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Sentence Reduction Decisions – Two Outta Three Ain’t Bad – Update for September 8, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

Three Circuits Hand Down Late August Sentence Reduction Decisions

endofsummer220908Traditionally, not much gets done in August, and that rule applies even more to the week before Labor Day. People are returning from vacation or grabbing some extra days to tack on the long weekend, while those stuck in the office are afflicted with end-of-summer ennui.

Last week, that rule didn’t apply to three courts of appeal, all of which handed down rulings on the limits of compassionate release under 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A) and First Step Act Section 404 sentence reductions. Two were good for prisoners; one was not.

First Circuit Punts: Al Trenkler was convicted of a car bombing 30 years ago. The jury found Al had harbored only an intent to destroy property, but the trial judge inferred from the evidence an intent to kill and imposed a life sentence. But the law required life sentences to be assigned by the jury. The error – which everyone acknowledges – has never been fixed because of procedural roadblocks too complex to be explained here.

Al filed for compassionate release 18 months ago, based on his health and COVID-19 pandemic as well as his claim that questions surrounded his guilt; the fundamental unfairness of his conviction; sentence disparity and the unlawfully-imposed life sentence.

While Al did not sufficiently persuade the district court that questions surrounding his guilt, fundamental unfairness, and co-defendant sentence disparity constituted “extraordinary and compelling” reasons for compassionate release, the court decided the sentencing error did. Noting that Al had no other avenue for relief from the sentencing error, the district court reduced his sentence from life to 41 years.

The government appealed. Last week, the 1st Circuit sent the case back to the district court.

While the appeal was pending, the 1st ruled in United States v. Ruvalcaba that while district courts may generally consider “any complex of circumstances” in deciding that a prisoner should be granted compassionate release, that doesn’t mean that “certain reasons, standing alone, may be insufficient as a matter of law when measured against the ‘extraordinary and compelling’ standard… After all, it is possible that the whole may be greater than the sum of its parts, and reasons that might not do the trick on their own may combine to constitute circumstances that warrant a finding that the reasons proposed are, in the aggregate, extraordinary and compelling.”

howdidhedothat220908In Al’s case, the Circuit said, “it is clear the district court found the sentencing error constituted an extraordinary and compelling reason warranting a sentence reduction. But its analytical path is susceptible to multiple interpretations when it comes to how it navigated the list of reasons Trenkler offered. On one hand, we can appreciate the possibility that the district court discarded Trenkler’s other proposed reasons one by one but… deemed the circumstances surrounding the sentencing error alone to meet the “extraordinary and compelling” criteria. But we can also see how discarding all proposed reasons except one could represent a singular reason-by-reason analysis, not a review of the individual circumstances overall. In the end, our careful review of the district court’s thorough (but pre-Ruvalcaba) decision leaves us uncertain as to whether it took a holistic approach when reviewing Trenkler’s proposed reasons and ultimately concluding that the sentencing error constituted a sufficiently extraordinary and compelling reason to grant relief.”

The 1st decided that “given the importance of the issues and the gravitas of abuse-of-discretion review, we conclude that the prudent approach is to remand to afford the district court the opportunity to reassess the motion with the benefit of Ruvalcaba’s any-complex-of-circumstances guidance.”
3rd Circuit Reverses Sec 404 Resentencing: Clifton Shields was eligible for a Fair Sentencing Act sentence reduction under Section 404 of the First Step Act. He argued that his rehabilitation and the fact that he couldn’t be found to be a career offender if he were sentenced today (because courts now looked at some predicate offenses differently than they did when he was sentenced) meant his sentence should be reduced from 360 months to time served.

The district court cut his sentence to 262 months, but refused to consider “whether under current law Shields would be considered a career offender” because it believed that “[t]he First Step Act does not permit the court to consider other statutory or sentencing guideline amendments enacted since the date the defendant committed his or her offense.” The district court held that the reduced sentence it was imposing, at the bottom of Cliff’s amended Guidelines range, reflected its consideration of those factors as well as the documents Cliff had submitted as evidence of rehabilitation.

Last week, the 3rd Circuit reversed the district court, holding that district courts are authorized to take into account, at the time of resentencing, any changed circumstances, including post-sentencing developments. Noting that the Supreme Court’s Concepcion decision last June acknowledged “the broad discretion that judges have historically exercised when imposing and modifying sentences, and acknowledged that district courts deciding Sec 404(b) motions regularly consider evidence of… unrelated, nonretroactive Guidelines amendments when raised by the parties,” the Circuit said that while a district court is not required to accept arguments about intervening changes in the law, it should “start with the benchmark Guidelines range recalculated only to the extent it adjusts for the Fair Sentencing Act and should consider Shield’s arguments that he no longer qualifies as a career offender and his renewed objections to the firearm enhancement and the drug weight… used to calculate his Guidelines range.”

2nd Circuit Outlier: Victor Orena filed for compassionate release, arguing in part that he had new evidence that called into question the validity of his conviction. The district court denied the § 3582(c)(1)(A)(i) motion, refusing to consider the new evidence.

outlier220908In a June decision that the 2nd Circuit affirmed again last week, the appellate court upheld the denial. The Circuit ruled that when considering a motion for a § 3582(C)(1)(A)(i) sentence reduction, “a district court does not have discretion to consider new evidence proffered for the purpose of attacking the validity of the underlying conviction in its balancing of the 18 USC § 3553(a) factors. Facts and arguments that purport to undermine the validity of a federal conviction must be brought on direct appeal or pursuant to 28 USC § 2255 or 2241.”

The problem with this approach is that a district court must consider the sentencing factors of 18 USC § 3553(a), including whether the sentence reduction will still represent fair and just punishment for the offense. What the defendant ought to have been sentenced to (or what he or she would be sentenced to if sentenced today) seems like the logical starting point for determining whether the reduction being sought remains consistent with the sentencing factors.

When the Circuit is confronted with whether a district court must assume that a sentence that could not lawfully be imposed today is the starting point for measuring consistency with the sentencing factors, we might get a decision that is more like Trenkler and Shields.

United States v. Trenkler, No. 21-1441, 2022 U.S. App. LEXIS 24290 (1st Cir. Aug. 29, 2022)

United States v. Shields, No. 19-2717, 2022 U.S. App. LEXIS 24719 (3d Cir. Sep. 1, 2022)

United States v. Amato, 37 F.4th 58 (2d Cir. 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

How Bad is Sex Abuse? That Depends on Who’s Doing It… – Update for September 6, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

‘SKY PILOT’ GROUNDED IN CALIFORNIA EVEN AS TEXAS ALLEGATIONS UNFOLD

In maybe the most reprehensible of the sex abuse charges coming out of the FCI Dublin scandal, former Bureau of Prisons chaplain James Highhouse was sentenced last week to 84 months in prison — more than double his laughably short 24-30 month Guidelines range – for sexually abusing a female inmate and lying to authorities.

skypilot220906The Assistant U.S. Attorney prosecuting the case said Highhouse engaged in predatory conduct with at least six women from 2014 to 2019. The government said he would tell women he abused at Dublin that everyone in the Bible had sex and that God wanted them to be together. An Army veteran, Highhouse pressured one inmate into sex on Veterans Day by telling her she needed to serve her country and on Thanksgiving by telling her she needed to show her gratitude for him, prosecutors said.

Highhouse warned his inmate victims not to report him, telling one of them “no one will believe you because you’re an inmate, and I’m a chaplain,” the AUSA said in a sentencing memorandum. “The staff members at FCI-Dublin solidified [the inmate’s] concerns about not being believed. One counselor was particularly vocal about inmates “snitching” on corrections officers, advising them to instead “tell Trump about it.” When [the inmate] inquired about the procedure for reporting sexual assault, a different corrections officer told her that she would be sent to the Segregated Housing Unit (SHU) if she did so. Although the purpose of doing so is for protection of the victims, the SHU is disciplinary housing, and as result, inmates lose privileges and are in essence –even if not in purpose – treated like they did something wrong.”

“Today’s sentencing sends a clear message to BOP employees that abusing their position of trust will result in serious consequences,” Dept of Justice Inspector General Michael Horowitz said last Wednesday.

Swetnoodle220906erious consequences? Really? Ohio State Law Professor Doug Berman observed in his Sentencing Law and Policy Blog yesterday that the Guidelines sentencing range Highhouse faced for raping female inmates (24-30 months) was risibly short, especially when compared to other Guidelines ranges for other federal offenses:

There are many disconcerting and notable aspects of this story, but I am still struck that a prison official/chaplain can sexually abuse a prisoner repeatedly and yet only face a guideline sentencing range of 24 to 30 months.  That range is, generally speaking, well below the guideline ranges typically facing lower-level drug offenders and lower-level fraudsters.

Meanwhile, a BOP spokesman said Director Collette Peters – who now has been on the job for a month –is “fully committed” to fixing Dublin’s problems and is working with new Warden Thahesha Jusino to make improvements.

DOJ and the BOP may soon get a chance to prove their commitment to rooting out abuse if a Texas congressman gets his way. Last Wednesday, Marc Veasey (D-TX) called for an investigation into FMC Carswell after the Ft Worth Star-Telegram reported allegations of systemic sexual abuse and cover-up at the women’s facility. “These claims must be investigated swiftly,” Veasey said in a tweet, “and as your member of Congress, I will do everything in my power to ensure there is justice for these victims and that institutional change will take place.”

sexualassault211014The week before, the Star-Telegram published the result of a months-long investigation into Carswell. A dozen women currently or previously incarcerated at the prison described sexual assaults and rapes by staff members, the paper reported, while a former staff member and union president said reports of misconduct are ignored or covered up.

Last Friday, the Star-Telegram decried the sexual assaults, noting that, “equally alarming, the facility showed a systemic history of covering misconduct up and creating an atmosphere of secrecy and retaliation, making it difficult for these women to report alleged abuse. All of this means that the problem is likely much larger than the reports of abuse indicate.”

Associated Press, Chaplain who sexually abused inmates gets 7 years in prison (August 31, 2022)

Dept of Justice, Federal Prison Chaplain Sentenced for Sexual Assault and Lying to Federal Agents (August 31, 2022)

US Attorney, Sentencing Memorandum (Case No 22-cr-000016, ND Cal, August 24, 2022)

Sentencing Law & Policy, Noticing surprisingly low federal guideline range for sexual abuse of prisoners (September 5, 2022)

Dublin Independent, New BOP Director Collette Peters Vows To Improve Conditions at Federal Correctional Institute Dublin (August 31, 2022)

Star-Telegram, Congressman ‘deeply disturbed’ by Star-Telegram report on Fort Worth prison rapes (August 31, 2022)

Star-Telegram, Report on Fort Worth’s women’s federal prison is devastating. Reform must happen now (September 2, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

Government Can’t Walk Away From Plea Deal, 4th Says – Update for September 2, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

‘WE DIDN’T AGREE THAT YOU COULD WIN’

The government prefers one-sided plea agreements, but – as a decision last month reminded us – sometimes the U.S. Attorney overreaches.

headsiwin220902(So why am I getting around to reporting this now, a month after the case was handed down? Vacation, county fair, August being August…)

Shelby Petties cut a deal in which the government agreed to drop two counts if he pled to having committed a crime of violence – kidnapping – while having failed to register as a sex offender. Shelby reserved the right to appeal on the ground that while he did the kidnapping, it is not categorically a crime of violence (COV).

Shelby appealed and won a ruling that kidnapping is not a COV. But when the case went back to the district court, the judge allowed the government to refile the dismissed charges against Shelby. The government’s view was that Shelby had agreed to plead guilty in order to appeal an issue that – if he won – the government could circumvent by undoing the agreement.

Shelby argued that the government’s view reduced the benefits he got from the plea agreement to zero. The 4th Circuit agreed.

“We give plea agreements greater scrutiny than we apply to ordinary commercial contracts,” the Circuit ruled, “because of the context: a defendant’s waiver of his constitutional right to trial, induced by the government’s commitments in the plea agreement.”

plea161116Here, Shelby gave up his right to go to trial on Count Two in exchange for the government’s promise to dismiss Counts One and Three and to “not further prosecute him for conduct constituting the basis” for the indictment. “The government entered into this agreement with full knowledge that Petties might appeal — and appeal successfully — his conviction on Count Two,” the Circuit held. “The possibility of a successful appeal was a contingency expressly contemplated by the parties and their agreement…”

United States v. Petties, Case No 21-4332, 2022 U.S.App.LEXIS 21158 (4th Cir., Aug 1, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

Back to School – Update for September 1, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

A LEGISLATIVE PRIMER

hateschool220902For those of you who sat in the back row in high school government class throwing spitballs, here’s what you missed about how our laws are made.  Every year or so, I find it necessary to cover the Congressional essentials. Now, with the Senate and House about to  return from their August vacations in another week or so, here are a few things to remember about the Congressional legislative process.

First, a “Congress” is a limited-time deal, a two-year conclave of lawmakers. The current Congress, called the “117th Congress,” will end on January 2, 2023. A new one, the 118th Congress will begin its two-year run begin the next day.

During the two-year Congress, thousands of bills and resolutions will be proposed. Few will get passed. The ones that don’t make it through the House and Senate and to the president’s desk for signing die when the 117th Congress ends.

Of the many criminal justice bills that have been introduced since January 2, 2022, only two have any real chance of passage. The EQUAL Act (S.79) – which reduces crack penalties to match cocaine powder penalties – has passed the House but awaits a Senate vote. The MORE Act (HR 3617) – which would decriminalize marijuana – has passed the House twice but is awaiting Senate action.

The mid-term election comes the first week of November. Every member of the House is up for re-election, as are one-third of the senators. And that’s a problem. A 2/3 majority the Senate supports crack cocaine reform, and an even greater majority supports decriminalization of marijuana. So passage ought to be easy, right?

demagogue220902The biggest obstacle to passing either of these bills right now is the upcoming election. A strong anti-crime sentiment has taken root in the country, and to avoid getting swept up in an anti-crime tide, the Wall Street Journal said last week, “Democrats will have to show they’re serious about the issue.” hardly anything about crack cocaine punishment and marijuana decriminalization have anything to do with the kinds of local violent crime they concern the public. Nevertheless, you can be sure that the Senate Majority Leader – who controls the agenda – will not force senators to take a stand on the bills prior to the midterm election. No legislator wants to do the right thing on the EQUAL Act, for example, only to have an opponent at home claim that the senator voted to let drug dealers out of prison early.

The problem with cannabis reform is different. While virtually no one objects to decriminalization, the real battle over marijuana relates to banking regulation and taxation. A group of senators led by Richard Durbin (D-IL) has proposed their own alternative bill, And that has taken the wind out of the sails for the MORE Act.

The bottom line is this: The financial stakes in decriminalizing and regulating marijuana across the nation are huge. Concerns about adjusting federal sentences for what is likely not to be more than 20,000 prisoners (less than .01% of the population) is not important enough to control the debate.

time161229There aren’t many legislation days left for the 117th Congress. While it is not clear that EQUAL or MORE will make it through the Senate, it is safe to predict that no other criminal justice legislation – such as First Step retroactivity, prohibiting punishment for acquitted conduct, or adjustments to the elderly home detention pilot program – will become law in this Congress. The prospect is that come January, we’ll be starting over.

Wall Street Journal, Don’t Count Out Crime as a 2022 Midterm Issue (August 18, 2022)

The American Prospect, Democrats in Danger of Missing the Marijuana Moment (August 25, 2022)

JDSupra, Cannabis and Social Justice Reform: Are We Doing Enough? (August 25, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

No Place Like Home – Update for August 31, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

CONNECTICUT DISTRICT COURT FINDS HOME CONFINEMENT IS A PROTECTED LIBERTY INTEREST

I reported May 9 on a habeas corpus action in Connecticut U.S. District Court that claimed that the petitioners had had their CARES Act home confinement revoked without due process. A few weeks ago (while I was out, but I don’t apologize for a vacation in August), the Court decided that the petitioner had a liberty interest in her home confinement and that her revocation had violated her due process rights.

home190109The Court ruled that before home confinement is revoked, a prisoner is entitled to the two-step process described by the Supreme Court in Morrissey v, Brewer, 408 US 471. That 1972 decision required a preliminary hearing to determine whether there is probable cause to justify the inmate’s detention before hearing made by a factfinder uninvolved in starting the revocation process. The inmate must be given notice of the hearing and the violation that is being alleged, and he or she should have the chance to cross-examine adverse witnesses and present evidence. Any adverse decision should explain the reasons for the revocation.

If probable cause is found for detention, the Court said, a full revocation hearing must still be conducted before the inmate’s home confinement is revoked. That hearing requires written notice of the violations, disclosure of evidence, a chance for the accused to be heard in person and to present witnesses and evidence, the right to cross-examine adverse witnesses, and a written opinion issued by a “neutral and detached” hearing body. The burden of proof by a preponderance lies with the government.

Coincidentally, Davina Chen, National Sentencing Resource Counsel for the Federal Public Defenders, sent a memo just a few days before the Tompkins decision, noting a July 22 USA Today article on CARES Act revocations. She warned:

I am beginning to hear an uptick of reports of people being remanded for suspect reasons or no reason at all… What we have experienced so far is that early attorney involvement is crucial and can, in some cases, prevent clients from being returned to prison – some of them for decades… [W]e believe that our clients have a Fifth Amendment right to a hearing before a neutral and detached decisionmaker, an opportunity to be heard both on whether they have violated the conditions of their home confinement and why return to prison is not warranted, and in some instances counsel. Maybe you won’t get that ¬– but maybe you can also convince BOP not to tear your client away from the community!

Tompkins v. Pullen, Case No 3:22-CV-00339, 2022 US Dist LEXIS 141271 (D.Conn, August 9, 2022)

USA Today, They were released from prison because of COVID-19. Their freedom didn’t last long. (July 22, 2022)

Federal Defenders Organization memorandum, CARES Act Home Confinement Revocations (August 3, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

Scrutiny is ‘Difficult’… But Aplenty – Update for August 30, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

BOP DIRECTOR DOESN’T LACK FOR MATERIAL

criticize220830In her first video message to Bureau of Prisons staff, reported on last week in Government Executive, new Bureau of Prisons Director Colette Peters acknowledged the bumpy ride the BOP has experienced over the past few years: “We have had a great deal of scrutiny from auditing and oversight entities both internal to and external of our agency. While these findings are difficult to hear, we must work diligently to address these deficiencies in order to improve our environment for everyone who works and lives at the bureau.”

Last week suggests that Peters has no shortage of current ‘scrutiny’ to work with.

CARES Act Management: On Monday, NPR reported that only 17 of the 442 inmates returned to prison from CARES Act home confinement had committed new crimes. The number of new offenders represented less than two-tenths of a percent of the 11,000 sent home. Most of the 17 offenses were drug-related.

NPR criticized the BOP for a lack of due process and being too quick to revoke CARES Act status for insignificant infractions. With suits against the BOP over CARES Act revocation proliferating, NPR said, the agency is “considering a new federal rule to make the process more clear.”

The Hot Mess at Carswell: On Friday, the Ft. Worth Star-Telegram dropped another ticking bomb on the Director’s desk. The paper’s investigation found that FMC Carswell – the only federal medical facility for women inmates in the country – “has been plagued with systemic sexual abuse for years. The Star-Telegram spoke to 12 former and current inmates at the facility, as well as prison staff and experts familiar with the investigative process at the Bureau of Prisons, which has oversight of federal prisons. Hundreds of pages of incident reports, federal records and court documents reveal a pattern of sexual misconduct and cover-ups.”

sexualassault211014What’s more, the paper reported, Carswell inmates “say they are not always able to report sexual assaults due to fear of retaliation. Even when staff members report sexual assaults, Carswell upper management has at times failed to investigate misconduct, the union president at the prison said.” One Carswell staff member described the facility as “the perfect place for sexual misconduct.”

Finally, the newspaper reported, the BOP failed to provide victims with any mental health care to deal with trauma from the assaults. The BOP denied the claims, asserting that “every inmate and pretrial detainee in a BOP facility has daily and regular access to Health Services and Psychology Services staff.”

Lying Warden, Freezing Inmates: Meanwhile, the New York Post reported a week ago that the warden of a federal prison in California – identified by the paper as FCI Terminal Island – failed to fix a broken camera system in the lockup and kept prisoners in the cold after a heating malfunction during an unusually cold winter.”

The unidentified warden “risked the safety and security of inmates and staff” with the 2019 heating and surveillance failures at the prison near Los Angeles, according to a heavily redacted Dept of Justice Inspector General report of the probe obtained by the paper through a Freedom of Information Act request.

liar151213Investigators also found that the warden “lacked candor” in sworn interviews with agents. The DOJ’s Public Integrity Section declined to prosecute after the investigation, according to the documents.

Making Fun of Women and Blacks: A California TV station reported last week that a BOP whistleblower told the BOP Internal Affairs division earlier this month that the author of a “racist and misogynistic Instagram page” entitled “Good Verbal,” works at FCC Victorville, based on the private jokes and inside knowledge of the posts.

The page, that mocks women prisoners getting sexually assaulted at FCI Dublin, female officers sleeping their way to the top and black prisoners getting thrown into the SHU, among other posts,” included details suggesting the author was assigned to work at Victorville.

The whigoodverbal220830stleblower asked that IA investigators identify the author, discipline that person, and shut down the page. “I refuse to work in a dangerous environment and be subjected to this type of treatment by alleged fellow staff members,” the letter to Internal Affairs read. “I am one of many people that are the targets of these nasty and highly offensive posts. It should also be noted that other institutions in various regions across the county are affected by this disgusting page. This page has the potential to turn into a national law enforcement issue.”

As of August 30, “Good Verbal” remained posted on Instagram and appeared to be unrepentant, saying: “Our humor is not for everyone. This is how we deal with the horrible things we must see to earn money. We are the modern day sin eaters. We try to manage those that are unfit for society.”

Who’s the Rat?  Finally, at a detention hearing last week for one of the three defendants charged with the murder four years ago of James “Whitey” Bulger, the government revealed that inmates at USP Hazelton knew in advance that Bulger was arriving on October 29, 2018. He died 12 hours later.

snitch160802NBC News called Bulger’s death “a stunning security failure for the federal prison system. The previously undisclosed revelation that USP Hazelton inmates were tipped off to Bulger’s arrival raises additional questions about the federal Bureau of Prisons’ handling of his transfer to one of the country’s most violent prisons.”

“It’s just absurd that this happened,” a former BOP gang investigator told NBC.

A Bit of Support from a Critic: One piece of criticism the new Director received within about a day of her swearing-in four weeks ago was her decision to keep outgoing BOP Director Michael Carvajal on for a month as an advisor.  Last week, Shane Fausey – national president of the National Council of Prison Locals union and a strident critic of BOP management – defended keeping Carvajal on. With an agency the size of the BOP, “you don’t just turn off the lights and say have a nice day. It requires a transitional period to understand, and I hate to use the word, ‘bureaucracy’ of the federal government,” Fausey said.  “Whatever your personal feelings are with Director Carvajal, I think it’s essential for the success of Director Peters that he stay on board to kind of guide her at the beginning of her tenure.”

Government Executive, A New Director Is Bringing Hope to the Federal Prisons Agency (August 22, 2022)

NPR, Released during COVID, some people are sent back to prison with little or no warning (August 22, 2022)

Ft Worth Star-Telegram, They were sexually assaulted in prison. An overwhelmed mental health system failed to help (August 26, 2022)

Ft. Worth Star-Telegram, ‘I’m nobody to them.’ Survivors report sexual abuse by staff at Fort Worth Carswell prison (August 26, 2022)

New York Post, Warden failed to fix camera system, heat at California federal lockup: watchdog (August 22, 2022)

KTVU-TV, Whistleblower outs racist, misogynistic Instagram page at California federal prison (August 24, 2022)

NBC, Twist in Whitey Bulger murder case: Inmates at West Virginia prison knew in advance he was coming (August 23, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

Money for Nuthin’ – Update for August 29, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

YO MOMMA

Ruel Hamilton, a Dallas real estate developer, liked politicians. He liked them so much that he gave money to members of the Dallas City Council just because he could.

money160118In 2017, Ruel wanted to get a paid-sick-leave ordinance on the ballot in the upcoming election. He thought the policy made good sense: in fact, he already had a more generous policy in place for his own employees. Plus, he thought having the ordinance on the ballot would increase voter turnout, another good thing (and one which would help secure the reelection of City Council members Ruel liked).

Ruel called City Councilman Dwaine Caraway to discuss getting the measure on the ballot. His call came at a bad time: Dwaine was in the middle of negotiating a plea deal with the US Attorney over some other bribery allegations when the call came in. The government – always happy to ensnare another defendant when possible – encouraged Dwaine to meet with Ruel (and to let the FBI secretly record the confab).

At the meeting, Dwaine and Ruel talked about how Dwaine’s mother needed a $6,200 healthcare bill paid that very day and how busy, tired and broke Dwaine was. They then discussed the paid-sick-leave initiative, how that vote might come out if it was put on the agenda by the Mayor, and how Ruel hoped Dwaine would run for reelection.

money170419Ruel kept reminding Dwaine that he was there to help in any way he could. Dwaine finally said, “You can answer that bill that I just threw out there… for about [$6,200] today and that will help me… do what I need to do.” Ruel happily obliged: “Can I just write a check to Dwaine Caraway?” he asked. Dwaine clarified that the money was not a loan and was not related to his campaign. He said he had to “go pay for my mama.”

Ruel gave him a check for $7,000 but neither asked for nor was promised that Dwaine would do anything in return. It was indeed “money for nuthin’.” Nevertheless, Ruel soon found himself on the wrong end of an indictment for bribery in violation of 18 USC § 666.

In giving the jury instructions for the federal-programs-bribery counts, the district court told the jury that neither a quid-pro-quo exchange nor any “official act” by the council members was required to convict Ruel for bribery. Essentially, the district court said, whether Ruel bribed Dwaine or just paid an illegal gratuity to him didn’t matter.  Both violated 18 USC § 666, the district judge said.

piublicdefender220829But Ruel wasn’t just some down-on-his-luck dopehead represented by an underpaid court-appointed attorney. Rather, he hired Paul Clement (a former US Solicitor General), high-powered defense attorney Abbe David Lowell, and the combined power of three top-tier Washington law firms. Not only was Ruel’s legal team successful in keeping him out of prison pending appeal (no mean feat), but it buried the US Attorney in an avalanche of appellate issues.

Ruel’s legal fees probably would have choked a horse, but like my dad always said, ‘no one ever regrets buying the best there is.’ Ruel’s  team clobbered the two AUSAs prosecuting the case.
quid220829Last week, the 5th Circuit vacated Ruel’s conviction. Holding that “bribery requires a quid pro quo – a specific intent to give or receive something of value in exchange for an official act – [while an] illegal gratuity does not,” the 5th rejected precedent from five other circuits, ruling that 18 USC § 666 does not cover illegal gratuities, only bribery. Because of this, the government must show that the defendant had a specific intent to give something of value in exchange for an official act. The jury was never instructed that a quid pro quo was an essential element of the offense, making Ruel’s conviction defective.

Section 666 criminalizes only a quid pro quo, not mere gratuities,” the Circuit held. “The district court’s instruction allowed the jury to convict based on mere gratuities. For these reasons, we vacate Hamilton’s convictions….’

United States v. Hamilton, Case No 21-11157, 2022 US App. LEXIS 23648 (5th Cir. Aug 23, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

Transgender Rights Come to Prison – Update for August 25, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

We have been out for the past 10 days for some needed medical work.  Glad to be back.

TRANSGENDER INMATES PROTECTED BY ADA, 4TH RULES

In a case with significant implications for the Bureau of Prisons, the 4th Circuit last week held that gender dysphoria is covered by the Americans With Disabilities Act.

trans220106Kesha Williams, a man who identifies as a woman, sued the Fairfax County, Virginia, sheriff for being housed with men during a 6-month jail sentence. The sheriff argued that the ADA – which excludes “gender identity disorders” from conditions covered by the Act – does not extend to gender dysphoria (a condition that had not been identified when the Act was passed in 1990).

The Circuit disagreed. Relying on the American Psychiatric Association’s Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, 5th ed. (DSM-5), the 4th said that

the definition of gender dysphoria differs dramatically from that of the now-rejected diagnosis of “gender identity disorder.” Rather than focusing exclusively on a person’s gender identity, the DSM-5 defines “gender dysphoria” as the “clinically significant distress” felt by some of those who experience “an incongruence between their gender identity and their assigned sex.” And the DSM-5 explains that the discomfort or distress caused by gender dysphoria may result in intense anxiety, depression, suicidal ideation, and even suicide. In short, “being trans alone cannot sustain a diagnosis of gender dysphoria under the DSM-5 as it could for a diagnosis of gender identity disorder under earlier versions of the DSM.” For if a transgender person does not experience “clinically significant distress,” she could not be diagnosed as having gender dysphoria under the DSM-5.

A 2013 update of the DSM that became the 5th edition removed the diagnosis of gender identity disorder, replacing it with gender dysphoria. “Reflecting this shift in medical understanding, we and other courts have thus explained that a diagnosis of gender dysphoria, unlike that of ‘gender identity disorder,’ concerns itself primarily with distress and other disabling symptoms, rather than simply being transgender,” the 4th said.

The Circuit ruled that even if gender dysphoria and gender identity were not categorically distinct, the prisoner would still be protected under the ADA because her gender dysphoria has a “known physical basis.” When prison officials failed to provide hormone therapy to the prisoner, she experienced emotional, psychological, and physical distress. “Williams does not merely allege that gender dysphoria may require physical treatment such as hormone therapy,” the 4th wrote. “She maintains that her gender dysphoria requires it.”

The Circuit said that excluding gender dysphoria from the ADA “would discriminate against transgender people as a class, implicating the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment.”

The 4th further noted that in 2008, Congress’s amendment to the ADA instructed courts to apply the statute broadly, intending to make it easier for people with disabilities to access protection under the ADA and stating that the definition of disability should be construed in favor of people calling for coverage “to the maximum extent permitted by the ADA’s terms.

The sheriff’s policy classified prisoners’ gender according to their genitalia. That policy, the Court found, violated the Prison Rape Elimination Act (PREA). “A policy that houses transgender inmates based solely on their genitalia puts transgender inmates at further risk of harm,” the 4th ruled.

The BOP estimates that about 1,200 inmates identify as transgender.

Even before this decision, some of the BOP’s 10,800 female inmates have been vociferous in their opposition to having transgender females – most of whom retain male genitalia – from being housed with them. The news last month that a transgender woman inmate housed by New Jersey in a female prison had impregnated two female inmates has raised concerns about transgender inmate housing. None of those concerns will be allayed by the 4th Circuit’s holding.

Williams v. Kincaid, Case No 21-2030, 2022 US App LEXIS 22728 (4th Cir, Aug 16, 2022)

Washington Post, 4th Circuit first to rule gender dysphoria a protected disability (August 17, 2022)

Tucson Sentinel, Appeals Court Ruling on Transgender Rights: What It Means (August 22, 2022)

NBC News, N.J. trans prisoner who impregnated 2 inmates transferred to men’s facility (July 19, 2022)
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– Thomas L. Root

Biden’s “Safer America Plan” Backs EQUAL Act – Update for August 12, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

SAFER AMERICA PLAN  BACKS EQUAL ACT, BUT IS IT ENOUGH?

President Biden rolled out a “Safer America Plan” last week, a proposal to address public concern about crime rates that is probably intended to blunt the issue before November’s midterm elections.

The Plan represents the President’s hopes and not a firm legislative proposal. But amid the $35 billion proposal to support law enforcement, gun control, and crime prevention, the Plan “calls on Congress to end once and for all the racially discriminatory sentencing disparity between crack cocaine and powder cocaine offenses — as President Biden first advocated in 2007 — and make that change fully retroactive.”

This, of course, is the EQUAL Act (S.79).

EQUAL would provide immediate sentencing relief to an estimated 10,000 inmates – more than 90% of whom are black – currently serving time in federal prison pursuant to the crack/powder disparity, according to the White House.

President Biden’s backing of the EQUAL Act is not surprising, but in the wake of a big Democrat win in Congress last week on the Inflation Reduction Act, the Senate may have the energy to tackle EQUAL. It will have to be after the August recess, and that brings it within 60 days of the November election. It still looks likely nothing will happen on EQUAL until after the November 8th midterm election.

In an August 1st letter to Congress, the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops pressed for passage of EQUAL. “We cannot ignore the racial impact of current federal cocaine sentences when Blacks are more than three times as likely to be convicted for crack cocaine trafficking as for powder cocaine trafficking,”  Bishops Paul S. Coakley and Shelton J. Fabre wrote.

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An amendment to add the EQUAL Act to the National Defense Authorization Act (H.R. 4350) passed the House of Representatives on July 19 with bipartisan support.  But the likelihood that the provision will survive Senate passage of the NDAA is low:  Unrelated amendments are routinely attached to NDAAs but are often negotiated out in the process of reconciling House and Senate versions of the bill.

The Catholic News Agency report on the bishops’ letter suggests that despite broad support, EQUAL’s future may be bleak:

The EQUAL Act has an uncertain future in the Senate. Since it has 11 Republican co-sponsors, it could pass as a stand-alone bill. However, the ranking Republican member of the Judiciary Committee, Sen. Charles Grassley, has his own bill to address disparities in drug sentencing. His legislation would reduce but not eliminate the disparity. 

White House, Safer America Plan (August 1, 2022)

Catholic News Agency, Bishops urge passage of bill that would give same sentences to crack and powder cocaine offenders (August 11, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

Peters Off to a Rocky Start at BOP – Update for August 11, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

IT ONLY TOOK TWO DAYS FOR THE NEW DIRECTOR TO STEP IN IT…

stepinit220811Reason reported last week, “We last saw outgoing BOP Director Michael Carvajal running down a stairwell on July 26. He was trying to get away from some Associated Press reporters who revealed systemic dysfunction and corruption within the federal prison system—an apt ending for his tenure.”

But it seems that rather than being gone but not forgotten, Mr. Carvajal may be forgotten but not gone.

The AP reported last week that the BOP “is keeping its former director on the payroll as an adviser to his successor, rewarding him with an influential new role after concerns about his leadership — including from staff, inmates, Congress and the Biden administration — hastened his exit from the top job.”

Carvajal will stay on through the end of the month as a senior adviser to new director Peters, BOP spokeswoman Kristie Breshears told AP. “Critics say that retaining Carvajal, even for a few weeks, could slow that progress,” Corrections1 said. “Some people involved in the federal prison system say Carvajal lacks credibility and that the decision to let him stay on sends mixed signals about the direction of the agency at a pivotal time.”

Unbelievable220811“That is unbelievable. Why would we keep an individual that has left this agency in ruins, and who refuses to take ownership of failures of his administration, from staffing to COVID?” said Jose Rojas, a leader in the federal correctional officers’ union. “What a sad state of affairs.”

The announcement did not please Sen. Richard Durbin (D-IL). The chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee said last Friday he plans to hold yet another oversight hearing on the BOP after The Associated Press reported that the agency is keeping Carvajal on the payroll as an adviser to Peters.

Durbin, who demanded Carvajal be fired last November amid myriad failings, told the AP in a statement he was dismayed by continuing misconduct within the agency and by its unwillingness to completely cut ties with the former director.

Reason, Biden’s New Bureau of Prisons Director Won’t be Able To Run Away From the Agency’s Corruption (August 1, 2022)

Corrections1, US keeping ex-prison chief as top adviser after rocky tenure (August 5, 2022)

Associated Press, Senate to hold hearing on crisis-plagued federal prisons (August 5, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root