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Greer and Gary: Not Surprising, But Not Exactly Right, Either – Update for June 16, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

WHAT I THINK THE SUPREMES GOT WRONG

The Supreme Court continued emptying its docket of criminal cases Monday, disposing of Greer v. United States and United States v. Gary in a single decision.

manyguns190423You recall that two summers ago (doesn’t that seem like a lifetime?), the Supreme Court held in Rehaif v. United States that when someone is charged with being a prohibited person in possession of a gun, the government has to prove that the person both knew he or she possessed a gun and that he or she was a member of the prohibited class. There are about nine classes of people who cannot possess guns, including people who use illegal drugs, people illegally in the country, people subject to a domestic protection order, fugitives, and – by far the most common – convicted felons.

In Rehaif, the defendant was a foreign student whose student visa had expired. He liked to shoot at a local range, and while he rented a range gun while he was there, he bought his own ammo. he had a partial box in his apartment when the Feds – tipped by a concerned citizen who figured that because Mr. Rehaif was Middle Eastern, he must be a terrorist – broke down his door. The ammo was enough for the Feds to charge him, but when the case got to the Supreme Court, the Justices reversed the practice in every Circuit, holding that the government had to show that Mr. Rehaif knew he was in the country illegally.

gunb160201There has been a land-office business since then of prisoners filing motions claiming they had been convicted without being told the government had to prove they had knowledge of their status. Section 922(g)(1), the “felon-in-possession” subsection of the statute says it is unlawful “for any person who has been convicted in any court of, a crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year” to possess a gun. Most courts were rejecting the claims: after all, it’s hard to say you were harmed by not being told the government had to prove you knew you had been convicted of a crime punishable by more than a year in prison if you previously served 5-to-10 at San Quentin.

Prisoners challenging their felon-in-possession convictions with Rehaif claims made on appeal were largely being held to having to prove Fed.R.Crim.P. 52(b) “plain error.” The tough prong of “plain error” is proving that if they had been properly advised by the court, the outcome would have been different. For people whose appeals were already over, they had to prove something related, that they were actually innocent of the 18 U.S.C. § 922(g) offense, that is, they can show that they truly did not know they were in the prohibited class.

Notice this: it is not the case that the prosecutor has to prove you knew you could not possess a gun. Everyone is presumed to know the law. Instead, the government only has to show you didn’t know you were a convicted felon.

In Greer and Gary, the Supreme Court said, it was undisputed that Rehaif errors occurred during their district court proceedings and that the errors were plain. But to satisfy the prong of “plain error,” you must show that your “substantial rights” were violated. Thus, the Supreme Court said,

Greer must show that, if the District Court had correctly instructed the jury on the mens rea element of a felon-in-possession offense, there is a “reasonable probability” that he would have been acquitted. Gary must show that, if the District Court had correctly advised him of the mens rea element of the offense, there is a “reasonable probability” that he would not have pled guilty.

Greer and Gary have not carried that burden. Both had been convicted of multiple felonies prior to their respective felon-in-possession offenses. Those prior convictions are substantial evidence that they knew they were felons. And neither defendant argued or made a representation on appeal that he would have presented evidence at trial that he did not in fact know he was a felon when he possessed a firearm.

Yeah, that makes perfect sense.

But there’s a fly in the ointment…

humpty921a20-210616Statutes can be complex, and a straightforward phrase in one section may have a definition that is anything but straightforward in another. The § 922(g)(1) phrase “crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year” is not nearly as straightforward as its plain text might suggest.

That’s because a “crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year” is not just a crime punishable by more than a year. Instead, it is a crime defined in detail by § 921(a)(20). Specifically, a “crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year” does NOT include Federal or State offenses pertaining to antitrust violations, unfair trade practices, restraints of trade, or other similar offenses relating to the regulation of business practices. Nor does it include any state offense classified by the laws of that state as a misdemeanor and punishable by a term of imprisonment of two years or less.

Beyond that, an offense is not a “crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year” if it has been expunged or set aside (unless the expungement expressly prohibits possession of guns), or if the person has been pardoned, or if he or she has had civil rights restored (unless the restoration provides the person cannot possess a gun).

fineprint180308That’s a lot of fine print. The definition is complex, and a person thus can easily believe that his or her civil rights have been restored when they have not been. For example, if you can vote, is that enough for restoration of rights? How about run for office? Sit on a jury?

The complexity of the definition is clearly reflected in a series of cases from the early 1990s that tried to parse the definition of “crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year”, only a few years after Congress rolled out the complex definition as part of the Firearms Owners Protection Act.

FOPA was first introduced in 1979 in response to perceived deficiencies in existing law concerning firearms and enforcement abuses by the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco & Firearms. Congress wanted to direct ATF’s enforcement efforts away from what it viewed as unintentional and technical violations of the Gun Control Act of 1968 and toward more “serious, intentional criminals.” One of the perceived problems with existing law was the judicial interpretation of “crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year.”

Prior to FOPA, what constituted a “crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year” was a question of federal law. In fact, in Dickerson v. New Banner Institute, Inc., the Supreme Court pointed out the difficulty of enforcing a rule that made firearm disabilities dependent upon state statutes that vary widely from state to state. But, as the Sixth Circuit dryly observed in United States v. Cassidy, “despite this warning, Congress expressly overruled Dickerson by making ‘convicted felon’ status dependent upon state law.”

rights170216Cal Cassidy thought that his restoration of rights certificate Ohio issued him after he got out of prison meant that his rights had been restored. His district court agreed and threw out a felon-in-possession charge. And the Sixth Circuit agreed that he did have a full restoration of civil rights as contemplated by 18 USC § 921(a)(20) “because, after his release from prison, the rights to vote, to serve on a jury and to seek and hold public office were restored to him.” However, a provision in Ohio did not let people convicted of drug crimes (Cal had been a pot dealer) from possessing a gun, the restoration was not enough to take his prior offense out of the “crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year” category.

A year later, the Ninth Circuit ruled that Michigan law fully restores an ex-felon’s civil rights, so Mike Dahms’ possession of two shotguns on his Montana ranch was not a federal crime. But year after that, the Sixth Circuit held that Ron Driscoll’s right had not been restored by Michigan because – overlooked by the Ninth Circuit – a person with a prior felony could be ejected from a Michigan jury for “cause,” not under laws enacted by the legislature but rather under the Michigan Court Rules, which the Circuit ruled had “the force of state law.”

And how about that provision that a “crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year” does not include “any federal or state offenses pertaining to antitrust violations, unfair trade practices, restraints of trade, or other similar offenses relating to the regulation of business practices?”

Greg Reyes was president of a publicly-traded company, where he oversaw the back-dating of some options (so management could cash in on a high stock price). That was a felony, but Greg paid his debt and moved on. Years later, he wanted to buy a hunting rifle but could not. He sued the government, contending that his crime (which carried a five-year max sentence) was not a “crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year” because it was an offense “relating to the regulation of business practices” (see § 921(a)(20)(A)). The government fought him hammer and tong, but the District Court ruled that while Greg’s “offenses failed the elements prong of the business practices exception test, that failure was not fatal since each of his predicate business practices offenses possessed the requisite primary purpose under the business practices exception, and, hence, each of his predicate offenses pertained to antitrust violations, unfair trade practices, or other similar offenses relating to the regulation of business practices under § 921(a)(20)(A) and thus did not trigger the application of the felon-in-possession statute.”

jamoke210616The point is simply this: determining what is or is not a “crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year” is not a simple task. Courts of Appeal disagree on whether a particular state’s patchwork of laws and rules restore rights unconditionally. Lawyers disagree on it. When it comes to some of the really fine points – such as a securities offense a “similar offense relating to the regulation of business – even the government can be wrong.  And the “elements prong” and “primary purpose” tests for regulation of business practices? Do you think some jamoke who buys a piece at a gun show understands any of that?

All of the cases cited predate Rehaif, which holds that a defendant has to actually know he or she committed a “crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year”. But events occurring well after the defendant gets out of prison may retroactively turn the “crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year” into a crime that no longer disqualifies. If judges, lawyers, and savvy business people can be confused about it, how about your average jamoke who figures that his rights have been restored, because after all he can now vote, hold a driver’s license, hold employment, and do whatever else he may want to do in his home state?

In Greer, Justice Kavanaugh wrote:

Federal law prohibits the possession of firearms by certain categories of individuals, including by those who have been convicted of a crime punishable by more than one year in prison. See 18 USC §§922(g), 924(a)(2). In Rehaif v. United States, this Court clarified the mens rea requirement for firearms possession offenses, including the felon-in-possession offense. In felon-in-possession cases after Rehaif, the Government must prove not only that the defendant knew he possessed a firearm, but also that he knew he was a felon when he possessed the firearm…

In a felon-in-possession case where the defendant was in fact a felon when he possessed firearms, the defendant faces an uphill climb in trying to satisfy the substantial-rights prong of the plain-error test based on an argument that he did not know he was a felon. The reason is simple: If a person is a felon, he ordinarily knows he is a felon. “Felony status is simply not the kind of thing that one forgets.”

felony210305It probably is unfortunate that courts (and lawyers) too easily fall into the convenient-but-incorrect shorthand of referring to the “crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year” standard as “felon-in-possession.” One may know he or she is a felon, but that hardly translates to knowing whether one has fallen afoul of the rather technical snare of having committed a “crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year”.

The foregoing does not make the Supreme Court’s conclusion that a defendant making a Rehaif claim for the first time on appeal or in a habeas corpus filing must show that, but for the error, he or she would have been found to be actually innocent of the § 922(g)(1) offense. However, the factual showing is anything but straightforward.

Greer v. United States, Nos. 19-8709 and 20-444, 2021 U.S. LEXIS 3118 (June 14, 2021)

United States v. Gary, Nos. 19-8709 and 20-444, 2021 U.S. LEXIS 3118 (June 14, 2021)

Rehaif v. United States, Case No. 17-9560, 588 U.S. —, 139 S. Ct. 2191, 204 L.Ed.2d 594 (2019)

Reyes v. Sessions, 342 F. Supp. 3d 141 (D.D.C. 2018)

United States v. Cassidy, 899 F.2d 543 (6th Cir. 1990)

United States v. Dahms, 938 F.2d 131 (9th Cir. 1991)

United States v. Driscoll, 870 F.2d 1472 (6th Cir. 1992)

– Thomas L. Root

‘Reckless Is Not Violent,’ Supremes Say – Update for June 14, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

SCOTUS TAKES ANOTHER SWIPE AT ACCA

The Supreme Court last Thursday further limited the types of offenses that constitute crimes of violence for purposes of the Armed Career Criminal Act. In a 5-4 ruling in favor of the prisoner in Borden v. United States, the majority (if you can call it that) ruled that crimes that can be committed through recklessness rather only through specific intent are not crimes of violence.

borden210614Justice Elena Kagan wrote an opinion that was joined by Justices Stephen Breyer, Sonia Sotomayor, and Neil Gorsuch. Justice Clarence Thomas did not join Kagan’s opinion but concurred in the result. So for you math-inspired people, that makes the final tally on the decision 4-4-1. At the Supreme Court, the fact that five Justices agreed with the result makes that result the winner. However, it can complicate figuring out what opinion as to how the Court got there is in the majority. That’s the Marks v. United States problem, boys and girls, and that is a topic for another time.

For now, we’re focusing on Borden. The case involved the definition of “violent felony” set out in 18 USC § 924(e)(2)(B)(i), defined as any felony that “has as an element the use, attempted use, or threatened use of physical force against the person of another.”

The defendant, Chuck Borden, pled guilty to an 18 USC § 922(g)(1) felon-in-possession charge, which the district court enhanced under the ACCA to a statutory minimum of 15 years, The defense argued the ACCA did not apply because one of the three priors relied on by the district court was a Tennessee conviction for reckless aggravated assault. That crime can result from reckless conduct – a lower legal standard than “purposefully or knowingly” assaulting someone. Chuck argued that only purposeful or knowing conduct can meet ACCA’s definition of “violent felony.” Mere recklessness, he argued, does not qualify.

bordennunss210615The decision turned on the meaning of “physical force against the person of another.” The government argued that “against” had a meaning similar to “I tripped and fell against the guy ahead of me in line,” suggesting referring to one body contacting another. That way, if you were driving recklessly, and careened into a busload of nuns, the crime would be an ACCA predicate, because you employed physical force against a busload of “anothers.”

The majority, however, agreed with the defendant that “against” means something more. “The phrase ‘against another,’ when modifying the ‘use of force,’ demands that the perpetrator direct his action at, or target, another individual,” the opinion holds. “Reckless conduct is not aimed in that prescribed manner.”

Justice Thomas concurred, but did so not because of the definition of “against.” Instead, he argued that the phrase “use of physical force” is limited to intentional acts designed to cause harm.

habeas_corpusThe immediate question raised by Borden is whether current prisoners can use it to attack now-illegal sentences. Because the decision does not make a ruling on constitutional law, it will not be retroactive under 28 USC 2255(f)(3). However, it probably is attackable under 28 USC 2241, relying on the § 2255(e) “saving clause.”

Ohio State University law prof Doug Berman said in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog, “I am truly making a wild guess here, and I am eager to hear from folks in the field about whether they agree that only hundreds of sentences may be potentially disrupted by Borden or if in fact it could end up being thousands. Whatever the exact number, as I will explain in a future post, every ACCA defendant with a viable Borden claim should be thankful for the First Step Act making ‘compassionate release’ motions available to bring directly to court.”

Borden v. United States, Case No 19-5410, 2021 U.S. LEXIS 2990 (June 10, 2010)

Sentencing Law and Policy, How many federal prisoners might now be serving illegal sentences after Borden? (June 11, 2021)

SCOTUSBlog.com, Court limits definition of “violent felony” in federal gun-possession penalty (June 10, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Ted Fumes, Committee Votes, Prisoners Hope – Update for June 11, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

RETROACTIVE FIRST STEP CLOSER TO REALITY

The Senate Judiciary Committee yesterday approved sending the First Step Implementation Act (S.1014) to the full Senate by a 13-9 vote.

retro160110The FSIA extends retroactive treatment to changes in 18 U.S.C. § 924(c) gun charges and 21 USC 841(b)(1) drug penalties made by the First Step Act in 2018. As well, the legislation extends a more lenient definition of prior drug offenses to the lower level penalties of 21 USC § 841(b)(1)(C), (D), and (E).

Additionally, FSIA changes application of the drug offense safety valve (18 USC 3553[f]) to let judges apply safety valve sentences where the court finds that a defendant’s criminal history score overstates the seriousness of a criminal past. The bill also includes extensive changes in the review of juvenile sentences and expungement of records.

A charge of using or carrying a gun during a drug trafficking crime (18 USC § 924(c)) carried a mandatory consecutive sentence of at least five years. If the offense was the second or a successive § 924(c) offense, the minimum sentence was 25 years. The government often would charge multiple § 924(c) counts in a single indictment. So if a defendant carried a gun while selling drugs on Monday, the sentence would be perhaps 36 months for selling the drugs, but an extra 60 months for carrying a gun. If the defendant carried a gun while selling drugs on Tuesday as well, the sentence would be a total of 36 months for selling the drugs on both days, but another 300 months would be added for carrying a gun the second day, for a total sentence of 396 months. If the defendant carried a gun while selling drugs on Wednesday, another 300 months would be added, and so on.

Sentencestack170404The First Step Act changed the law so that the 300-month additional time would not be added unless a defendant had previously been convicted of a § 924(c) offense. That change would give Tuesday’s defendant a total sentence of 156 months instead of 396 months. However, the First Step Act did not make the change retroactive, leaving people sentenced on December 20, 2018, with 300-month add-on sentences, while those sentenced on December 22, 2018, would only get 60-month additional sentences.

The same retroactivity would apply to changes in the drug mandatory minimum sentences mandated by the First Step Act. The mandatory life sentence under 21 USC § 841(b)(1)(A) for offenses enhanced by prior drug convictions was reduced to 25 years, and the 20-year mandatory minimum in 21 USC § 841(b)(1)(B) for offenses involving lesser drug quantities was cut to 15 years.

The First Step Act included another change. People convicted of drug trafficking under 21 USC § 841 would receive higher sentences if they had prior “felony drug convictions,” even if they had received probation for the offense. First Step substituted “serious drug felony,” which requires that the defendant have served more than a year in prison for the offense. That change has been extended to all punishment sections of § 841(b)(1) and made the changes retroactive.

The Judiciary Committee approved the FSIA to move on to the Senate on a bipartisan vote. All 11 Democrats and three Republicans voted for FSIA, but only after Sen Ted Cruz (R-Texas) argued for three amendments that would have limited judges’ authority to reduce sentences. All three amendments failed, after which Cruz delivered a polemic against Democrats, predicting that FSIA would never pass the Senate because his amendments were rejected. The diatribe was epic, one in which Cruz used the phrase “murderers, rapists and child molesters” as a substitute for prisoners no fewer than ten times.

cruz210611A dramatic moment occurred when, part way through Cruz’s denunciation of more lenient sentences, Committee Chairman Richard Durbin (D-Illinois) interrupted to report that the union representing BOP corrections officers had thrown its support behind FSIA. That would have given more reasonable people reason the reflect on their denunciation of the dangers of letting judges make decisions on reducing sentences. I mean, if the people who spend their careers guarding federal inmates think that a little flexibility and leniency in sentencing is appropriate, maybe a guy who leaves his constituents freezing in the dark while he jets off to Cancun should defer to their judgment.

But reflection and reason are for lesser mortals, not Ted (who has been described by a fellow Republican in terms not normally associated with mortals).

Even if Cruz is wrong, the FSIA and other bills – the COVID-19 Safer Detention Act (S.312), passed by the Committee on May 27, and the Prohibiting Punishment of Acquitted Conduct Act of 2021 (S.601), approved yesterday – have a long way to go. The full Senate and House of Representatives both must pass the measures. There is no schedule for full Congressional action.

First Step Implementation Act of 2021

Senate Judiciary Committee, Hearing (June 10, 2021)

Office of Senator Charles Grassley, Senate Judiciary Committee Advances Two Bipartisan Durbin, Grassley Criminal Justice Bills (June 10, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Flip-Flops in Cincinnati – Update for June 10, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

IF THIS IS MONDAY, ‘YES, YOU CAN…’ IF IT’S TUESDAY, ‘NO, YOU CAN’T’

Confusion reigns in the Queen City, nestled on the banks of the Ohio River (and home of the United States Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit, a few professional sports teams, and some pretty good brewskis).

Four weeks ago, I reported that the 6th Circuit had decided in United States v. Owens that despite two contrary Circuit decisions – United States v. Tomes and United States v. Wills – a prisoner with stacked 18 USC § 924 sentences could rely on First Step Act changes in 18 USC § 924 as one of several extraordinary and compelling reasons for a compassionate release sentence reduction.

flipflop170920But a week ago, a different 6th Circuit panel said despite Owens, the deal is off. In a 2-1 decision, the Court ruled that “non-retroactive changes in the law [can] not serve as the ‘extraordinary and compelling reasons’ required for a sentence reduction.” However, if movants have some other fact that is an extraordinary and compelling reason for a sentence reduction, “they may ask the district court to consider sentencing law changes like this one in balancing the § 3553(a) factors — above all with respect to the community safety factor.”

Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman, writing in his Sentencing Policy and Law blog, called “the majority ruling problematic from a straight-forward application of textualism. There is absolutely nothing in the text of § 3582(c)(1)(a) that supports the contention that non-retroactive changes in the law cannot ever constitute “extraordinary and compelling reasons” to allow a sentence reduction, either alone or in combination with other factors. The majority here, presumably based on its own sense of sound policy, seems to be just inventing an extra-textual categorical limitation on the authority Congress gave to district courts to reduce sentences.”

United States v. Jarvis, Case No. 20-3912, 2021 U.S. App. LEXIS 16596 (6th Cir. June 3, 2021)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Split Sixth Circuit panel further muddles what grounds can contribute to basis for sentence reduction under § 3582(c)(1)(a) (June 3, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Flip-Flops in Cincinnati – Update for June 10, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

IF THIS IS MONDAY, ‘YES, YOU CAN…’ IF IT’S TUESDAY, ‘NO, YOU CAN’T’

Confusion reigns in the Queen City, nestled on the banks of the Ohio River (and home of the United States Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit, a few professional sports teams, and some pretty good brewskis).

Four weeks ago, I reported that the 6th Circuit had decided in United States v. Owens that despite two contrary Circuit decisions – United States v. Tomes and United States v. Wills – a prisoner with stacked 18 USC § 924 sentences could rely on First Step Act changes in 18 USC § 924 as one of several extraordinary and compelling reasons for a compassionate release sentence reduction.

flipflop170920But a week ago, a different 6th Circuit panel said despite Owens, the deal is off. In a 2-1 decision, the Court ruled that “non-retroactive changes in the law [can] not serve as the ‘extraordinary and compelling reasons’ required for a sentence reduction.” However, if movants have some other fact that is an extraordinary and compelling reason for a sentence reduction, “they may ask the district court to consider sentencing law changes like this one in balancing the § 3553(a) factors — above all with respect to the community safety factor.”

Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman, writing in his Sentencing Policy and Law blog, called “the majority ruling problematic from a straight-forward application of textualism. There is absolutely nothing in the text of § 3582(c)(1)(a) that supports the contention that non-retroactive changes in the law cannot ever constitute “extraordinary and compelling reasons” to allow a sentence reduction, either alone or in combination with other factors. The majority here, presumably based on its own sense of sound policy, seems to be just inventing an extra-textual categorical limitation on the authority Congress gave to district courts to reduce sentences.”

United States v. Jarvis, Case No. 20-3912, 2021 U.S. App. LEXIS 16596 (6th Cir. June 3, 2021)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Split Sixth Circuit panel further muddles what grounds can contribute to basis for sentence reduction under § 3582(c)(1)(a) (June 3, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

The Bad News Bears Visit the BOP – Update for June 8, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

LAST WEEK WAS NOT THE BEST  FOR THE BOP

You should understand if Bureau of Prisons Director Michael Carvajal stops reading the news after last week.

herd210609Writing in Forbes, Walter Pavlo explained why the vaccine may not fix the BOP’s COVID-19 problem. “The vaccine was made available to inmates and BOP staff earlier this year. The numbers of vaccinations have not been impressive, which hovers around 50% for both inmates and staff… not a good number,” Pavlo wrote. “However, even if those vaccination numbers increase, a recent study suggests that that might not be enough to control infections in prison.”

As of last Friday, 19,000 BOP staff (51.5%) and 75,150 inmates (49.2%) have been vaccinated. Eighty-five inmates and 130 staff (in 68 facilities) have COVID, with 253 federal prisoners dead.

Pavlo cited an article published in the New England Journal of Medicine (NEJM) that found “even a vaccine with seemingly adequate efficacy, pace, and coverage may be insufficient to alter the fundamental population dynamics that produce high disease prevalence,” such as prisons. This is due to “the extraordinarily high rate of transmission in jails and prisons attributable to rampant overcrowding, inadequate testing and health care, high-volume daily inflow and outflow of staff and detainees, lack of personal protective equipment, and normalized systematic neglect of the welfare of incarcerated people.”

“Vaccination of incarcerated people is important for changing this dynamic, but it is not enough,” the NEJM authors concluded. “We believe that it must be coupled with large-scale decarceration to increase the real-world effectiveness of vaccination, disrupt wide-ranging viral transmission chains, and turn off the epidemiologic pump that puts the health of all at risk from mass incarceration.”

fail200526In a separate article, Pavlo reported “it will take years… to discover the depths of the failures with the BOP response to the COVID-19 pandemic. The Department of Justice Office of Inspector General has released multiple reports on the BOP’s reaction to COVID-19 and those reviews have been quite critical of the agency… One of the most cited weaknesses by OIG has been in the area of staffing, particularly in the availability of medical staff.”

The two BOP correctional officers who lied in their reports about monitoring Jeffrey Epstein when he killed himself in August 2019 got a sweetheart deferred prosecution deal from the government. The New York Daily News last week reported the COs planned to defend themselves as scapegoats for a deeply dysfunctional BOP system had they gone on trial.

Sources close to the pair, as well as insiders at the MDC New York, the Daily News reported, offered possible reasons why the feds backed off of the case. The sources said falsification of documents is common at the jail and throughout the Bureau of Prisons. One source described falsely filling out paperwork as “closer to a norm than an anomaly” in federal lockups.

Finally, a disturbing news release from the BOP last week reports for the first time that Manuel Roach, an inmate at USP Leavenworth, died of COVID – four and a half months ago.

COVIDdeath201001The BOP said Mr. Roach caught COVID last September, but was “converted to a status of recovered following the completion of medical isolation and presenting with no symptoms.” At least, no symptoms for four months, until he died of COVID at the end of January.

The June 2 news release does not explain why it took the BOP another four months to figure out he had died of the pandemic.

Benjamin Barsky, et al, Vaccination plus Decarceration — Stopping Covid-19 in Jails and Prisons (New England Journal of Medicine, April  29, 2021)

Forbes, Even After Vaccine, Federal Prisons Still Have COVID-19 Concerns (May 31, 2021)

Forbes, Office Of Inspector General Critical Of Bureau of Prisons In Extensive Reports (May 31)

New York Daily News, Correctional officers who slept while Jeffrey Epstein hanged himself planned to slam federal prison system at trial (May 31, 2021)

BOP, Inmate Death at USP Leavenworth (June 2, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Supreme Court Makes It Safe to Lie on Facebook – Update for June 4, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

SUPREMES SCRAPE THE EXCESS ICING OFF THE COMPUTER FRAUD STATUTE

The Supreme Court yesterday fired a shot across the Government’s bow, rejecting the Dept. of Justice’s expansive reading of the Computer Fraud and Abuse Act to criminalize almost everything. The decision is notable not only for declaring that prosaic misconduct is not a federal felony, but for what it portends for other sweeping applications of federal criminal law by DOJ.

bidenmeme210604Nathan Van Buren was a cop who was indebted to a loan shark. After the FBI got wind of the relationship (the loan shark was cooperating with the Feds), it convinced the shark to get Nate to run a license plate through the law enforcement system in exchange for some debt forgiveness. Nate did so, and the Feebs had their man.

Nate was charged under the Computer Fraud and Abuse Act, 18 USC 1030(e)(6), which criminalizes breaking into a computer without authorization as well as conduct that “exceeds authorized access” of a computer. The statute defines that term as meaning “to access a computer with authorization and to use such access to obtain… information… that the accesser is not entitled so to obtain.” Nate was convicted because while he was authorized to use the license-plate search program for official purposes, he was not authorized to run plates for his own profit and amusement. He got 18 months.

The question the Supreme Court addressed in Van Buren may seem a little technical, whether users violate that statute by accessing information for improper purposes or instead whether users violate the statute only if they access information they were not entitled to obtain.

plate210604The Supremes, with junior Justice Amy Comey Barrett writing, said the CFAA only makes it a crime to access information a user is not entitled to obtain. She wrote that the key to understanding the statute is that the user exceeds authorized access only by obtaining information “that the accesser is not entitled so to obtain.” She cited Black’s Law Dictionary, among others, for the proposition that the word “so” is “a term of reference that recalls ‘the same manner as has been stated.’” Under that reading, the sole question is “whether one has the right, in ‘the same manner as has been stated,’ to obtain the relevant information.”

What the CFAA prohibits is obtaining “information one is not allowed to obtain by using a computer that he is authorized to access,” the majority said, rejecting the government’s argument that the circumstance under which it is obtained – think of a cop running a plate on a car he’d pulled over versus running a plate on a strange truck parked in his girlfriend’s driveway – was what made the access illegal or not.

icing210604The Court noted only in passing the main topic that had dominated the amicus filings and much of the time at oral argument in this case: the “breathtaking amount of commonplace computer activity” that the government’s reading would criminalize. For the majority, that reality “underscores the implausibility of the Government’s interpretation,” which provides (in words Justice Elena Kagan coined in an earlier case) “extra icing on a cake already frosted.” Justice Barrett noted that extending the statute to “every violation of a computer-use policy” would make criminals of “millions of otherwise law-abiding citizens,” offering examples of such trivial conduct as “embellishing on online-dating profile” and “using a pseudonym on Facebook” – activities that violate website use restrictions and thus would fall within the government’s understanding of the CFAA.

There was an interesting liberal-conservative split in the 6-3 decision. The majority included the liberal wing, Justices Sotomayor, Kagan and Breyer, as well as Gorsuch and Kavanaugh, two more conservative Justices. That left Chief Justice John Roberts and conservative Justices Alito and Thomas in the dissent.

Careful textualism in interpreting federal criminal statutes is a good thing. Now, if the Court would only take up aggravated identity theft…

Perhaps less should be made of the “liberal” and “conservative” labels on the Court.

Van Buren v. United States, Case No. 19-783, 2021 U.S. LEXIS 2843 (June 3, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Judicial Odds and Ends – Update for June 3, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

AN ANNIVERSARY OF A MYSTERIOUS DEATH… AND A COUPLE OF CASE SHORTS

odetobilliejoe210603We have a couple of notable decisions from last week for this, the traditional day we all commemorate the untimely death by suicide of Billie Joe McAllister, the 1967 first-person ballad sung by Bobbie Gentry. As Bobbie began the song, “It was the third of June, just  sleepy, dusty delta day…”

As The Independent reported in 2017, the reason for Billie Joe’s mythical death remains a mystery: “Fifty years on we’re no wiser as to why Billie Joe did what he did and in the context of the song and Gentry’s intentions, that’s just as it should be.”

Let’s try to demystify some gleanings from last week’s federal appellate decisions:

The Eighth Joins the Party: The 8th Circuit joined other circuits that have ruled on this issue, holding last week that two brothers whose cases involved the distribution of both crack and powder were eligible for the retroactive Fair Sentencing Act reduction authorized by the First Step Act, despite the fact that the powder cocaine in their cases was such that the Fair Sentencing Act did not lower their Guidelines ranges.

The Circuit ruled that Sec 404(a) of the First Step Act says that covered offenses are those whose penalties “were modified by section 2 or 3 of the Fair Sentencing Act.” Their crack penalties were reduced, even if the brothers “ultimately would be subject to the same statutory sentencing range as a consequence of” the powder cocaine. Thus, the sentencing judge now had to decide whether they should be granted a lower sentence.

The Eleventh Goes Its Own Way (Again): A week or so ago, I reported on United States v. Lopez, a 9th Circuit case that interpreted the First Step Act to dramatically expand the application of the drug offense safety valve set out in 18 USC § 3553(f).

goyourownway210603The 11th Circuit (who else) has helpfully provided an opinion going absolutely the opposite direction. Julian Garcon got the safety valve when sentenced for cocaine distribution, because he didn’t meet all three subsections of the law required to be disqualified. The government appealed, arguing that the word “and” in the statute really meant “or.”

Who would be twisted enough to think that? The 11th Circuit, that’s who. The panel held that “based on the text and structure of § 3553(f)(1), the “and” is disjunctive. Accordingly, we vacate the sentence and remand for resentencing…”

Ohio State University law prof Doug Berman said last week in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog that the case “produced a crisp circuit split on the proper interpretation of a key provision of the First Step Act on a matter that impacts many hundreds of federal drug cases every month… It is surely only a matter of time before other circuits weigh in on this important issue, and I assume this split will be deepened in the coming months and that the Supreme Court will have to take cert.”

United States v. Spencer, Case No 19-2685, 2021 U.S. App. LEXIS 15862 (8th Cir, May 27, 2021)

United States v. Garcon, Case No 19-14650, 2021 U.S. App. LEXIS 14683 (11th Cir, May 18, 2021)

Sentencing Law and Policy, In contrast to Ninth Circuit panel, Eleventh Circuit panel gives narrow reading to FIRST-STEP-amended mandatory-minimum safety valve provision (May 27)

– Thomas L. Root