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Chronic Use of “Chronic” Results in Early Supervised Release Termination – Update for July 12, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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JUDGE WEINSTEIN TERMINATES SUPERVISED RELEASE EARLY FOR POT-SMOKING DEFENDANT

weinstein160516We have always considered 96-year old Judge Jack Weinstein to be one of the shining stars of the federal judiciary, and he again has not disappointed us. Noting that marijuana has become increasingly accepted by society and at the same time expressing skepticism at the whole idea of supervised release, Judge Weinstein last week ended a supervised release revocation hearing by finding that while the defendant continued to use marijuana while on supervision, the Judge not only would not revoke his supervised release, but actually terminate supervision early, thus freeing the defendant from supervised release altogether. At the same time, Judge Weinstein pledged he would no longer revoke SR simply because defendants smoked weed.

“Many men and women who have terms of incarceration imposed by this court are seeking to live productive, law-abiding lives, but are derailed by their marijuana addiction. Like many federal trial judges, I have been terminating supervision for ‘violations’ by individuals with long-term marijuana habits who are otherwise rehabilitated,” Judge Weinstein wrote. “No useful purpose is served through the continuation of supervised release for many defendants whose only illegal conduct is following the now largely socially acceptable habit of marijuana use.”

Judge Weinstein pointed out that the trend nationally is in favor of marijuana legalization, that blacks are eight times as likely to be arrested for pot as are whites, and that supervised release law is Draconian in its requirement that all pot must use lead to revocation.

supervisedrelease180713For those who came in late, every felony defendant convicted in the federal system must be sentenced to a term of supervised release after release from incarceration. SR, during which the defendant is under the thumb of the U.S. Probation Office, restricts travel, association, employment, and a wide variety of other freedoms, all in the name of helping the inmate to become a productive member of society.  Not only (and what follows is our opinion, like you could not tell) is supervised release as useless as a trampoline to a grasshopper, but it is counterproductive: a third of all people on supervised release face revocation at least once during their term, seldom for criminal conduct but often for technical violations of the amorphous and vague SR conditions imposed by the courts and administered by probation officers.

In the case in front of Judge Weinstein, Tyran Trotter had served two years of his 3-year SR term, after release from prison on a heroin distribution beef. Tyran had stayed out of trouble for two years, except for chronic pot use. “Many people from all walks of life now use marijuana without fear of adverse legal consequences,” Judge Weinstein wrote. But the criminal-justice system, he went on, “can trap some defendants, particularly substances abusers, in a cycle where they oscillate between supervised release and prison.”

marijuana160818Judge Weinstein’s 42-page opinion was as much an indictment of supervised release as it was federal drug law. He cited a Sentencing Commission study showing that 85% of judges believe designating drug use as a violation of supervised release “is not desirable,” According to the study, 74 percent of the judges said the same about people who failed three drug tests in a year. What’s more, the judge noted, while supervised release is required by statute in less than half of all federal cases, it is reflexively imposed in 95% of all sentences. “The criminal justice ecosystem largely ignores supervised release,” the judge wrote. “Off the record conversations with a number of federal defenders (from both the Eastern and Southern Districts of New York) revealed that the perceived mandatory nature of supervised release is so entrenched that they do not even bother to fight its imposition, or even the length of a term.”

The average length of a supervised release terms has increased from 42 months 20 years ago to 47 months today. “The combination of supervised release being imposed in nearly every case with increasingly long terms has greatly expanded the total supervised population.” As a result, the number of people on SR has increased three-fold in two decades, from 39,000 people in 1995 to nearly 115,000 in 2015.

potscooby180713Studies, the Judge said, show that the “current reflexive use of longer than needed supervised release periods may increase the likelihood of recidivism… While it is not clear exactly why this occurs, possible reasons include the fact that supervising low-risk people and placing them in programs can disrupt their pro-social networks, as well as the fact the increased supervision and the associate conditions increase the likelihood of violations… Extended periods of community supervision can have negative consequences for offenders and the public. One common result is that more offenders are sent to prison for violating the terms of their supervision (known as technical violations) than for new crimes. More than two-thirds of all federal offenders who are revoked from supervised release each year committed technical violations but were not convicted of new crimes.”

This has created the “threat of never-ending supervision,” the Judge said. But not for Tyran. Judge Weinstein set him free from his SR term.

Memorandum Opinion and Order, United States v. Trotter, Case No. 15-cr-382 (E.D.N.Y., July 5, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

Skepticism About Trump’s Clemency Plans – Update for July 11, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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PARDON US FOR BEING CYNICS ABOUT PARDONS

imageOn Tuesday, in between nominating a new Supreme Court justice and beating feet for Europe to browbeat our NATO allies, President Trump delivered another drive-by pardon, this time absolving notorious right-wing terrorists/innocent rancher-patriots (we’ll let you pick the descriptor that most closely matches your political persuasions) Dwight and Steven Hammond. The Hammonds were doing a mandatory five years for arson on federal land, because vegetation-control fires the set on their own land spread to a wildlife preserve.

We only care about such pardons for what they may tell us about Trump’s clemency policy. Last Wednesday, while everyone was enjoying their July 4th picnics and fireworks, Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman (who writes the authoritative Sentencing Law and Policy blog), reflected on that policy, and expressed the thought that many in criminal justice reform have been quietly fretting over: was President Trump’s love affair with his pardon power a one-night stand?

pardon160321Berman wrote, “It is now been nearly a month since Prez Donald Trump commuted the life sentence of Alice Johnson at the behest of Kim Kardashian West. Immediately thereafter, there were reports of “a growing list of potential pardons or commutations under consideration by President Donald Trump” and Prez Trump himself said: “We have 3,000 names.  We’re looking at them.  Of the 3,000 names, many of those names have been treated unfairly.”  A week later it was reported Prez Trump will be “pardoning a lot of people — pardons that even Obama wouldn’t do” and reported that Mrs. West had “assembled a large legal team and was pursuing clemency for several other nonviolent offenders.” 

Berman admitted that he has been “more than a bit worried that all the buzz about all sorts of clemency action may be a lot of talk that may not be followed by a lot of action.”

It is not for lack of candidates. The Intercept last week reported that “an estimated 3,278 people are serving life without parole for a nonviolent offense… Although the Obama administration freed record numbers of nonviolent drug offenders, experts have pointed out that the pardon process was arbitrary and opaque.”

It is little wonder. The Dept. of Justice, which after all exists to lock people up, has an Office of Pardon Attorney that was too understaffed and inefficient to manage all of the clemency applications submitted during the waning days of the Obama era. “As we saw in previous administrations, the clemency process is entrenched in unnecessary bureaucracy,” Jessica Sloan, national director of the bipartisan criminal justice reform group #cut50, told The Intercept.

clemencyjack161229Critics, including Margaret Colgate Love, who was DOJ Pardon Attorney under Bush I and Clinton, argue the pardon process should be taken away from DOJ. “Rather than seeing presidential pardons as a way to recognize the redemptive power of the justice system, federal prosecutors have often regarded pardons with suspicion — as antithetical and even threatening to what they do,” Love wrote in The Washington Post. “This shortsighted and parochial attitude has ill-served three successive presidents and resulted in an administrative system that is inefficient, arbitrary and unfair.”

Berman, however, is a cautious optimist. He concluded his July 4th post with the observation, “I am not yet going to get cynical about Prez Trump’s clemency chatter because I am eager to hold out hope that he might have a desire to best Prez Obama’s record-setting clemency numbers. But, as regular readers know, I am ever eager to criticize leaders who “talk the talk” but then fail to ‘walk the walk’.”

Sentencing Law and Policy, Hey Prez Trump, how about honoring Independence Day by using your clemency power to give some more Americans more liberty? (July 4, 2018)

The Intercept, Can Trump Succeed Where Obama Failed — Offering Clemency for Nonviolent Offenders? (July 2, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Women Behind (Federal) Bars – Update for July 10, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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SENTENCING COMMISSION DISCOVERS WOMEN ARE LOCKED UP, TOO


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The Sentencing Commission issued one of its regular “Quick Facts” reports last week on women in federal custody. The “quick facts” series, started five years ago as a way to give the USSC’s short-attention-span readers (which includes most of Congress) “basic facts about a single area of federal crime in an easy-to-read, two-page format,” are issued several times a year. This is the first report focusing on women in federal custody.

The report notes that for the period Oct. 2016 through Sept. 2017:

• Women made up 13.1% of federal prisoners, a slight decrease from 2013, when they were 13.3% of offenders;

• 68.0% of female federal prisoners were Criminal History Category I when sentenced;

• women used weapons less frequently (6.1% of cases) than do men (10.1%);

• 76.9% of convicted women were sentenced to imprisonment, less than the 93.8% rate for men

•  women offenders were sentenced within the guideline range 36.6% of the time, compared to 49.8% of the time for men; and

•   the average sentence for women was 28 months in 2017, compared to 27 months in 2013.

U.S. Sentencing Commission, Women in the Federal Offender Population (July 3, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Congress is Back to Work, with Criminal Justice Reform Still Pending – Update for July 9, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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CONGRESS RETURNS TO TOWN WITH CRIMINAL JUSTICE REFORM STILL ON ITS PLATE

The House and Senate were not in session last week, as legislators celebrated the July 4th holiday however they do it. The Senate returns today, and the House tomorrow, with the criminal justice debate still hot, and an announcement about a new Supreme Court justice looming.

grassley180604A recap: The House has passed the FIRST STEP Act, which proposes a number of prison reforms, including a full 54 days a year of good time, better compassionate release and elderly prisoner release policies, and credits for programming that can be used to earn more halfway house and home confinement. The bill is stalled in the Senate, because the senior Republican and Democrat on the Judiciary Committee – Charles Grassley (R-Iowa) and Dick Durbin (D-Illinois) – do not want the FIRST STEP’s prison reform without sentencing reform bundled along with it.

The sentencing reform proposals are contained in the Sentencing Reform and Corrections Act of 2017. SRCA proposes to make the Fair Sentencing Act retroactive for crack defendants sentenced before the 2010 FSA, to unstack 18 USC 924(c) sentences, and to reduce a substantial number of the mandatory minimums in 21 USC 841(b), which are generally known as “851 enhancements.” As of the end of June, Grassley and Durbin were pressing President Trump to support SRCA as well as FIRST STEP, and we were observing that as of 9 pm this evening (when Trump names his Supreme Court nominee), he is going to need a lot of help from Grassley to get the nominee through the Judiciary Committee.

Trump is needed, because all indications are that Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell does not intend to bring FIRST STEP or SRCA to a Senate vote without White House approval. If the bills are not voted on by the end of the year, they will die, and the whole process will have to start over next January.

sessions180215Of course, Attorney General Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III is dead set against any reduction of mandatory minimums or extension of the FSA, and his conflict with Jared Kushner, Trump’s son-in-law and advisor, over reform has not helped McConnell find his backbone. In a thoughtful opinion piece in The Washington Post last Thursday, Michael Gerson noted the success Texas have had with modifying harsh mandatory minimums, and suggested that the evidence means

that the criminal-justice views of the attorney general are far to the right of the Texas state legislature, which puts him in small and disturbing company. It means that Sessions’ opposition to sentencing reform is rooted in vindictiveness and ideology rather than a conservative respect for facts and outcomes. And it means that Sessions has learned nothing from federalism, which he seems to respect only when it fits his preconceptions.

Gerson argued that prison reform should succeed because of “trans-partisanship,” which is defined as “agreement on policy goals driven by divergent, deeply held ideological beliefs.” Liberals see racism and unfairness in the criminal justice system. Fiscal conservatives see wasted resources. Religious activists see damaged lives. Gerson wrote, “All these convictions converge at one point: We should treat offenders as humans, with different stories and different needs, instead of casting them all into the same pit of despair.”

trainwreck180305Also speaking practically, the magazine American Conservative last Friday noted that mandatory minimums and other policies that make America the incarceration capital of the world, a product of the lock-’em-up mentality, have “tarnished the image of Republicans and conservatives in the minds of many. Though Republicans have greatly increased their political power in recent elections, they have nevertheless alienated many of the fastest growing segments of the electorate, casting a pall across the impressive electoral successes of the past decade.”

In a lengthy article, the authors called for the “extension of conservative principles to criminal justice policies.” They observed that “right-leaning organizations, armed with polling data that show significant backing from many conservatives, are mobilizing on criminal justice issues. It’s time to leverage these efforts to rebuild the conservative identity. Perhaps no other policy area holds more potential than criminal justice reform.”

Washington Post, No more pits of despair. Offenders are still humans (July 4, 2018)

The American Conservative, Where the Right Went Wrong on Criminal Justice (July 6, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Won’t Get Fooled Again by USSC Proposed Priorities – Update for July 5, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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IT’S DÉJÀ VU ALL OVER AGAIN AT SENTENCING COMMISSION

fool180705Federal inmates who felt like the U.S. Sentencing Commission left them at the altar last April when the much-ballyhooed First Offender proposal disappeared from the amendments list without so much as a squeak ought to be forgiven for thinking the Commission should have released its set of proposed priorities for 2018-19 amendment cycle last week to the tune of the Who’s “Won’t Get Fooled Again.”

The Commission begins each amendment year by proposing priorities, which the public may comment on prior to adoption, either arguing against the proposals or even suggesting other priorities the commentators believe the Commission overlooked. Last year, the nonprofit prison group Prisology carried public participation in the USSC priorities inquiry to a new level, causing a flood of over 80,000 comments proposing that the USSC adopt a newer, kinder sentencing table.

In an action (or perhaps inaction) that spoke volumes about the contempt the Commission has for the agency rule making process, the Commission not only failed to adopt Prisology’s modest proposal  that revisiting the 30-year old sentencing table, it did so without so much as a single comment about having received 90,000 public comments on a single topic. To be sure, the Sentencing Commission, being a judicial-branch agency and not an executive-branch agency, need not comply with the Administrative Procedure Act, but a layperson (and even a lawyer) could be forgiven for asking what the point is of seeking public participation only to ignore it so completely as not even to acknowledge in a footnote that it ever happened?

futility180705One of last year’s priorities that did get adopted related to a proposed reduction in sentence levels to recognize that there are Criminal History I defendants and then there are Criminal History I defendants. Some Crim I people have a misdemeanor history that garners them one point, still little enough to fall in Crim I (the best criminal history category to land in). Other Crim I people may have done hard time, but did it so long ago that their incarceration ended more than 15 years ago. A few Crim I people have a virginal criminal history, never so much as a speeding ticket.

The USSC proposed to reward the virgins with not just the Criminal History I category, but an extra point or two off their Guidelines offense level score. The suggestion, called the First Offender proposal, made the priorities cut, then even the proposed proposed-amendments cut, only to disappear without a trace when the amendments to the 2018 Guidelines were adopted three months ago.

Unsurprisingly, the new priorities make no reference to the late First Offender proposal, either. It has become the Sentencing Commission version of George Orwell’s “unperson”: not only dead, but abolished, with any identifiable reference to it scrubbed from the record.

Nevertheless, if you are among the dozen or so people in America who think that public comment on the USSC’s priorities exercise  will amount to anything more than flatulence in a hurricane, here are the more interesting proposed priorities:

The Commission proposes considering how to reduce costs of incarceration and overcapacity of prisons by

• looking at the structure of the guidelines post-Booker to promote proportionality and reducing sentencing disparities, and to account appropriately for the defendant’s role, culpability, and relevant conduct;

• continuing to work with Congress to implement its recommendations to revise the career offender directive to focus on offenders who have committed at least one “crime of violence” and mandatory minimum penalties (including mandatory stacking of 18 USC 924(c) penalties; and

• considering possible amendments to the commentary of 1B1.10 (Reduction in Term of Imprisonment as a Result of Amended Guideline Range (Policy Statement)) in light of Koons v. United States, study of the operation of 5H1.6 (Family Ties and Responsibilities (Policy Statement)) with respect to the loss of caretaking or financial support of minors; and study of whether 1B1.13 (compassionate release guideline) effectively encourages the BOP Director to file a motion for compassionate release when “extraordinary and compelling reasons” exist.

Public comments are due by August 10, 2018. After that, the Commission will meet August 23 to select its priorities for the coming cycle. Don’t bet on the final list deviating from the proposed list by as much as a jot or a tittle.

But if you want to comment, knock yourselves out.

U.S. Sentencing Commission, Proposed Priorities for Amendment Cycle (June 28, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root
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Well, Then, Would You Believe…? – Update for July 3, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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IF AT FIRST YOU DON’T SUCCEED…

At their first sentencing, the Vera brothers watched as the Government established the drug amounts implicated in their case for sentencing purposes through an FBI agent who “interpreted” the contents of wiretapped phone conversations to conjure up a drug weight. Drug weight, of course, drives the base offense levels of the Sentencing Guidelines – a kilo of meth will buy you a much higher sentencing range that a blunt of Mary Jane in your back pocket.

code180703The district court accepted the agent’s white-bread explanations of the purported code being used in the phone conversations, and hammered Armando with 360 months and his brother with 262.

After the 9th Circuit threw that out, the brothers were resentenced. This time, the Government – fearful of the FBI “translator” gambit – relied instead on the contents of co-conspirators’ plea agreements to establish drug quantities attributable to the Vera brothers.

Anyone who has been in a federal courthouse for any purpose other than to use the restrooms knows that the government dictates the contents of a plea agreement, and as long as the language in implicating someone else, a defendant will happily sign on. Paragraph 5 says a co-defendant kidnapped the Lindbergh baby? Why not? Despite the fact that using a plea agreement with Defendant A as sentencing evidence for Defendant B is like the government quoting itself, the district court found the approach “more credible” than the PSR and Armando’s sentencing memorandum, because it was the “least dependent on interpretation of the recordings” as well as the government’s “single most significant data source.”

lindbergh180703Last week, the 9th Circuit reversed the Vera brothers’ second sentencing, too. The panel held that the district court relied too heavily upon co-conspirator plea agreements to determine drug quantities, mistaking holding that the plea agreement statements were reliable statements against interest under F.R.Ev. 804(b)(3). The panel said “a defendant signing a plea agreement may adopt facts that the government wants to hear in exchange for some benefit, usually a lesser sentence. In pointing their fingers at the Vera brothers, the co-conspirators were acknowledging neither their own guilt nor conduct that would necessarily enhance their own sentences. Rather, these statements merely helped the government’s prosecution of the Veras.” Due to a co-defendant’s strong motivation to implicate the defendant and to exonerate himself, any statements “about what the defendant said or did are less credible than ordinary hearsay evidence.”

Hearsay is admissible at sentencing, so long as it is accompanied by “some minimal indicia of reliability.” But here, the district court’s primary rationale for relying upon the plea agreements was Evidence Rule 804(b)(3). The Circuit ruled that a district court may not rely solely on Rule 804(b)(3) to use non-self-inculpatory statements in a co-conspirator’s plea agreement to determine a defendant’s drug-quantity liability.

United States v. Vera, Case No. 16-50634 (9th Cir. June 25, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Sen. Grassley is Relevant Again, and So is SRCA – Update for July 2, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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SENATORS SEEK TO RECRUIT TRUMP TO BACK SENTENCE REFORM

The Senatorial Odd Couple – conservative Sen. Charles Grassley (R-Iowa) and liberal Richard Durbin (D-Illinois) – held a joint press conference last Tuesday to try to recruit President Trump as an ally to help move the Sentencing Reform and Corrections Act of 2017 through the Senate.

oddcouple180702Grassley and Durbin – No. 1 and 2 on the Senate Judiciary Committee – urged the president to get involved in the reform process — “in a positive way,” Durbin pointedly suggested. “We need for the president, the president of the United States, to say this is a priority for us as well. Let’s do this criminal justice reform, to include prison reform… What a breakthrough that would be.”

Grassley noted that Trump frequently tweets about Senate Democrats needing “to do something.” He said criminal justice reform is tailor-made for Trump’s action agenda. “It kind of is a good combination between what’s good politics and what’s good policy… This is an opportunity for the president to have a win. It’s an opportunity for our justice system to have a win. … It would help a lot if the president would engage on this very important issue,” Grassley said. 

Attorney General Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III - death to misdemeanants?
Attorney General Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III – death to misdemeanants?

Grassley has engaged Attorney General Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III and White House adviser and Trump advisor and son-in-law Jared Kushner on the issue, which has probably left the Senator 1-1: Kushner is a supporter, while Sessions would likely support expanding the death penalty to cover misdemeanors.

Grassley said Sessions told him that SRCA would not undercut the administration’s “tough on crime” stance. “I thought that I determined an opening. Well that opening hasn’t materialized and obviously I didn’t make an impact,” Grassley said.

That may change very soon. Grassley has suddenly become very important to Donald Trump, because it is the Judiciary Committee that will conduct hearings on Trump’s Supreme Court nominee, who will be announced next Monday. The Republicans badly want to confirm the new justice, who will replace the retiring Anthony Kennedy, and Grassley, as chairman of Judiciary, holds a few of the keys to the kingdom.

That’s good news, because criminal justice reform has largely stalled on Capitol Hill. The House passed the FIRST STEP Act, which only addresses prison reform, and Senators John Cornyn (R-Texas) and Sheldon Whitehouse (D-Rhode Island) have introduced a similar bill in the Senate. But Grassley and Durbin are pushing broader criminal justice reform legislation that include both the sentencing reform changes in SRCA and the prison reform changes of FIRST STEP.

kushner180622Last Tuesday, Kushner met with Cornyn and Whitehouse, as well as FIRST STEP sponsors Reps. Doug Collins (R-Georgia) and Hakeem Jeffries (D-New York) from the House of Representatives, to strategize on how to move FIRST STEP forward following House passage last month, according to a report on the Axios news website.

SRCA has the backing of more than a fourth of the Senate, and Grassley and Durbin reiterated last Tuesday that they believe they have the 60 votes needed to pass the legislation in the Senate if they are able to get the bill to the floor. Bringing the bill up for a vote requires the approval of Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Kentucky). McConnell will do what Trump wants him to do. Trump needs Grassley’s cooperation, and Grassley needs Trump’s backing on comprehensive criminal justice reform. Trump does not much need Sessions, whom has been in Trump’s doghouse for well over a year.

fingers180702Trump’s recent pardons and commutations suggests that maybe the Russia probe has sensitized him to what it feels like to have the Dept. of Justice and FBI gunning for you. Amy Povich of the CAN-DO Foundation said of Trump, “I am encouraged that for the first time we are seeing somebody who possibly understands the complexities of the Office of the Pardon Attorney being controlled by the Department of Justice. There are a lot of dirty cases and they don’t want those to see the light of day, so they let their prosecutors have the largest voice as to which cases go over there. Trump now apparently understands this and that is why he’s asking for a list. We are honored to have been asked to provide a list, so fingers crossed.”

Risk-assessment company Skopos Labs sets the odds of FIRST STEP becoming law at 82% as of today, and rates SRCA’s chances at 63%.

The Hill, Bipartisan senator duo urges Trump to back criminal justice bill (June 26, 2018)

Axios, Jared Kushner huddles with Congress on prison reform (June 26, 2018)

Salon, Is there real hope for prison reform? Nonviolent offenders and the “Kim Kardashian moment” (June 29, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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BOP Staffing,MCC New York Conditions, Draw Media Scrutiny – Update for June 27, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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BOP STAFFING, PRISON CONDITIONS TAKE IT ON THE CHIN

Last week was a bad one, publicity-wise, for the Federal Bureau of Prisons. First, The New York Times reported that a shortage of correctional officers has grown chronic under President Trump, leading to an increase in assaults on staff and contraband. Then, a New York City magazine ran a hard-hitting story on the deplorable conditions at MCC New York.

punchinface180423The Times said correctional officer vacancies has ballooned to over 2,100 (about 12% of the CO workforce). As a result, the paper said, “the practice of drawing upon other workers has become routine — many prisons have been operating in a perpetual state of staffing turmoil, leaving some workers feeling ill-equipped and unsafe on the job.”

In Obama’s last two years, the BOP hired 2,644 new Cos in 2016. Last year, the number dropped to 372, with the BOP eliminating about 5,000 unfilled jobs, including about 1,500 CO positions.

Cuts are occurring even though Congress increased the BOP budget for salaries and expenses by $106 million this year, and lawmakers have called for hiring more COs. As of March, there were 15,927 officers in federal prisons.

A BOP press officer said the cuts “will not have a negative impact on public safety or on our ability to maintain a safe environment for staff and inmates.” But assaults on prison staff have risen more than 8% last year over the previous year.

dungeon180627Meanwhile, The Gothamist (a magazine published by public radio station WNYC) last week savaged conditions at MCC New York. The article described “a rat-infested, high-rise hell just yards from the federal courts… That could be exactly the way jailers and prosecutors want it. Pre-trial detention, which often lasts years, can become not only unsafe, but coercive; as a result, individuals are pressured to provide information to prosecutors or accept plea deals in their desperation to be released, say former prisoners.” 

“You want to plead guilty and get out of this dump to a prison,” one former inmate told the magazine. “The feds have a 98% conviction rate for a reason,”, another former prisoner said. “They mentally break you… There are certain things that go on in these places that the government covers so the public would never know.”

The New York Times, Safety Concerns Grow as Inmates Are Guarded by Teachers and Secretaries (June 17, 2018)

The Gothamist, Prisoners Endure A Nightmare ‘Gulag’ In Lower Manhattan, Hidden In Plain Sight (June 19, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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California Kiddie Porn Statute Encompasses Too Much for Federal Purposes – Update for June 26, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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9TH CIRCUIT FINDS STATE SEX OFFENSE PRIORS OVERBROAD FOR 2252 SENTENCE ENHANCEMENT

kittyporn170420People convicted of receiving child porn can receive a 10-year mandatory minimum under 18 U.S.C. 2252(b)(2) if they have a prior state conviction “relating to” possession of such porn. Last week, the 9th Circuit applied a Taylor-type analysis to California’s child porn possession law and child sexual exploitation law, ruling that both statutes were overbroad and thus could not be used to increase Melvin “Buck” Reinhart’s Sec. 2252 minimum sentence to 10 years.

The Circuit said Cal. Penal Code Sec. 311.11(a) sweeps in “depictions of a broader range of sexual conduct than the federal statute and is not divisible. The panel likewise held that Sec. 311.3(a) is categorically overbroad as compared to the federal definition of “sexually explicit conduct,” and that it is not divisible.

Because the terms “child pornography” and “sexually explicit conduct,” are explicitly defined in California law, the statutory text “tug[s]… in favor of a narrower reading” of the phrase “relating to.” The holding is at odds with 8th and 10th Circuit decisions, and may “have the effect of making Sec. 2252(b)(2) inapplicable in numerous states that define child pornography more broadly than the federal definition.”

United States v. Reinhart, Case No. 16-10409 (June 18, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Kinder and Gentler Robbery Not ACCA ‘Violent’ – Update for June 25, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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5TH CIRCUIT HOLDS TEXAS SIMPLE ROBBERY IS NOT CRIME OF VIOLENCE

The 5th Circuit last week ruled that a conviction for Texas robbery is not a crime of violence for purposes of the Armed Career Criminal Act.

BettyWhiteACCA180503Latroy Burris, convicted of being a felon-in-possession of a gun, was sentenced under the ACCA for priors of drug distribution, robbery and aggravated robbery. He conceded the drug conviction counted for ACCA purposes, and the 5th Circuit last year said aggravated robbery was a crime of violence. But Latroy argued that Texas robbery under § 29.02(a) of the Texas Penal Code was not a crime of violence.

Texas robbery requires that in the course of committing theft, a person intentionally, knowingly, or recklessly cause bodily injury to another; or intentionally or knowingly threaten or place someone in fear of imminent bodily injury or death.

The Circuit agreed with Latroy, finding that Texas law interprets “bodily injury” expansively, encompassing even “relatively minor physical contacts so long as they constitute more than mere offensive touching.” The Circuit said the Supreme Court decision on “physical force,” Curtis Johnson v. United States, suggests that causing “relatively minor physical contacts” does not entail the “violent force” required to make the state robbery offense a “crime of violence.”

Latroy will be resentenced without the ACCA 15-year mandatory minimum.

United States v. Burris, Case No. 17-10478 (5th Cir. June 18, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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