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Rahimi Making § 922(g) Constitutionality Issue Messier – Update for January 21, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

RAHIMI ASCENDENT

The Supreme Court’s 2022 New York State Rifle & Pistol Assn. v. Bruen decision held that if a gun right (like going armed in public or even possessing one after a felony conviction) was one covered by the 2nd Amendment, the government could deny that right only if it could point to a law or regulation from 235 years ago that did the same.

Given that a federal law denying violent felons the right to have guns was not passed until 1938 – and it wasn’t expanded to all felons until 1968 – it seemed that Bruen was destined to lead to 18 USC § 922(g)(1), the felon-in-possession statute, being declared unconstitutional.

whataburger230703But then came Zack Rahimi, whose gun-fueled road rage and general craziness – including opening fire over an alleged fast food joint indignity – led to last summer’s SCOTUS decision that held § 922(g)(8) (which bans gun possession by people under a domestic protection order) was perfectly constitutional. In United States v. Rahimi, the Supremes held that Bruen didn’t mean that the government had to find a 235-year-old law that was a precise fit to § 922(g), provided that “the new law is ‘relevantly similar’ to laws that our tradition is understood to permit, ‘apply[ing] faithfully the balance struck by the founding generation to modern circumstances.’”

Rahimi “has been relatively impotent since the Court handed it down a few months back,” Jake Fogleman wrote in Sunday’s The Reload, but this “relevantly similar” test has now “inspired an appeals court to reverse a sweeping ruling against a federal firearms prohibition.”

The 5th Circuit unanimously upheld 18 USC § 922(n), which bars people under indictment from receiving guns, reversing a WD Texas district court decision handed down after Bruen but before Rahimi. Based on Rahimi’s refinement of the Bruen test, the Circuit ruled in United States v. Quiroz that “the government has met its burden of showing that § 922(n) is relevantly similar to pretrial detention at the founding [of the nation].” The court reasoned that the purpose of § 922(n) (public safety) and the burden it imposes (temporary disarmament) align with the historical justifications and effects of pretrial detention. It observed that many felonies punishable by death at the founding would have resulted in pretrial detention and disarmament, and that § 922(n) imposes a lesser burden by only restricting receipt of new firearms, not possession.

gunknot181009Other constitutional challenges to § 922 had an equally rocky time last week. In United States v. Quailes, the 3d Circuit held that despite its Range v Attorney General decision of a month ago, two defendants charged with § 922(g)(1) violations could be convicted consistent with the 2nd Amendment because they were on state parole when caught with guns and thus had not completed their sentences. The 3d said that “this Nation’s ‘history and tradition’ of ‘disarming convicts who are completing their sentences’ applies with equal force to defendants who are on state supervised release—including a sentence of parole or probation.”

In United States v. Contreras, the defendant had been convicted for being a drug user in possession of a gun (18 USC § 922(g)(3)). He did 24 months and then went on supervised release. While serving his supervised release term, he stupidly posted a picture on social media of himself holding a pistol. The police followed him and got him in a traffic stop with eight ounces of marijuana and the gun.

Last week, the 5th Circuit held that § 922(g)(1) was constitutional as applied to defendant Contreras. The 5th compared the felon-in-possession prohibition to § 922(n), which temporarily restricts defendants’ access to guns for public safety reasons and “align[s] with the historical justifications and effects of pretrial detention,” as well as colonial-era laws disarming people who are intoxicated.

“Here,” the Circuit said, “we have Contreras, a felon who after being convicted for being armed while intoxicated and being placed on temporary supervised release, was again found armed while intoxicated, this time while completing the sentence for the first crime… There is no ‘historical twin’ of § 922(g)(1); but that is not what our jurisprudence requires… Instead, “the appropriate analysis involves considering whether the challenged regulation is consistent with the principles that underpin our regulatory tradition.”

Finally, in United States v. Curry, the 5th Circuit last week rejected a claim that the felon-in-possession statute was facially unconstitutional, that is, that it necessarily violated the 2nd Amendment is all cases. This decision was unsurprising in light of Rahimi.

easypeasy230214In his Rahimi dissent, Justice Clarence Thomas predicted that the “relevantly similar” test was overbroad. “Given that imprisonment (which involved disarmament) existed at the founding, the Government can always satisfy this newly minted comparable-burden requirement. That means the Government need only find a historical law with a comparable justification to validate modern disarmament regimes.”

Fogleman wrote that as the result of Rahimi’s “relevantly similar” test is that “a panel from a circuit known for going much [further] than its peers in hewing to a strict interpretation of the Bruen test has now okayed a modern gun law based on loose principles related to detaining suspected criminals at the time of the Founding.”

New York State Rifle & Pistol Assn v. Bruen, 597 US 1 (2022)

United States v. Rahimi, 602 US 680 (2024)

The Reload, Analysis: Rahimi Makes an Impact (January 19, 2025)

United States v. Quiroz, Case No. 22-50834, 2025 U.S.App. LEXIS 706 (5th Cir. January 13, 2025)

United States v. Quailes, Case No 23-2533, 2025 U.S.App. LEXIS 1107 (3d Cir. January 17, 2025)

United States v. Contreras, Case No 23-50840, 2025 U.S.App. LEXIS 701 (5th Cir. January 13, 2025)

United States v. Curry, Case No 22-11084, 2025 U.S.App. LEXIS 702 (5th Cir. January 13, 2025)

– Thomas L. Root

Setting Records, Cleaning Up Messes: The Final Biden Clemencies – Update for January 20, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

CLEMENCY IS HIS SWAN SONG

swan160314President Joe Biden last Friday broke his own record for the most commutations issued in a single day, shortening the sentences of nearly 2,490 people who – according to the White House – are convicted of nonviolent drug offenses.

The White House has trumpeted that with having granted commutations of over 4,000 over the lifetime of his Administration, Biden has exceeded the previous record set by Barack Obama of 1,715. “With this action, I have now issued more individual pardons and commutations than any president in U.S. history,” Biden crowed in a statement.

A reasonable observer could easily conclude that the President is more interested in making an entry in his Administration’s record book than in righting a historical wrong.

Many of the 2,590 commutations specify a release date for the recipients of February 17. Three are to be released March 18, and additional tranches are to be cut loose in staggered 30-day periods after that. A significant number had their sentences reduced to a specified term of months, meaning that in many cases the inmates still have significant time to serve.

clemency170206Twenty-one of the people commuted last Friday were CARES Act releasees who were omitted from the December 12th commutation list without explanation. Several other CARES Act people whose cases clearly fit the profile of person Biden said he wanted to commute but who were omitted from the December 12th list (and whose offenses are not drug related) still hope for commutation prior to noon today.

The White House announced commutations of two more people and pardons of five – including Jamaican black political activist Marcus Garvey (who died in 1940) – in an announcement yesterday morning.

“This action is an important step toward righting historic wrongs, correcting sentencing disparities, and providing deserving individuals the opportunity to return to their families and communities after spending far too much time behind bars,” Biden said, not mentioning that many of those whose sentences were commuted have been serving time imposed by the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act of 1994. Biden was the author, sponsor and principal cheerleader in favor of that legislation.

Some reporter noted as much. One said that with these commutations, Biden “hope[d] to finally correct the historical and devastating blunder of his 1994 Crime Bill that disproportionately affected African Americans.”

pardonme190123This morning,  Biden issued pre-emptive  pardons to people Biden fears will be targeted for retribution by President-elect Trump due to their involvement in his prosecution for the January 6 riot and classified document cases. Those pardoned include Anthony Fauci, General Mark Milley, the staff and members of the January 6th Committee, and Capitol and D.C. Metro police officers who testified before the Committee.

Reason, Biden Has Now Issued Far More Commutations Than Any of His Predecessors (January 15, 2025)

The White House, Clemency Recipient List (January 17, 2025)

The White House, Clemency Recipient List (January 19, 2025)

Washington Informer, Biden Seeks to Correct Historical Wrongs with Commutation of 2,500 Sentences (January 17, 2025)

NBC, Biden sets record for most pardons and commutations with new round of clemency for nonviolent drug offenders (January 17, 2025)

– Thomas L. Root

New DOJ Sheriff Vows To Clean Up Bureau of Prisons – Update for January 16, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

AG NOMINEE COMMITS TO CORRECT CORRECTIONS

sheriff170802During Attorney General nominee Pam Bondi’s otherwise predictable Senate Judiciary Committee hearing yesterday – where Republicans lobbed softball questions and Democrats demonized President-elect Donald Trump – it was noteworthy that in her brief opening statement she devoted several paragraphs to the Federal Bureau of Prisons.

“Making America safe again also requires reducing recidivism,” Bondi’s statement asserted. “We must fix the Bureau of Prisons and follow through on the promise of the First Step Act by building new halfway houses. The Bureau has suffered from years of mismanagement, lack of funding, and low morale. Federal corrections officers serve in challenging conditions on minimal pay and need more support. Our prison system can and will do better.”

She noted Trump’s “leadership on criminal justice reform” in securing passage of the First Step Act during his last Administration, a piece of legislation with which the President-elect has had a love-hate relationship ever since. Her statement argued that First Step “demonstrates what is possible when a President is unafraid to do things that have been deemed ‘too difficult’ and to reach across the aisle to bring about real solutions. Like the President, I believe we are on the ‘cusp of a New Golden age’ where the Department of Justice can and will do better.”

Further First Step Act success requires reducing how many prisoners commit another offense after they are released, she said. She vowed to reverse the “years of mismanagement, lack of funding and low morale” that plagues the BOP.

Bondi told the Committee, “We have to fix the Bureau of Prisons, and I am looking on both sides of the aisle.”

If Bondi convinces the incoming President that further implementation of First Step can burnish his image, he is likely to support efforts to expand halfway house resources and clean up BOP. This is a President who can be mercurial on criminal justice. Just last weekend, Representative Anna Paulina Luna (R-FL) told Fox News that Trump was “absolutely… supportive” about her set of bills that could have child sexual predators facing the death penalty and would even sign “an executive order levying the death penalty for pedophilia-related crimes but that it would likely be impossible to accomplish that way.”

death200330One can only hope that the incoming President’s grasp of the federal system of governance is sufficient to understand that he cannot change criminal penalties at the stroke of a pen.

Writing in Forbes a week ago, Walter Pavlo noted that Trump’s “hallmark criminal justice reform law, The First Step Act, is still struggling to gain traction. The BOP has accomplished much under Director Peters to implement the program but there are still problems. There is insufficient halfway house and many case managers, the primary BOP employees implementing the program, remain confused over the exact interpretation of the law.”

Opening Statement, Pam Bondi, Nominee for Attorney General of the United States (January 15, 2025)

Washington Times, Pam Bondi, AG nominee, says she will ‘fix’ the Bureau of Prisons (January 15, 2025)

Roll Call, Pam Bondi tells Senate panel she would end ‘partisanship’ at DOJ (January 15, 2025)

Forbes, How Trump Can Shake Up The Bureau Of Prisons (January 6, 2025)

Fox News, Pedophiles could see death penalty under new House GOP bill: ‘Taken off the streets permanently’ (January 14, 2025)

– Thomas L. Root

A Fortnight of Clemencies? – Update for January 14, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

BIDEN’S LAST WEEK (AND TRUMP’S FIRST ONE)

imouttahere250114Although time grows short, the White House has not yet walked back Biden’s promise to issue additional pardons and commutations before he leaves the White House for the last time.

Last week, Truthout.org called on Biden to include in his clemency announcement people serving life sentences under Sentencing Guidelines that have been changed (but the changes not being retroactive). Truthout said, “According to the Sentencing Project, ‘one in seven people in U.S. prisons is serving a life sentence, either life without parole, life with parole or virtual life (50 years or more), totaling 203,865 people’ as of 2021. This is the highest number of people in history — a 66% increase since 2003, the first time the census was taken. Many of these people facing ‘death by incarceration’ were sentenced under guidelines that are no longer used.”

Writing in Forbes, Walter Pavlo last week suggested that consistent with Trump’s desire to trim federal spending, he could double down on First Step Act implementation. Pavlo said, “Trump will likely be frustrated that more has not been done on the First Step Act since his first term in office… The purpose of the First Step Act was to put more minimum-security offenders back home sooner but that has not occurred to the level it could. More prisoners in the community means less reliance on aging facilities that Congress seems unwilling to fund to bring up to acceptable standards.”

creditsign181227Pavlo suggested increased Bureau of Prisons’ use of for-profit halfway houses, besides the network of nonprofit halfway bouses now relied on, and updating the BOP’s security and custody classification system to no longer exclude noncitizens and non-contact sex offenses from camps. As well, he said that the Trump Administration urge Congress to broaden FSA credits to include some of the 68 categories of offenses now prohibited from credits, including some sex offenses, some terrorism charges, threats against government officials and 18 USC § 924(c) gun charges.

Finally, he proposed expanding RDAP eligibility to include those without documented prearrest drug and alcohol use.

Pavlo argued, “The BOP’s challenges are unlikely to be solved through increased funding alone. Instead, the focus should be on fully implementing existing programs like the First Step Act and RDAP, revising outdated policies that hinder efficiency and working with Congress to make targeted legislative adjustments.”

All of this is so, but as a Federal News Network reporter noted a few weeks ago, “I don’t think [the BOP] is high on the Trump team’s agenda, but [it] is a deeply distressed agency.”

Conservative columnist Cal Thomas last week argued that some of the targets of Trump’s desire to save money “are familiar, but one that is never mentioned is the amount of money that could be saved by releasing or not incarcerating nonviolent offenders in the first place… That prison reform has not been on a top 10 list of issues for Republicans is no reason it can’t be added now. Saving money and redeeming a system that no longer benefits the incarcerated or the public is a winning issue.”

Last week, Fox News contributor Jessica Jackson wrote that in 2018, “Trump signed the First Step Act into law, delivering long-overdue reforms that both political parties had failed to achieve at the federal level for decades. It was a landmark moment… Now, as Trump returns to the White House, he has a historic opportunity to finish what he started. Two key reforms he could champion — modernizing federal supervision and expanding second chances — offer a chance to cement his legacy as the leader who transformed America’s approach to justice.”

trumpimback250114However, as of right now, the only criminal justice promise Trump has made is to promise to grant clemency to some or all of the 1,580 people charged or convicted of crimes arising from the January 6, 2021, riot on Capitol Hill.

Truthout.org, Biden Should Go Beyond Commutations for Death Row and Commute Life Sentences Too (January 8, 2025)

Forbes, How Trump Can Shake Up the Bureau of Prisons (January 6, 2025)

Federal News Network, Countdown to Trump II, and what to expect (December 26, 2024)

Washington Times, Prison and sentencing reform: Saving money in an overlooked place (January 6, 2025)

Fox News, Trump defied the odds to win a criminal justice victory in his first term. Could he do it again? (January 6, 2025)

Washington Post, The fate of nearly 1,600 Jan. 6 defendants depends on Donald Trump (January 6, 2025)

– Thomas L. Root

2nd Amendment May Be Gunning for Felon-In-Possession – Update for January 13, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

IS SCOTUS TEEING UP § 922(g)(1)?

What would you call someone who is prohibited from possessing a gun but is surrounded by a heavily armed detail?

For now, you’d be right to say it’s a federal inmate on a U.S. Marshal Service prisoner transport. But after next week, you’d be equally correct to say, “President Trump.”

Trumpgun250113

After his January 10 New York sentencing, Trump has something in common with the approximate 10 million Americans prohibited from possessing guns by 18 USC § 922(g)(1), the so-called felon-in-possession statute. Although convicted of 34 of the most anodyne felonies imaginable – paying off a porn star to keep an embarrassing story quiet during his presidential campaign and then hiding the payment as a “legal fee” – Trump is forever prevented from having a gun or ammo by the F-I-P statute, no different from a murderer or drug dealer or tax evader or food stamp fraudster.

This is important because the issue of whether § 922(g)(1) can ban everyone ever convicted of a felony from possessing guns consistent with the 2nd Amendment – a question that is increasingly splitting the federal circuits – may be on the cusp of being accepted for Supreme Court review.

F-I-P “probably does more to combat gun violence than any other federal law,” Justice Samuel Alito proclaimed in his 2019 Rehaif v. United States dissent. “It prohibits the possession of firearms by, among others, convicted felons, mentally ill persons found by a court to present a danger to the community, stalkers, harassers, perpetrators of domestic violence and illegal aliens.”

gunfreezone170330Justice Alito’s soaring if evidence-free endorsement of § 922(g) came several years before the Supreme Court’s 2022 New York State Rifle & Pistol Assn. v. Bruen and last June’s United States v. Rahimi decisions suggested that whatever the efficacy of § 922(g), its constitutionality was dubious.

After Rehaif, SCOTUS remanded a host of pending § 922(g) petitions for review for application of its standards. Now, many of those cases – and several fresh ones – are coming back to the Supreme Court. In one of those cases, United States v. Daniels, the 5th Circuit ruled in 2023 that § 922(g)(3) – that prohibited drug users from possessing guns – violated the 2nd Amendment. The government sought SCOTUS review, and the high court remanded the court for reconsideration in light of Rahimi. Last week, the 5th Circuit upheld its earlier decision that Mr. Daniels, although using pot about every other day, could not be prevented from owning a gun under the 2nd Amendment when Bruen and Rahimi standards were applied to his situation.

Last week, The New York Times wrote about the coming battle over whether the F-I-P statute comports with the 2nd Amendment, and – if so – to what extent. The Times observed that Bruen and Rahimi “interpreted the 2nd Amendment in a way that puts major parts of the [F-I-P] law at risk and has left lower courts in, as one challenger put it, a ‘state of disarray.’”

Bruen and Rahimi held that if the conduct addressed by a gun law falls within the 2nd Amendment’s protection – like possession of a gun or ammo certainly does – then the law that regulates that conduct must comport with the principles underlying the 2nd Amendment.

“For example,” Rahimi explained, “if laws at the founding regulated firearm use to address particular problems, that will be a strong indicator that contemporary laws imposing similar restrictions for similar reasons fall within a permissible category of regulations. Even when a law regulates arms-bearing for a permissible reason, though, it may not be compatible with the right if it does so to an extent beyond what was done at the founding. And when a challenged regulation does not precisely match its historical precursors, “it still may be analogous enough to pass constitutional muster.”

angels170726The question is no mere angels-on-the-head-of-a-pin argument. Over 7,000 people were convicted under § 922(g)(1) in FY 2022. The last head count (taken in 2010) found more than 19 million Americans have felony convictions and are thus disqualified from possessing guns under § 922(g)(1).

Last month, the 3rd and 4th Circuits issued opinions on the constitutionality of F-I-P, with each coming out differently on the issue. An en banc decision in United States v. Duarte is pending in the 9th Circuit. Today, SCOTUS denied review to Dubois v. United States, where the defendant was convicted of F-I-P for a 10-year-old marijuana possession felony. Instead, the Supreme Court GVR-ed the case for 11th Circuit reconsideration in light of Rahimi. 

whac-a-mole922-250113Regardless of SCOTUS action in Dubois, the § 922(g)(1) issue is ripe for review. Even before any government request that may be filed asking for Supreme Court review of Range v. Attorney General, there are no fewer than 15 petitions for certiorari pending on F-I-P constitutionality. Ohio State law professor Doug Berman, writing in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog, said last week, “[T]here is a wide array of churning lower-court litigation assailing gun restrictions well beyond federal criminal prohibitions in 18 USC § 922(g), and so it is certainly possible that the Justices might take up disputes over restrictions on types of guns or other regulatory matters before addressing federal possession prohibitions again. In addition, because the incoming Trump administration could be more supportive of a more expansive view of the 2nd Amendment, the Supreme Court’s approach to § 922(g) disputes might get influence by some new advocacy coming soon from the Justice Department.”

Certainly, the fact that the new President himself is disqualified from possessing any of the nearly 5 million guns owned by the very government he will again command in a week may influence the position his Dept. of Justice takes in any Supreme Court F-I-P litigation.

New York Times, Courts in ‘State of Disarray’ on Law Disarming Felons (January 6, 2025)

New York State Rifle & Pistol Assn. v. Bruen, 597 U.S. 1 (2022)

Rehaif v. United States, 588 U.S. 225 (2019)

United States v. Rahimi, 602 U.S. 680 (2004)

United States v. Daniels, Case No. 22-60596, 2025 U.S. App. LEXIS 208 (5th Cir. January 6, 2025)

Sentencing Law and Policy, What kind of Second Amendment case will be next for SCOTUS after Bruen and Rahimi? (January 8, 2025)

– Thomas L. Root

‘Stare Decisis” Be Damned, 10th Says, on Structural Error – Update for January 10, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

MOVING THE ‘STRUCTURAL ERROR’ CHEESE

Black letter law holds that for a 28 USC § 2255 petitioner to be entitled to relief, he or she must show (1) that a constitutional error occurred and (2) that the error was prejudicial. Absent the error, would the trial result likely to have been different? In other words, there may be a constitutional error but if the error was harmless, the petitioner gets nothing for it.

Jail151220Some errors, however, are deemed to be “structural.” In today’s case, the 10th Circuit described a structural error as an error so egregious that it “def[ies] analysis” under the typical harmless-error standard. Structural errors “affect the framework within which a trial proceeds,” meaning that the trial’s “reliability in serving its function as a vehicle for determination of guilt or innocence” has been irreparably compromised.

For that reason, defendants subjected to structural error are entitled to a remedy even without having shown prejudice.

Obviously, any time an error can be deemed structural, it amounts to a “get-out-of-jail” card for the defendant. The prisoner doesn’t have to prove the error made any difference in the outcome, just that there was an error.

birdplumage250110But structure errors are birds of rare plumage. It’s easier listing what errors have been deemed structural than those that are not. The Supreme Court has determined that structural errors include the admission of a defendant’s guilt over his objection, the deprivation of a defendant’s right to counsel of his choice, giving a jury an incorrect reasonable-doubt instruction, excluding jurors of a defendant’s same race, the denial of the right to a public trial, denying a defendant the right to proceed pro se, the denial of an impartial judge, the complete or constructive denial of counsel, and the utter inability of any attorney to be effective under the circumstances.

In 1995, the 10th Circuit held in Shillinger v. Haworth that intentional and unjustified government intrusions into attorney-client communications constitute structural error that requires a conclusive presumption that the defendant had been prejudiced, regardless of the evidence of harm.

Shillinger fit Steven Hohn like a glove. A recording of one of his attorney calls had been hoovered up by the Kansas U.S. Attorney’s Office with many others in a scandal that resulted in a federal prosecutor losing her job. Steve filed a 28 USC § 2255 motion, like many others had done, relying on Shillinger’s holding that prejudice had to be presumed.

cheese20042wThen the 10th Circuit moved the cheese. In an en banc decision, the appellate court ruled that Shillinger was wrongly decided, and – stare decisis or not – it needed to be abrogated.

Mere government intrusion into the attorney-client relationship doesn’t violate the 6th Amendment unless the intrusion substantially prejudices the defendant, the Circuit ruled, and therefore, a violation can’t be established without a showing that there is a realistic possibility of injury to defendants or benefit to the State as a result. While prejudice should be assessed under a rebuttable presumption in the defendant’s favor, putting the burden on the government to disprove any prejudicial effect from its actions, still there must be prejudice.

Because Steven had not suffered any prejudice, his § 2255 motion failed.

United States v. Hohn, Case No. 22-3009, __ F.4th __. 2024 U.S. App. LEXIS 31865 (10th Cir., December 16, 2024)

Shillinger v Haworth, 70 F.3d 1132 (10th Cir. 1995)

Kansas City Star, Did Kansas feds improperly listen to calls? 85 times, prosecutor wouldn’t tell judge (May 16, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

District Courts Can Do As They Like On Zero-Point Sentence Reductions – Update for January 9, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

IN ZERO-POINT REDUCTION, THE GUIDELINE PROPOSES BUT THE JUDGE DISPOSES

In any sentence reduction motion under 18 USC § 3582(c)(2) arising from a retroactive Guideline amendment, the district court has a lot of latitude to do whatever it wants to do. A case last week involving a zero-point reduction made that point very clearly.

Fraud170406Shefiu Hanson ran a scheme that tricked businesses to wire him money using bogus invoices. The total loss to 30 victims amounted to over $1.1 million. She was sentenced to 46 months. After the Sentencing Commission adopted Amendment 821, which let people like Shef get a 2-level reduction if they had zero criminal history points and met set of ten criteria, Shef applied for a sentence reduction that reflected the Amendment.

One of the criteria to qualify for an Amendment 821 sentence reduction is that the defendant did not personally cause “substantial financial hardship” to any victim in committing the offense. Causing “substantial financial hardship” is a specific enhancement under USSG § 2B1.1(b)(2) (§ 2B1.1 being the well-used Guideline for theft and fraud offenses), which increases the offense score by at least 2 levels. Amendment 821 leans heavily on the § 2B1.1(b)(2) enhancement language, specifically directing that the criteria to be considered in determining “substantial financial hardship” should be those listed in § 2B1.1, Note 4(F).

At sentencing, Shef’s Guideline range was not increased by the § 2B1.1(b)(2) “substantial financial hardship” enhancement, so he figured he was a shoo-in for the Amendment 821 reduction.

retro240506His district court thought otherwise, holding that Shefiu had caused substantial financial harm to multiple victims, making him ineligible under USSG § 4C1.1(a)(6) – the new Guideline made retroactive by Amendment 821 – for the reduction. Even if that were not so, the court said, applying the 18 USC § 3553(a) sentencing factors led it to conclude that giving Shef the reduction would “render his sentence inadequate to reflect the seriousness of the offense… provide just punishment for this offense… afford adequate deterrence to criminal conduct… [and] protect the public from further crimes of the defendant.”

On appeal, Shef argued the financial hardship to victims the district court relied on didn’t rise to the level of “substantial hardship” as contemplated by the Sentencing Commission, because none of the examples of financial hardship the district court cited fit within any of the § 2B1.1 Note 4(F) factors. What’s more, Shefiu argued, the district court failed to make specific financial hardship findings with respect to each victim, instead relying “generalized comments” about financial hardship.

Last week, the 6th Circuit turned him down. Nothing keeps courts from considering factors other than those in Note 4(F). In fact, USSG § 4C1.1(b)(3) directs that Application Note 4(F) merely provides a “non-exhaustive list of factors.” The appeals court held that the financial hardship that Shefiu caused victims “need not fall perfectly” within the factors of Note 4(F) to be considered substantial.

The Circuit ruled that Application Note 4(F) “merely provides a list of exemplars from which we may extrapolate analogous conduct.” Thus, “the district court did not err in holding that Hanson was ineligible for a sentencing reduction under § 4C1.1 based on factors outside of the non-exhaustive list in Application Note 4(F) of 2B1.1… Given the number of victims and amount defrauded, the district court reasonably concluded that the financial hardship was substantial.”

money180124The 6th agreed that the record evidence showed that Shef’s conduct caused several of his victims to individually suffer substantial financial hardship. One victim said “[t]he loss of revenue for our small company was crippling.” Another said the wire transfer to Shefiu “made it difficult for the company to pay invoices” and yet another said that due to the fraud, many of his bank accounts were “abruptly closed.” The Circuit held, “The district court reasonably determined that the financial hardship to at least one victim was substantial.”

United States v. Hanson, Case No. 24-3442, 2025 U.S.App. LEXIS 85 (6th Cir. January 3, 2025)

– Thomas L. Root

‘Take Your Commutation and Shove It,’ Death Row Inmates Tell Biden – Update for January 7, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

THANKS BUT NO THANKS

thanksnothanks250107Two federal death row prisoners, who are among the 37 inmates whose death sentences were commuted on December 23 by President Joe Biden, have filed hand-written petitions in the United States District Court for the Southern District of Indiana seeking an injunction against losing their death penalty sentences.

NBC News reported Shannon Agofsky and Len Davis, both housed on death row at USP Terre Haute, filed on December 30, 2024, for injunctive relief to block Biden’s commutation of their death sentences to life in prison without parole.

Shannon said in his petition,

On December 22, 2024, the defendant became aware of the publicity stunt enacted by president Joe Biden, in which he commuted the death sentences of 37 federal prisoners the defendant was part of that group. That defendant never requested commutation the defendant never filed for commutation. The defendant does not want commutation, and refused to sign the paper offered with the commutation.

Len wrote that “there are a host of constitutional violations associated with the executive branch’s attempt to sentence petitioner Davis life sentence without his agreeing to commutation.” Len asked the court to appoint an attorney to represent him and promised to expand on his argument in future filings.

Shannon argued that “[t]o commute his sentence now, while the defendant has active litigation in court, is to strip him of the protection of heightened scrutiny. This constitutes an undue burden, and leaves the defendant in a position of fundamental unfairness, which would decimate his pending appellate procedures.”

The Supreme Court held in Caldwell v. Mississippi that the 8th Amendment imposes a heightened “need for reliability in the determination that death is the appropriate punishment in a specific case.”

Shannon, who maintains his innocence, argued in his petition that he doesn’t want to lose the benefit of that additional scrutiny. Davis, on the other hand, argued that the death sentence draws “attention to the overwhelming misconduct” of the Dept of Justice in his case.

douglassdeathbondage250107Shannon’s and Len’s likelihood of prevailing seems to be a long shot. In Biddle v. Perovich, the Supreme Court 98 years ago pretty clearly held that the president has the authority to commute a death sentence to life and “that the convict’s consent is not required.”

NBC quoted Daniel Kobil, a constitutional law professor at Capital University and a death penalty defense counsel, as explaining that “we impose sentences for the public welfare, the president and governors in states commute sentences for the public welfare.”

Robin Maher, executive director of the nonprofit Death Penalty Information Center, told NBC that the vast majority of inmates on federal death row were grateful for Biden’s decision, “which is constitutionally authorized and absolute.”

Writing in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog, Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman said, “[T]hese efforts to refuse a capital commutation seem likely to help ensure these defendants get more attention for their claims of innocence than many others.  And I have often asserted to students in my sentencing classes that convicted murderers claiming to be wrongfully convicted on death row are likely to get more attention for their claims of innocence than convicted murderers given LWOP.

NBC, Two death row inmates reject Biden’s commutation of their life sentences (January 6, 2025)

Emergency Petition for Injunctive Relief, Agofsky v. United States, Case No. 2:25-cv-1, Doc. 1 (December 30, 2024)

Emergency Petition for Injunctive Relief, Davis v. United States, Case No. 2:25-cv-2, Doc. 1 (December 30, 2024)

Caldwell v. Mississippi, 472 U.S. 320 (1985)

Biddle v. Perovich, 274 U.S. 480 (1927)

– Thomas L. Root

The Doctor Won’t See You Now – Update for January 6, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

INSPECTOR GENERAL REVIEW OF FMC DEVENS YIELDS ANOTHER ‘DOG BITES MAN’ MOMENT

IG230518The DOJ Office of Inspector General began making unannounced inspections of BOP facilities over a year ago, even before the Federal Prison Oversight Act – which requires the OIG to conduct periodic inspections of BOP facilities based on its assessment of the risks such prisons pose to inmates and staff – became law last summer. Last month, the OIG released a report on the its fifth such inspection, conducted last April.

For anyone who has experienced BOP healthcare, the report is a real “dog bites man” moment. That may explain how the December 11th report was issued to nearly universal yawns. Writing in Forbes last week, Walter Pavlo noted it in passing, or we would have missed it, too.

The report is harrowing and deserves a full reading.

Devens – located about 33 miles west northwest of Boston – is an administrative-security (houses all security levels of inmates) medical center for prisoners with serious medical or mental health conditions. The facility consists of a federal medical center and an adjacent minimum-security prison camp that provides inmate labor to the medical facility. Both facilities house male prisoners only.

The first prisons the OIG hit in its inspection program were regular prisons, FCI Waseca and FCI Tallahassee (both female facilities), and FCI Sheridan and FCI Lewisburg (male). This time, the OIG said, “We selected FMC Devens as the site of our fifth inspection to better understand and assess the conditions of confinement at [a federal medical facility].”

doctorhouseB250106We’ve all heard of Doctors Without Borders. The OIG found that the BOP’s variation is “Hospitals Without Doctors.” The report found it “particularly concerning” that Devens had only 76% of its Health Services Department positions filled and had only a single physician “to manage the care of the entire inmate population of approximately 941 inmates: 2 of the institution’s 6 physicians were on extended leave without pay, and 3 other physician positions were vacant.”

Having a Clinical Director would have provided a second physician, but the CD, “who leads the provision of preventive health services and provides standing orders for nurses,” retired two months after the inspection. As of October 5, 2024, the report said, “the position remained vacant… leaving FMC Devens without this critical medical role filled and only one physician at the institution to provide daily patient care.”

This is hardly surprising: a doctor at FMC Devens makes about $282,000 a year. A physician at a nearby hospital emergency department earns about $415,300. Physician assistants and nurse practitioners at FMC Devens earn between $72,000 and $124,000; the same practitioners at a nearby hospital earn an average salary of $141,000.

BOP Director Colette Peters told a Congressional subcommittee last summer that a CO quit Devens to go to work at a local grocery store for better pay.

Half of the pharmacy positions, about a quarter of nursing positions, and the Chief Dental Officer position were vacant. Only 61% of the Psychology Dept positions are filled. The OIG said, “We are concerned that the staffing crisis at FMC Devens has cascading effects on its ability to care for its inmates and limits the quality and quantity of medical services it can provide, including for inmates who were transferred there expressly for its specific medical programs.”

The report also identified “concerns related to the quality of healthcare provided to inmates,” lack of preventive healthcare screening, inappropriate placement of inmates in the Memory Disorder Unit (MDU), and inconsistent processes for requesting and accessing care.” The inspectors found that 57 outside medical appointments for inmates were yet to be scheduled and were on average 53 days overdue at the time of our inspection due to outside medical provider cancellations and a lack of COs to escort inmates to scheduled appointments.

medical told you I was sick221017The OIG found “inconsistencies regarding inmates’ access to medical care,” including routine screening for diabetes and cognitive impairment, and “an apparent inconsistency” in how Health Services determined what constituted a need for sick cal. The report drily observed that “[t]his inconsistency may limit an inmate’s ability to be seen and receive medication in a timely manner, which could negatively affect their overall health.

In 2021, FMC Devens got $150,000 in First Step money to build a LifeSkills Laboratory, a space designed for inmates with serious mental illnesses to practice routine skills. More than three years later, the lab had yet to be used for programming.  

Taking government money for a project and then not carrying through can get you convicted if you aren’t the government…

DOJ Inspector General, Inspection of the Federal Bureau of Prisons’ Federal Medical Center Devens (December 11, 2024)

Federal Prison Oversight Act, Pub. L. No. 118-71, 138 Stat. 1492 (2024) (primarily codified at 5 U.S.C. §  413[e] )

– Thomas L. Root

Keeping Score – Update for January 2, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

SOME NUMBERS TO START THE NEW YEAR

funwithnumbers170511The Price of an Overnight Stay in an Econolodge: The Department of Justice is required to regularly publish figures showing how much it costs to keep a federal prisoner, the so-called Cost of Incarceration Fee.

The DOJ has announced that the average annual COIF for a Federal inmate housed in the Bureau of Prisons or a non-BOP facility in FY 2023 was $44,090 ($120.80 per day). The average annual COIF for a Federal inmate housed in a Residential Reentry Center (halfway house) for FY 2023 was $41,437 ($113.53 per day).

Federal Register, Annual Determination of Average Cost of Incarceration Fee (COIF) (December 6, 2024), 89 FR 97072

prisoners221021Federal Prisoners by the Numbers: The DOJ’s Bureau of Justice Statistics released some interesting numbers on the state of the federal prison population after the fifth year of the First Step Act (for Calendar Year 2023).

As of December 31, 2023,

• the federal prison population had decreased about 2% the year before, from 158,637 to 155,972;

• 8,388 military veterans were incarcerated in the BOP, more than 5% of BOP’s total;

• The number of non-U.S. citizens in federal prison stood at 22,817 (14.6% of the prison population), down from both prior years;

• The average daily special housing unit (SHU) population was 11,974, an 18% increase from 2022 and a total of 7.7% of the BOP population;

• In 2023, BOP staff were physically assaulted by federal prisoners 872 times, resulting in only six serious injuries and only three prisoner prosecutions;

• About 54% of the 143,291 persons in federal prison who had been assessed with the Prisoner Assessment Tool Targeting Estimated Risk and Needs (PATTERN) tool were classified as minimum or low risk for recidivism, about 26% as high risk and about 19% as medium risk;

• About 52% of male federal prisoners were classified as minimum or low risk for recidivism, compared to about 82% of female federal prisoners;

• About 60% of black and 58% of American Indian or Alaskan Native federal prisoners were classified by PATTERN as having a medium or high risk of recidivism, compared to about only 36% of white and 25% of Asian, Native Hawaiian, or Pacific Islander federal prisoners;

• 83% of federal prisoners between 55 to 64 and 94% of those age 65 or older were classified by PATTERN as having a minimum or low risk of recidivism.

Bureau of Justice Statistics, Federal Prisoner Statistics Collected Under the First Step Act, 2024 (December 11, 2024)

Don’t Like Them Odds: Business Insider has published a remarkable series on prisons, which I will write about in the coming weeks. For now, it’s worth noting the sobering odds against any prisoner success in litigation over serious claims of sexual assault, retaliatory beatings, prolonged solitary confinement, and untreated cancers.

Prisoners lose (either in court or by failing to win any reasonable settlement) 85% of the time.

longodds191008While nationally, about 75% of all civil suits (and half of non-prisoner suits settle), only 14% of prisoner 8th Amendment cases do. Business Insider said, “Many of the settlements were sealed. Of the rest, none involved an admission of wrongdoing by prison officials. BI was able to identify just six cases that settled for $50,000 or more; half of those… involved prisoner deaths.”

The non-sealed settlements were for “modest amounts,” BI said. “An Oregon prisoner received $251 over a claim that she was sexually assaulted by another prisoner and then pepper-sprayed by a guard. A Nevada prisoner got $400 on a claim that guards beat and pepper-sprayed him while he was in restraints. A New York prisoner won $2,000 for claims that he suffered debilitating pain while prison officials delayed treating his degenerative osteoarthritis.”

In only 11 cases — less than 1% of the 1,488 cases from 2018-2022 that BI studied – did the plaintiffs win relief in court.

Business Insider, The 1% (December 26, 2024)

– Thomas L. Root