking at Federal Agencies (November 12, 2020)

Philadelphia Inquirer, COVID-19 outbreak infecting hundreds at Fort Dix is ‘escalating crisis,’ N.J. senators warn (November 10, 2020)

VICE NEWS, Federal Prisons Keep Turning Into COVID Nightmares: ‘Everyone Looks Like Death’ ( November 12, 2020)

WMBD-TV, Pekin community members say federal prison system isn’t taking COVID-19 seriously (November 14, 2020)

– Thomas L. Root