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Watching You Watch Them – Update for August 19, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

QUIS CUSTODIET IPSOS CUSTODES?

emily210819I owe a debt of gratitude to my sainted Latin teacher, Emily Bernges, late of Sturgis, Michigan. One of the best teachers I ever had, Mrs. Bernges instilled a love of the great dead language in me… so much so that decades later, when I read that the Dept. of Justice Office of Inspector General caught some BOP corrections officers sneaking past the metal detector, I immediately thought of the Roman poet Juvenal’s lament.

Quis custodiet ipsos custodes? As Emily taught me to translate it, “Who shall guard the guards themselves?”

The Inspector General issued an urgent advisory a week ago, reporting that a “review of an unidentified BOP facility’s video monitoring system revealed that staff were able to enter the facility during the night shift and walk around the metal detector without being screened. After discussing the matter with BOP personnel at the facility, we are concerned that this presents systemic concerns.”

Fox News reported that the IG’s recommendation came in connection with an investigation of the presence of contraband at the unnamed federal prison. (I might add that since I mentioned this in last week’s newsletter, I have inmates at a dozen or better places email me to volunteer that the unnamed institution had to be their facility. How far matters have devolved!

The advisory, which had been delivered to the BOP a week before, recommended that BOP staff members not be allowed to enter an institution without being screened by other personnel, and the BOP should ensure that its facilities are properly staffed to ensure that all staff and their belongings are properly searched before staff enters BOP facilities.

Carvajal said the BOP was immediately adopting the recommendations.

Other bad news for the BOP last week: ABC News reported last week that while it’s customary for the BOP to carry out an after-action review of a major incident that occurred inside a federal prison within months of an incident, the report on how Jeffrey Epstein killed himself at MCC New York has yet to be released, two years after the suicide. Former Attorney General William Barr, just days after the death in 2019, said, “We will get to the bottom of it, and there will be accountability.”

whitewash210819Tyrone Covington, the MCC union local president, said he’s hoping it comes out so the public can see “what took place, and end some of the skepticism out there about the Bureau of Prisons, and what happened to Jeffery Epstein.”

Finally, USA Today and The Marshall Project reported last week that despite the First Step Act’s requirement that the federal prison system expand access to medications for prisoners addicted to opioids (and the millions appropriated to fund the program), as of July, the BOP had managed to put only 268 people on medications to treat opioid dependence. This is less than 2% of the more than 15,000 people the BOP itself estimates are eligible. Even while the DOJ investigates other prisons and jails for not providing these medications, the Bureau “lacks key planning elements to ensure this significant expansion is completed in a timely and effective manner,” the GAO said in a report last May.

DOJ Inspector General, Notification of Urgent Security Concerns Involving Staff Entering BOP Facilities (August 12, 2021)

Fox News, Department of Justice urges Bureau of Prisons to tighten security around searching staff (August 12, 2021)

ABC News, More questions than answers 2 years after Epstein’s suicide (August 11, 2021)

USA Today, Drugs that treat opioid addiction and overdoses not widely available in federal prisons (August 10, 2021)

GAO, Improved Planning Would Help BOP Evaluate and Manage Its Portfolio of Drug Education and Treatment Programs (May 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Who Knows What Joe’s Thinking? – Update for August 17, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

ADMINISTRATION HINTS AT DRUG CLEMENCY (MAYBE)

Biden Press Secretary Jen Psaki started hearts and tongues fluttering last week when she said the Administration was looking at clemency for federal drug offenders.

clemencypitch180716“The president is deeply committed to reducing incarceration and helping people successfully reenter society,” Psaki said in a press briefing. “And he said too many people are incarcerated — too many are black and brown — and he’s therefore exploring multiple avenues to provide relief to certain nonviolent drug offenders, including through the use of his clemency power.”

As a candidate, Biden said in 2019 that he wanted to release “everyone” in prison for marijuana, but Psaki has referred questions on whether he will do so to the Justice Department, saying last April it was “a legal question.”

The New York Post reported that “Psaki’s remark thrilled clemency advocates who have been pushing for Biden to commute prison sentences and issue pardons early in his term, which is uncommon for presidents. Clemency advocate Amy Povah said, “We are elated that President Biden has expressed an interest in using his executive clemency power with an emphasis upon drug cases.”

caresbear210104Meanwhile, other advocates feel frustrated that Biden has done nothing on a matter as small as addressing the status of people on CARES Act home confinement. Last Wednesday, Senators Richard Durbin (D-Illinois) and Cory Booker (D-New Jersey) wrote to President Biden, urging him to act on keeping CARES Act home confinees at home. They suggested, in part, that the Bureau of Prisons could “provide relief for certain individuals through prerelease home confinement, under 18 USC § 3624(c)(2), and the Elderly Home Detention Pilot Program, pursuant to 34 USC 6054l(g). For those who do not qualify for those provisions, BOP can recommend, and DOJ should support, compassionate release pursuant to 18 USC § 3582(c)(l)(A). Compassionate release is authorized whenever extraordinary and compelling reasons warrant a sentence reduction, and the once-in-a-century global pandemic that led to these home confinement placements certainly constitutes such an extraordinary and compelling circumstance.”

Reuters last week reported that the Justice Department had asked an Oregon federal judge on Tuesday to deny a bid by federal inmates to qualify for early release through First Step earned time credits. Prosecutors argued that no programs or activities completed by the inmates qualified for earned time credits.

Reuters said, “The rift could increase pressure on the Justice Department, which is under fire from civil rights advocates for its inaction to prevent BOP from sending thousands of federal inmates back to prison once the pandemic emergency is lifted.”

At issue is a provision from the 2018 First Step Act, which aims to ease harsh sentencing for non-violent offenders and reduce recidivism. The BOP may award 10 or 15 days’ credit for every 30 days of participation in recidivism-reduction or activities such as academic classes or certain prison jobs.

In a November 2020 proposed rule, the BOP defined a day of participation as eight hours and limited the menu of qualifying programs.

recid160321One issue is the BOP’s definition of a day of participation as 8 hours. “The math speaks for itself,” federal defenders wrote in a January 2021 letter to BOP. “It would take 219 weeks, or over 4 years to earn a full year of credit under the BOP’s proposed rule.”

In Tuesday’s case, the lead plaintiff has held prison jobs such as a painter and an HVAC worker and completed courses such as anger management, entrepreneurship, and a residential drug abuse program. But the government argued that none of those programs is on the BOP’s EBRR program list.

“If HVAC work doesn’t qualify, what kinds of jobs do?” asked Magistrate Judge John Acosta, noting the program’s goal of reducing recidivism and facilitating reintegration into society.

“The ones that are identified by the Bureau of Prisons,” AUSA Jared Hager replied, noting the inmates have “not shown entitlement to any credit.” The list of qualifying programs and activities will be updated by Attorney General Merrick Garland, he added.

Similar suits are on file in federal courts throughout the country.

Finally, JDSupra.com reported last week that Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-New York) has partnered with Senate Finance Committee Chairman Ron Wyden (D-Oregon) and Sen Booker to draft comprehensive federal cannabis reform legislation, which the sponsors plan to introduce this fall.

marijuanahell190918The measure, called the Cannabis Administration and Opportunity Act (the CAOA), would – among other matters – would require the federal government to expunge any arrest or conviction for a non-violent federal cannabis offense, and allow any person serving a criminal justice sentence for a non-violent federal cannabis offense to move for sentence reduction. After the hearing, the court would be required to expunge each arrest, conviction, or adjudication for a non-violent federal cannabis offense.

The drafting of the bill is in its early stages. The sponsors are actively soliciting comments prior to CAOA’s introduction. Comments may be submitted through September 1, 2021, at Cannabis_Reform@finance.senate.gov.

New York Post, Biden ‘exploring’ clemency for federal drug crimes, Psaki says (August 11, 2021)

Letter from Senators Durbin and Booker to President Biden (August 12, 2021)

Reuters, U.S. Justice Dept clashes with inmates over credits to shave prison time (August 10, 2021)

JDSupra.com, US Senators Seeking Input on Comprehensive Federal Cannabis Reform Legislation (August 11, 2021)

 

– Thomas L. Root

What Part of a Gun is a Gun, 8th Circuit Ponders – Update for August 16, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

PARTS IS PARTS

I waste a lot of brain space recalling TV ads. Wendy’s had one in the 1980s belittling places that sold processed chicken. “Parts is parts,” the bored counterman told the skeptical customer.

parts210816That tagline rings true with a vengeance for firearms. A conviction under 18 USC § 922 requires proof that the firearm in question must have traveled in interstate commerce. Congress had to include the provision in order to be able to pass enforceable legislation. Yet the interstate commerce requirement can lead to some strange results.

If you’re a convicted felon, you can legally own a Smith and Wesson revolver. Just live in Massachusetts. Want a TEC-9, maybe for duck hunting? Move to Miami. If you live in the same state in which the firearm was made and sold, possession is not prohibited by 18 USC 922(g).

Cautionary note: Just don’t ever buy any ammo. That’s a different story.

Notguns170330Not so with the gun itself. The statute (18 USC 921(a)(3)) defines a “firearm” as “(A) any weapon… which will or is designed to or may readily be converted to expel a projectile by the action of an explosive; [or] (B) the frame or receiver of any such weapon.” The frame or receiver is defined by regulation as the “part of a firearm which provides housing for the hammer, bolt or breechblock, and firing mechanism, and which is usually threaded at its forward portion to receive the barrel.” 27 CFR 478.11. Which brings us to the strange world of the AR-15.

One of the worst kept secrets in America is that anyone with a drill press or router and a few hundred bucks in parts can build an AR-15 lower receiver at home in a few hours. The chunk of aluminum or plastic that gets milled into a lower receiver can be bought online, and because it’s only 80% complete, it is not a firearm under the law (for now, but new rules are coming). Once the home hobbyist completes the lower receiver and mates it with an upper receiver (many versions of which are available online and which in and of themselves are not defined as “firearms” either), he has a completed firearm. Because the part the ATF considers to be the “firearm” – the lower receiver – was just a block of metal when it crossed state lines, no firearm had crossed state lines, and a former felon who possessed one is not violating § 922(g).

gunar15lower210816By a weird twist, the ATF defines the frame or receiver of a firearm to include trigger parts, the bolt, and possibly the threads for mounting the barrel. This definition makes great sense for a revolver, semi-automatic pistol, and most rifles. But the AR-15 has two separate parts, a lower receiver that has the trigger parts and magazine well, and an upper receiver holding the bolt, bolt carrier, and barrel threads. At least one federal district court has thrown out a felon-in-possession case where the defendant had a box full of AR-15 lower receivers, holding that – no matter what the ATF tried to argue in court – its own definition held that an AR-15 lower receiver is not a firearm.

gunar15upper210816(Yet another cautionary note: President Biden has ordered the ATF to redefine various other parts of the guns as firearms that require serial numbers, so this loophole may be closing. But millions of AR-15 upper receivers, barrels, magazines, and the such without serial number will remain in circulation.)

Which brings us to a decision last week in the 8th Circuit. Luke Burning Breast had a prior felony conviction. After local police confiscated an AR-15 style rifle from him, the Feds brought an 18 USC 922(g) felon-in-possession case against him.

Luke argued that the lower receiver was not a firearm under the ATF’s own definition. While there was no question the lower – which had a serial number – had been made in another state, Luke argued that only the lower and upper receivers together make a firearm, and because the government did not prove the upper receiver traveled in interstate commerce, the evidence was insufficient to convict him of being a felon in possession of a firearm.

guns170111Last week, the 8th Circuit shot Luke down in a 2-1 decision remarkable for its circular reasoning. The majority argued that the ATF’s definition of a frame or receiver is only one way to define a firearm. “Another way is if the weapon will, is designed to, or may readily be converted to expel a projectile by the action of an explosive. Notwithstanding the lack of evidence establishing the upper receiver had, in fact, been swapped out, there was no evidence that at any point the firearm was anything but a weapon that could, or was designed to, or may readily be converted to expel a projectile by the action of an explosive. Here, it is immaterial whether there was proof that the upper receiver traveled in interstate commerce when the evidence established a completed rifle capable of being shot traveled in interstate commerce prior to Burning Breast’s possession of it.”carriefgun170807

In other words, because the lower receiver was once part of an entire AR-15 that traveled in interstate commerce, the jury could infer that it had always been a firearm.

The dissent observed, “I grant that Burning Breast possessed a functional rifle. But it is not so clear that a jury could reasonably infer that it traveled in interstate commerce. In order for an inference to be reasonable, there must be some evidence to support it. But there is no evidence that anything other than the lower receiver moved in interstate commerce. The ATF agent admitted as much.”

The decision is interesting for what it implies. Had Luke made his own lower receiver – without a serial number – the government would have been unable to prove the firearm had ever crossed state lines, and Luke could not have been convicted.

United States v. Burning Breast, Case No 20-1450, 2021 U.S.App. LEXIS 23778 (8th Cir., August 11, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

SIZZLE BUT NO STEAK YET IN WASHINGTON – UPDATE FOR AUGUST 13, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

LAST WEEK IN WASHINGTON

oddcouple210219The news website Axios reported last week that Sens. Richard Durbin (D-Illinois) and Charles Grassley (R-Iowa) – the Senate’s criminal-justice reform “odd couple” – “are working to win Senate passage of a big criminal justice reform package this Congress.”

Axios cited approval of three bills by the Senate Judiciary Committee, the COVID-19 Safer Detention Act, the First Step Implementation Act, and the Prohibiting Use of Acquitted Conduct Act as being “three measures, Grassley told Axios, they ‘hope to package along with potentially other proposals to pass the Senate sometime this Congress’.” Durbin separately told Axios in his own statement that he’s “committed to bringing these bills to the Senate floor this Congress.”

Axios predicts the final package also may include a measure for CARES Act confinees who otherwise may be forced to return to prison, a Republican Senate staffer told Axios, as well as the EQUAL Act. One challenge will be the crime spike, Axios said, which has the potential of sapping support from senators afraid of being branded soft on crime.

I like Axios, which is a pretty even-handed service, albeit more of a news aggregator than a news reporter. (Nothing wrong with news aggregators – LISA is largely one itself). But because it’s an aggregator, I am not sure whether Axios’s report represents something new, or is just a survey of what we already know.

caresbear210104In other developments, a coalition of five civil rights groups last week urged the Dept of Justice to reconsider its position on sending back to prison thousands of federal inmates transferred to home confinement during the pandemic, offering a legal analysis they believe would justify keeping them out from behind bars.

They argued that the Trump-era legal memo that concluded BOP is required by law to revoke home confinement for those transferred during the pandemic as soon as the emergency period is over, contending the Office of Legal Counsel memo is based on a flawed interpretation of the CARES Act.

Update: Yesterday, Senators Richard Durbin (D-Illinois) and Cory Booker (D-New Jersey) wrote to President Biden, urging him to act on keeping CARES Act home confinees at home. They suggested, in part, that the Bureau of Prisons could “provide relief for certain individuals through prerelease home confinement, under 18 USC § 3624(c)(2), and the Elderly Home Detention Pilot Program, pursuant to 34 USC § 6054l(g). For those who do not qualify for those provisions, BOP can recommend, and DOJ should support, compassionate release pursuant to 18 USC 3582(c)(l)(A). Compassionate release is authorized whenever extraordinary and compelling reasons warrant a sentence reduction, and the once-in-a-century global pandemic that led to these home confinement placements certainly constitutes such an extraordinary and compelling circumstance.”

So far, the President has resisted by inaction such calls to address the looming home confinement crisis.

Axios, Senate plans barrage on crime (August 1, 2021)

The Hill, Civil rights groups offer DOJ legal strategy on keeping inmates home after pandemic (August 4, 2021)

Letter to Dawn E. Johnsen, Acting Asst Attorney General (August 4, 2021)

The Hill, Top Senate Democrats urge Biden to take immediate action on home confinement program (August 12, 2021)

Letter to President Biden from Sens. Durbin and Booker (August 12, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

10th CIRCUIT DISRESPECTS ITS PRECEDENT ON COMPAssionate release – Update for August 12, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

10TH CIRCUIT FLIPS UP ITS OWN 4-MONTH OLD COMPASSIONATE RELEASE PRECEDENT

flipflop170920It seems like only four months ago that the 10th Circuit ruled in United States v. Maumau and United States v. McGee that the plain language of the compassionate release statute (18 USC 3582(c)(1)(A)(i)) creates a three-step test: ”At step one . . . a district court must find whether extraordinary and compelling reasons warrant a sentence reduction… At step two . . . a district court must find whether such reduction is consistent with applicable policy statements issued by the Sentencing Commission… At step three, § 3582(c)(1)(A) instructs a court to consider any applicable § 3553(a) factors and determine whether, in its discretion, the reduction authorized by steps one and two is warranted in whole or in part under the particular circumstances of the case…”

Pretty straightforward, isn’t it? Maybe not. Last week, the 10th ruled in a case deciding three compassionate release cases that despite what Maumau and McGee said, “district courts may deny compassionate-release motions when any of the three prerequisites listed in § 3582(c)(1)(A) is lacking and do not need to address the others.”

respect210812The Circuit now thinks that Maumau’s and McGee’s detailed discussion of a three-step test – “although we have no doubt that the statements in those opinions were carefully considered by the panels (and are therefore entitled to our respect)” – are nothing more than dicta. Some respect “The language of § 3582(c)(1)(A) certainly requires that relief be granted only if all three prerequisites are satisfied,” the 10th now thinks, “but it does not mandate a particular ordering of the three steps (much less the ordering Hald and Sands urge). Since it mentions step three first, the natural meaning could well be that the court is to first determine whether relief would be authorized by that step and then consider whether the other two steps are satisfied. We think it persuasive, if not binding, that our well-considered reading of the statutory language in McGee declared that the three steps could be considered in any order.”

To make matters more chaotic? The decision drops a footnote noting that “as of oral argument in May 2021, all three men had either been vaccinated or been offered the opportunity to be vaccinated against COVID-19. Although we do not consider this development in resolving their appeals, there is certainly room for doubt that Defendants’ present circumstances would support a finding of ‘extraordinary and compelling reasons’.”

United States v. Hald, Case No 20-3195, 2021 U.S.App. LEXIS 23451 (10th Cir. August 6, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

BOP COVID Report – Update for August 10, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

SO WHAT ABOUT THAT COVID VARIANT?

The Bureau of Prison’s own sometimes-controversial numbers suggest the agency is holding the COVID-19 Delta line for inmates, with 310 reported ill as of last night, up only 5.4% since a week before. The BOP has complete control over that number. But it has less control over the number of ill BOP employees – up 48% from a week before, from 157 to 233 – and the number of facilities with COVID-19 present. That number jumped from 80 to 96 joints, the highest level in four months.

Raisedead210208According to data published Sunday by the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 50.1% of the total U.S. population is now fully vaccinated – more than 166 million people. The US now is averaging more than 100,000 new COVID-19 cases every day, the highest in almost six months. The BOP reports 55.7% of inmates and 52.5% of staff have been vaccinated.

Two more inmate deaths were reported last week, one July 17th at Texarkana and a second, on July 28th at FMC Ft Worth. Roy Berry, who died at Ft Worth, had COVID in March but had been declared recovered by the BOP. At least 257 federal inmates have died of COVID. Due to squirrely reporting from private prisons (where reports of deceased prisoners magically disappeared from time to time), the number is certainly higher than that.

USP McCreary reported 56 sick inmates, Miami FDC 25, FCI Texarkana 25, FCI Phoenix 24, USP Yazoo City 14, FMC Butner 13; and FCI Terminal Island with 11.

NPR reported last Friday on the COVID-19 Safer Detention Act, noting that the bill – sponsored by Sens Richard Durbin (D-Illinois) and Charles Grassley (R-Iowa) – would extend compassionate release to the ever-decreasing numbers of “old law” inmates (those sentenced before 1988) still in the system.

The bill, which has passed out of the Senate Judiciary Committee and is also pending in the House, would ease COVID-19 compassionate release procedures, make permanent CARES Act home confinement, and benefit Elderly Offender Home Detention  inmates.

home190109Meanwhile, Reason magazine argued last week that the CARES Act home confinees have proven that home detention is a viable imprisonment alternative. “The overwhelming majority of those released on home detention have not reoffended. Of the 28,881 prisoners allowed on home detention last year, only 151 individuals, less than 1%, violated the terms of their confinement. Only one person has committed a new crime… In short, home detention seems to be largely successful. Most prisoners under the program have stayed out of trouble and are working to become law-abiding citizens. In doing so, they are saving taxpayers the exorbitant price of incarceration—which, on average, costs over $37,500 per year versus $13,000 per year for home confinement and monitoring.”

BOP, COVID-19 resource page (August 9, 2021)

CDC, COVID Tracker (August 8, 2021)

BOP, Inmate Death at FCI Texarkana (August 2, 2021)

BOP, Inmate Death at FMC Ft Worth (August 3, 2021)

NPR, Some Older Prisoners Aren’t Eligible For Compassionate Release. Lawmakers Want Change (August 6, 2021)

Reason, The Pandemic Showed Home Detention Works (August 6, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

8th Circuit Says Supervised Release Violation Hearing Still Has Some Due Process Left – Update for August 9, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

(HEAR)SAY WHAT?

Hearsayevidence210809Once a federal prisoner is released, he or she spends a period of several years (on the average) on “supervised release,” under which he or she is supervised by a United States Probation Officer who (often enough) lives to declare that the former prisoner has violated the terms of supervised release and should be sent back to prison. It is not surprising that about one out of three people get “violated” at least once during their terms of supervised release. Not all get sent back to prison, but enough do.

When the former prisoner is declared to have violated supervised release, a hearing is held that seems pretty short on due process guarantees. One of the most pernicious attributes of the hearing (besides the low standard of proof required, a mere 51% “preponderance of the evidence” standard) is hearsay.

Very simply, hearsay is any testimony about a statement made by someone not present in the courtroom introduced to prove the matter asserted. If defendant Larry Lowlife is accused of stealing candy from a baby, a witness’s statement that “my mother told me she saw Mr. Lowlife take the candy bar from the baby would be hearsay” if the statement is intended to prove Larry’s guilt.

Such testimony is generally not admissible, because – at least in criminal trials – it denies a defendant his or her 6th Amendment right to confront witnesses. Maybe Mom was standing 200 yards from Larry and the baby. Maybe Mom stood to make a lot of money writing a book about Larry’s theft. Maybe Mom took the candy, and was trying to deflect blame. If Mom is not present to testify, Larry can’t mount a defense.

hearsay210809To be sure, there are dozens of exceptions to hearsay, from excited utterances to dying declarations. That’s for law school evidence class. For now, it’s enough to understand that hearsay can be dangerous and that courts have been all too willing to allow it to send people back to prison.

People like Derone Coleman. Derone’s Probation Officer moved to revoke his supervised release after his former squeeze Kippie House complained of a more current “squeeze.” She said Derone “squeezed” her around the neck, choking her, biting her on the face, and pulling a gun on her while reminiscing about their prior relationship.

Kippie’s cousins were present for the alleged assault, giving the government an impressive witness list at Derone’s supervised release violation hearing. But Kippie had moved, and she and her cousin Lashonda made themselves scarce when the PO tried to subpoena them. What’s more, after reporting Derone to the Probation Officer, Kippie declined to press charges locally.

The government told the court that its “efforts to serve” Kippie and Lashonda “have been unsuccessful,” and instead offered three other witnesses, who could only recount what Kippie or Lashonda had told them. Derone objected to the hearsay evidence, arguing that he had a right to confront his accusers. The district court disagreed, holding that the government’s explanation showed there was good cause for House’s absence at the revocation hearing. The district judge had his own doubts about the photo evidence of Kippie’s alleged injuries, but even so he viewed the photos as consistent with what the witnesses said Kippie had told them about the assault.

The district court revoked Derone and gave him 60 months.

Last week, the 8th Circuit reversed. Although at the revocation stage, a defendant has less than the full panoply of protections afforded by the rules of evidence, he or she is still entitled to the “minimum requirements of due process.” Among those requirements is the right to confront and cross-examine adverse witnesses, the 8th said, “unless the hearing officer specifically finds good cause for not allowing confrontation.”

dodgesubpoens210809“In assessing whether a defendant should have been allowed to confront an adverse witness,” the Circuit ruled, “we balance his due process rights against the grounds asserted by the government for not requiring confrontation.’” To show good cause for denying a defendant his confrontation rights, the district court needed to assess the government’s reason for not producing Kippie; and the reliability of the hearsay offered in place of her testimony. “The government needed to show both prongs,” the Circuit said. “A failure under either prong negates good cause.”

Generally, unless a witness has moved out of state, the government has no excuse for not producing her to testify. Here, the government argued that the Probation Officer had tried to call Kippie without success. The 8th observed, “If we were to adopt the government’s position, then we would effectively equate missed calls to an interstate move.” While witnesses who refuse to testify out of fear have been excused in the past, the Circuit noted, while Kippie “changed her mind about pressing charges… nothing in the record suggests she refused to comply with a subpoena or said that she would not testify.”

Beyond that, the 8th said, the government never established a causal link between the photographic evidence and the hearsay. Derone argued Kippie, as a jilted girlfriend, had a motive to get Derone locked up. The government argued on the other hand that the very fact Kippie refused to press charges meant that she knew her honest testimony would lock up someone she still cared about, and thus her failure to testify actually corroborated her testimony.

The Circuit punted on those arguments, dryly noting that “regardless of the truth of Kippie’s out-of-court allegations, the government needed to offer additional indicia of reliability when a possible motive to implicate Derone indisputably existed.”

The 8th told the district court to cut Derone loose.

United States v. Coleman, Case No 20-2623, 2021 U.S.App. LEXIS 23037 (8th Cir., Aug. 4, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Pells Expanded, But Not Pell Mell – Update for August 6, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

PELL GRANT EXPANSION ANNOUNCED

The Dept of Education announced last week it will expand the Second Chance Pell Grant experiment for the 2022-2023 award year.

pell160627Launched in 2015, the Second Chance Pell Experimental Sites Initiative provides need-based Pell grants to people in state and federal prisons. The expansion announced last Friday will allow up to 200 colleges and universities (up from 131 currently) to offer prison education programs with support from the Pell Grant program. Current participants number 131.

Unfortunately, the bureaucracy crawls. The expansion does not become effective until July 2022.

Students in this program have earned over 7,000 credentials, build new skills and improve their odds of success. The DOE cited a Vera Institute for Justice study showing that incarcerated people who participated in postsecondary education programs are 48% less likely to return to prison than those who do not.

The expansion will also expand the geographic range of the program, with the goal of including a wider variety of postsecondary education programs serving a more diverse population, according to the DOE.

The Crime Report, ‘Second Chance’ Pell Grants Program Expands to 200 Schools in 2022 (July 30, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Criminal Justice Reform Wonders Where the President Is – Update for August 5, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

I PROMISE…

promise210805Every week, I get dozens of emails asking about new criminal justice laws that have passed (zero) and the status of the EQUAL Act or First Step Implementation Act or the Safer Detention Act or any of a dozen really good criminal reform bills pending before Congress.

What, you think I’m not going to cover any progress or, better yet, the passage of the bills in this blog? I promise – if there’s significant progress on any criminal justice bill (or even insignificant progress), I will cover it. Right away.

I mention this because more and more articles are being written about President Biden as a disappointment on criminal justice reform. Last week, Law 360 said, “One of President Joe Biden’s most powerful tools for advancing criminal justice reform is his voice and yet, despite his campaign promises, he has been mostly silent on the issue while in office, frustrating criminal justice reform advocates.”

The criminal justice reform people “would have liked Biden to do more than just talk about criminal justice reform in his first six months in office, but they are even more frustrated by the fact that he isn’t loudly advocating for reform and isn’t letting people know when he will act on his reform promises.”

biden210805Andrea James, a former criminal defense attorney, said she attended a White House virtual discussion in May about reducing mass incarceration, shortly after Biden’s first 100 days in office. James has been fighting for clemencies through her organization, the National Council for Incarcerated and Formerly Incarcerated Women and Girls, a group that sought clemency for 100 women within Biden’s first 100 days.

Biden promised during his presidential campaign that he would use his presidential clemency power to secure the release of individuals facing unduly long sentences for certain nonviolent and drug offenses. “The president can do this with the stroke of a pen and there is absolutely no reason to wait,” James said.

Meanwhile, AP reported last Thursday that while Biden took quick action after his inauguration to shift federal inmates out of privately run prisons, promising it was “just the beginning of my administration’s plan to address systemic problems in our criminal justice system,” the President is overlooking a prime — and, in some ways, easier — target for improving the conditions of incarcerated people: the federal Bureau of Prisons.

The administration has full power to control staffing, transparency, health care, most of all, BOP leadership, the article says. BOP Director Michael Carvajal, “a Trump holdover… who has been in charge as the coronavirus raged behind bars, infecting more than 43,000 federal inmates, still runs the agency. Administration officials have been mulling whether to replace him, but no decision has been made, according to officials who spoke to The Associated Press.

First Step Act programs to reduce recidivism are hampered because there are not enough workers to facilitate them. Nearly one-third of federal correctional officer jobs in the United States are vacant, forcing prisons to use cooks, teachers, nurses and other workers to guard inmates. “There need to be enough people working in a prison to keep people housed in a prison safe. And they must be able to get access to the programs that should allow their release,” said Maria Morris of the American Civil Liberties Union’s National Prison Project.

A key part of Biden’s agenda racial justice, and nowhere is racial equity a more pressing issue than inside prison, where the inmate population is “still disproportionately filled with Black people.”

Advocates say that while Biden “has talked a good game, his actions tell a different story, particularly because the Justice Department has refused to reverse a legal opinion requiring inmates released during the pandemic to return to prison.”

return161227“There isn’t an appetite in the administration to act,” said Inimai Chettiar of the Justice Action Network.

The Hill reported last week that the White House continues to say nothing about whether Biden will do something to permit people on CARES Act home confinement to stay on home confinement. The Administration has been under pressure for months to revoke the Trump era legal memo, which concludes that CARES Act people have to go back to prison when the COVID emergency ends.

Some have proposed Biden use clemency to immediately end the sentences for those who have been living outside prison walls or push for the expanded use of compassionate release for the inmates.

“With a new rise in COVID-19 cases across the country, it’s unlikely the pandemic will be declared over any time soon,” The Hill said. “But as it currently stands, thousands will have to return to prison when it ends, and the Biden administration has not offered any public guidance on whether that could change.”

Law 360, Advocates Frustrated By Biden’s Silence On Justice Reform (July 25, 2021) 

Associated Press, Is Biden overlooking Bureau of Prisons as reform target? (July 29, 2021)

The Hill, Inmates grapple with uncertainty over Biden prison plan (July 30, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

“What Is It Exactly That You Want?” Courts Ask Defendants – Update for August 3, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

FUTILITY

futility180705Two decisions last week should serve as cautionary tales for people seeking a sentence break from the courts, without really being able to explain to the courts why they are seeking the break they want.

In the 7th Circuit, Mike Millis filed a 28 USC § 2241 petition for writ of habeas corpus, arguing that his career-offender Guidelines enhancement (USSG § 4B1.1) should not have been applied in his case. As a result of his 1994 crime spree, Mike was convicted of several robbery counts, which included two 18 USC § 924(c) counts for using a gun. The § 924(c) counts, of course, were stacked. When the dust settled, Mike’s sentencing range began at 562 months.

That was too much for his judge, who departed downward to a still-shocking 410 months.

In the intervening 26 years, Mike filed and lost a 28 USC § 2255 motion in his Eastern District of Kentucky home. But well after that, the 6th Circuit held in a different case that one of the prior convictions relied on to make Mike a Guidelines career offender – an Ohio aggravated assault conviction – could not be used as a basis for career offender. Because the change in the law did not open the door to a new § 2255 motion. But Mike relied on the § 2255(e) “saving clause,” which lets prisoners use a § 2241 motion where the § 2255 would be “inadequate or ineffective to test the legality of his detention.”

Last week, the 7th Circuit shot him down. One of the standards for being able to use the 28 USC § 2255(e) saving clause, the Circuit said, is that the prior conviction or sentence has to constitute a miscarriage of justice. Here, Mike’s sentence range had started at 567 months. But if he had not been a career offender, the Circuit said, his 410-month sentence would still have fallen within what his non-career sentencing range would have been.

miscarriage-of-justiceBecause of that, the sentence – although the career offender status was wrong – was not a miscarriage of justice. This made the § 2255(e) saving clause unavailable to Mike.

So what was Mike’s point? I am guessing that he was looking to get rid of the career-offender label, because he is or will soon seek to get his second § 924(c) conviction cut from 300 months to 60 months, which is all he could have gotten under the law since passage of the First Step Act made clear that the 300-month mandatory sentence only applies after a prior conviction for a § 924(c) offense. Knocking 240 months off his sentence would let Mike out after having only served 260-some months (21 years) in prison.

Talk about soft on crime!

Meanwhile, over in the 8th Circuit, Brett Corrigan got a mandatory-minimum sentence of 60 months in prison, based on quantity of drugs involved in his case. At sentencing, his district court gave him a 2-level enhancement under USSG § 2D1.1(b)(1) for possessing a dangerous weapon, which gave him an advisory sentencing range of 60 to 71 months in prison. The judge gave him 60 months, the bottom of the range, (which, incidentally, was his mandatory minimum sentence).

softoncrime190307That did not stop Brett, who appealed the 2-level enhancement to the Court of Appeals. Last week the 8th Circuit denied him any relief. “Nothing we do here will affect Corrigan’s sentence, meaning that we lack the ability to provide any effectual relief.,” the Circuit said. “Win or lose, it makes no difference—his sentence will remain 60 months because of the mandatory minimum. In jurisdictional terms, Corrigan lacks a cognizable interest in the outcome, which means that there is no longer a live case or controversy under Article III.”

So why bother appealing? I suspect what Brett was fighting for was to get the 2-level gun enhancement lifted, because the enhancement made him ineligible to take the Bureau of Prison’s Residential Drug Abuse Program. The RDAP would entitle him to another 12 months off his sentence under 18 USC § 3621(e)(2)(B), meaning that Brett very much had something at stake here. It’s just that the courts generally seem not to appreciate the adverse effects that enhancements like that – which often get added on the flimsiest of evidence – have on a defendant’s prison term.

Millis v. Segal, Case No. 20-1520, 2021 U.S. App. LEXIS 22349 (7th Cir., July 28, 2021)

United States v. Corrigan, Case No. 20-1682, 2021 U.S. App. LEXIS 22166 (8th Cir., July 27, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root