All posts by lisa-legalinfo

Second Chance for Second Chance – Update for April 14, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

BUREAU OF PRISONS REVERSES COURSE ON HALFWAY HOUSE

Last Thursday, the Bureau of Prisons hastily walked back its March 31st memo limiting Second Chance Act halfway house placement—which under 18 USC 3624 can be up to 12 months—to only 60 days (with RDAP placement limited to 125 days).

badidea161003The BOP tersely announced in a press release that “[b]ased on concerns about how these limitations impact the population, BOP will not proceed with the planned changes to limit SCA placement to 60 days. A new memo was issued today, April 10, 2025, rescinding the previous guidance.”

The memo is not yet publicly available.

In its March 31st memorandum, the BOP cited budget constraints for the limitation and stated that prisoners “releasing to the community under Second Chance Act (SCA) authority after April 21, 2025, will have their dates adjusted and reduced to a maximum of 60 days.”

Writing in Forbes, Walter Pavlo said that the reversal resulted from an “uproar” from inmates, their families, advocates, and civil rights attorneys. The reversal coincides with a BOP warning of a renewed scam where people impersonating BOP employees were shaking down families for money to secure quicker halfway house placement for loved ones.

pooremptypockets231017Pavlo says that “the BOP is going to be honoring the earlier dates given to prisoners to start their halfway house placement.” This may be, but the financial pressures on the agency that resulted in the March 31st restriction remain unchanged. Without the text of the new memo available, whether the good old days are back remains unclear.

BOP, Second Chance Act (SCA) Placements – Previous Guidance Rescinded (April 10, 2025)

Forbes, Bureau of Prisons Rescinds Controversial Limits On Halfway House (April 10, 2025)

– Thomas L. Root

A Change in DOJ Approch to 922(g)(1)? – Update for April 11, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

CURIOUS DEVELOPMENT(?) ON § 922(g)(1)

You may remember that the leading case on whether the 18 USC § 922(g)(1) felon-in-possession (F-I-P) statute complies with the 2nd Amendment is the 3rd Circuit decision, Range v. Garland (now renamed in honor of new Attorney General Pam Bondi).

gunfreezone170330Bryan Range, disqualified from owning a gun because of a conviction 25 years ago, sued the government, arguing that F-I-P was unconstitutional as applied to his case, because his conviction was non-violent – a food-stamp false statement case – and it was 25 years in the past. The 3rd Circuit agreed in an en banc opinion in 2023, and the government took it to the Supreme Court.

SCOTUS remanded it for further consideration in light of United States v. Rahimi. Last December, the 3rd Circuit again found F-I-P unconstitutional as applied to Bryan’s situation.

Late last month, Bondi filed for a 30-day extension to decide whether to ask the Supreme Court to accept the case for review. She said, “The Acting Solicitor General has not yet determined whether to file a petition for a writ of certiorari in this case. The additional time sought in this application is needed to continue consultation within the government and to assess the legal and practical impact of the court of appeals’ ruling…”

On February 7, President Trump gave Bondi 30 days to submit a policy plan for enacting pro-gun reforms. Nearly two months later, nothing has been done.

gun160711Trump directed that “[w]ithin 30 days of the date of this order, the Attorney General shall examine all orders, regulations, guidance, plans, international agreements, and other actions of executive departments and agencies (agencies) to assess any ongoing infringements of the 2nd Amendment rights of our citizens, and present a proposed plan of action to the President, through the Domestic Policy Advisor, to protect the Second Amendment rights of all Americans.”

The 30-day due date for that report would have been March 9th, but that day came and went without any movement from Bondi or the White House. When this omission got some attention, the Department of Justice told ABC News that the deadline was extended to March 16. That date passed, too, with no report. Since then, according to The Reload, DOJ has not produced the report or provided any updates as to when it will be released.

gibsongun250411However, the New York Times reported a week ago that the DOJ was about to restore gun rights to actor Mel Gibson and 9 other people. The Times said, “The decision, which also applies to nine others, was approved by Attorney General Pam Bondi, according to the people, who spoke on the condition of anonymity for fear of retaliation. The specifics are expected to be published in The Federal Register…”

Attorney General, Bondi v. Range, Case No. 24A881 (March 12, 2025)

White House, Executive Order – Protecting 2nd Amendment Rights (February 7, 2025)

The Reload, Where Is the DOJ’s Second Amendment Report? (April 6, 2025)

New York Times, Mel Gibson’s Gun Rights to Be Restored by Justice Dept. (April 3, 2025)

– Thomas L. Root

How You Say It Is As Important as What You Say – Update for April 10, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

WHEN IT COMES TO 2241 PETITIONS, PROCEDURAL DETAILS MATTER

goddetails210517Back in early 2022, William Maxwell filed a petition for habeas corpus under 28 USC § 2241, arguing that the BOP had failed to consider him for priority transfer to home confinement under the CARES Act. He threw in a Festivus of other grievances as well –  the BOP had treated him differently than other people (naming specifically Michael Cohen and Paul Manafort), it had denied him time credits, denied him extra minutes for phone use, refused him expanded commissary spending limits, denied him transfer to a halfway house, refused him preferential housing at privilege, and withheld other privileges he said the First Step Act provided him.

The district court dismissed his petition for failure to exhaust administrative remedies. Bill appealed.

Last week, the 5th Circuit denied the appeal for a completely different reason, because a § 2241 petition was the wrong vehicle for what he wanted from the court.

The 5th Circuit said, “A habeas petition is the proper vehicle to seek release from custody, while a civil rights suit under Bivens v. Six Unknown Named Agents of Fed. Bureau of Narcotics is the proper vehicle to attack unconstitutional conditions of confinement and prison procedures. The ‘bright-line rule’ our court has adopted is that if a favorable determination of the prisoner’s claim would not automatically entitle him to accelerated release, then the proper vehicle is a civil rights suit.”

Bill wanted transfer to a halfway house or home confinement. Because neither remedy would entitle him to accelerated release, “the relief he seeks is properly brought in a civil rights suit,” the Circuit said.

BivensdeadThe holding underscores the need to pay attention to procedure. Bill had spent over three years to end up right where he started, needing to exhaust remedies for a non-2241 civil action.

At the same time, the 5th’s glib suggestion that Bill needed to bring a Bivens action conveniently ignores the fact that the Supreme Court has so gutted Bivens in a string of decisions ending with the 2022 Egbert v. Boule case that any hope of relief from a Bivens action is illusory.

Maxwell v. Thomas, Case No. 23-40699, 2025 U.S. App. LEXIS 7899 (5th Cir. April 3, 2025)

– Thomas L. Root

Trump Wants You Out of Here – Update for April 8, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

PRESIDENT TRUMP, THE PRISONER’S FRIEND

I get appreciative mail from admirers of my blog all the time. This one from a grateful prisoner came in last week. (Note: Whatever else my correspondent might be serving time for, it probably isn’t for being an English teacher):

I am rally getting sick of you woke shit.Trump trump Please tell me why you did not E-Mail us abought Biden pardoned Adam Shift who made up a Russian Coulson and played that shit on the hole country for 4 years. Your Nothing but a Dim Hack stop tooting waters and stick legal cases.

Today’s post probably will not raise this “Dim Hack[‘s]” stock with my grateful reader much, because I am failing to mention Joe Biden at all while I am “tooting waters” (whatever that means).

trumpfriend250408But the evidence is the evidence: Mr. Federal Prisoner, Donald Trump is not your friend.

You might think that President Trump would have a little more appreciation for how easy it is to become a felon in this country after his bumpy ride over the past four years. After all, he himself is still a felon – with 34 counts from which he cannot pardon himself – in New York State.

Trump claims he was wrongly accused and wrongly convicted. The appeals process is not over, so he may be right. Surely, a lot of people in federal prison feel the same way about their convictions, and you’d think the Prez might feel a little kinship with them.

But President Trump, it seems, has learned little from his four years in the criminal law desert. While he has no problem pardoning his sycophants and fellow travelers who racked up felonies while trashing the Capitol and assaulting cops in his name, he appears to remain contemptuous of people whose crimes of conviction may not have been committed in service to his glory.

Trump told reporters last Sunday that he would “love” to send federal inmates to the Terrorism Confinement Center (CECOT), El Salvador’s notorious mega-prison, but he first has to check with his legal people on whether he is allowed to.

CECOT250408While on Air Force One while en route back to Washington from Mar-a-Lago, Trump was asked whether he plans to pursue El Salvador President Nayib Bukele’s offer to house American prisoners. “Well, I love that,” Trump said. “If we could take some of our 20-time wise guys that push people into subways and that hit people over the back of the head and that purposely run people over in cars — if he would take them, I would be honored to give them.”

“I don’t know what the law says on that, but I can’t imagine the law would say anything different,” he said. “If they can house these horrible criminals for a lot less money than it costs us, I’m all for it, but I would only do according to the law.”

Imprison federal prisoners for “less money than it costs us.” That doesn’t sound like a President who wants to adequately fund the BOP for infrastructure repairs, full staffing, FSA programming, and halfway houses, now, does it?

Trump has already invoked the Alien Enemies Act of 1798, intended to detain and deport noncitizens during wartime, to expel 238 Venezuelan migrants to El Salvador, where they are being held in CECOT.

Bukele said in February that he had offered the United States “the opportunity to outsource part of its prison system. We are willing to take in only convicted criminals (including convicted U.S. citizens) into our mega-prison… in exchange for a fee,” he wrote in a post on the X formerly known as Twitter.

sonice250408While touring CECOT in February, Secretary of State Marco Rubio praised Bukele’s offer to house federal prisoners, calling it “an extraordinary gesture never before extended by any country.”

It would be flatly unlawful to send federal prisoners, whether citizens or not, to a foreign prison. Under 18 USC § 3621, anyone sentenced to prison for a federal crime “shall be committed to the custody of the Bureau of Prisons until the expiration of the term imposed, or until earlier released for satisfactory behavior pursuant to the provisions of section 3624.” While noncitizens can be transferred to their home country under the treaty transfer program, 18 USC § 4107 requires that the prisoner consent to the transfer.

Newsweek, Donald Trump Says He Loves Idea of Sending Americans to El Salvador Prison (April 7, 2025)

The Hill, Trump on possibility of sending American inmates to El Salvador prison: ‘I love that’ (April 7, 2025)

USA Today, Trump on sending American prisoners to El Salvadorian prisons: ‘I love that’ (April 7, 2025)

– Thomas L. Root

Second Chance Act Restrictions Constrict Halfway House Placement – Update for April 7, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

IT’S ALL ABOUT THE BENJAMINS

benjamins210222Bureau of Prison inmates were rocked last week by a systemwide announcement that prisoners with a Second Chance Act (SCA) halfway house placement on or after April 21st would see their placements reduced (but how much is unknown), and any future designation will be limited to a maximum of 60 days. Inmates completing the Residential Drug Abuse Program (RDAP) – who formerly got 180 days in most cases – will now be limited to 125 halfway house days.

A little background: The Holy Grail for the 94% of federal prisoners who will someday be released is getting to halfway house, a residential facility located in a community setting in which former inmates and recovering substance abusers transition to outside living with regular jobs, banking, family relationships, and the like.

If my unscientific survey of the hundreds of my newsletter readers who have cycled through halfway houses is any indication, halfway house living is fairly miserable. It features an unpleasant mix of all levels of violent and nonviolent state and federal inmates, a staff that is poorly trained compared to Bureau of Prisons personnel, extra layers of bureaucracy, and petty rules enforced with the constant fear of being sent back to a secure institution. Still, for virtually all prisoners, halfway house represents the promise of relative freedom to walk the streets (subject to curfews and severe limitations on where they are going and where they may not tarry), see loved ones, and work in a job where they feel like employees instead of inmates.

One of the first questions a new federal inmate asks is when he or she will be eligible for halfway house placement. Eligible prisoners can earn First Step Act credits for successful programming, with the first 365 credits shortening their sentences by up to a year. Any credits over 365 entitles a prisoner to more halfway house or home confinement time.

Even if prisoners are ineligible for earning FSA credits, the Second Chance Act of 2007—codified in 18 USC 3624(c)—permits (but does not require) the BOP to place any inmate in a halfway house for up to 12 months.

halfwayhouse250407The BOP has always been focused on placing the inmates at the highest risk of recidivism and with the greatest need for services in halfway house. Contrary to inmates’ prevailing belief, halfway house was never intended to be a reward for good conduct or an accolade for good character, but rather a prerelease tool to increase the chances that the corrections system would never see the prisoner again.

The BOP has traditionally employed a five-factor metric to place inmates in halfway house and to determine the duration of their stay. The five-factor review focuses on the resources of the facility, the prisoner’s offense, and the history and characteristics of the offender.

Last fall, the BOP began providing inmates with tally sheets showing them the date they would be eligible for halfway house assuming they earn the maximum number of FSA credits possible for them to get. The sheet also included the convenient but questionable administrative practice of adding the maximum 12 months they could also be granted for halfway house under Second Chance. The listing had an asterisk note warning prisoners that they were not automatically given 12 months, but rather explaining that the number of months of halfway house they would be allocated under SCA would be determined later and only after the individualized five-factor review.

fineprint180308Hardly anyone reads the fine print, and that applies with extra vigor to prisoners searching for as much hope as they could find. In many minds, 12 months of SCA halfway house on top of all of the FSA halfway house they could earn became an entitlement, not just a possibility.

In crafting the First Step Act, Congress made the policy error of treating halfway house as a reward for successful programming. The more programs completed, coupled with good conduct and a low risk of recidivism, would result in a prisoner earning more halfway house. This turned the BOP’s approach to halfway house on its head: instead of halfway house resources being used for people who needed it most, First Step allocated the resources to people who needed it least.

Money, That’s What I Want:  Amidst all of this prerelease fantasy, no one has appreciated the sobering truth behind the COIF numbers. “COIF” – the Cost of Incarceration Fee – is a calculation the BOP publishes annually of how much it costs to keep a federal inmate locked up. In Fiscal Year 2023 – the last year for which COIF data are available –the average COIF for an inmate housed in a BOP prison facility was $120.80 per day. The average FY 2023 COIF for a Federal inmate housed in halfway house was $113.53 per day.

It seems like a no-brainer. It clearly costs less to place a prisoner in a halfway house than to keep him in prison, right?

Maybe but maybe not. The COIF consists of “the obligation encountered in Bureau of Prisons facilities (excluding activation costs)” incurred in keeping an inmate, according to 28 CFR 0.96c. “Obligations” are how much is booked, not how much is actually spent. Right now, for example, the BOP calculates that its facilities repair costs are $3 billion, costs that have not been paid (and may never be paid).

Shaneva D. McReynolds, president of FAMM, said last week, “Prisons come with a menu of fixed costs that do not apply to halfway houses and certainly do not apply to home confinement.” Her point was that the BOP should maximize the number of months and number of inmates in halfway house, but her point disproves her position.

Fixed costs, by definition, do not increase according to inmate count. In other words, if $100.00 of the prison COIF represents fixed costs and $21.00 represents marginal costs, then sending a prisoner to halfway house only saves the BOP $21.00 while costing it about $114.00 in contract fees to the halfway house. Net loss to the BOP: about $93.00 a day per prisoner placed in halfway house. The prison is still there, the light bill still has to be paid, staff still has to be paid, the roof still needs to be fixed.

moneythatswhat231128No one doubts that the BOP is bleeding cash. The agency currently has nearly 6,000 fewer employees than needed, a shortfall costing over $437 million in overtime charges, BOP associate deputy director Kathleen Toomey told Congress in February 2025. A third of the FY 2023 overtime went for almost 76,000 outside medical trips and 84,000 hospitalizations.

Prison consultants Dr. Susan Giddings and Bruce Cameron wrote last week that halfway house placement “is actually more expensive than the cost of incarceration in a minimum-security prison and, in many cases, a low-security prison as well.” They said,

It’s too late for this fiscal year. The damage is done, and all the Bureau can do is stop the hemorrhaging. But if President Trump and Congress act now, fiscal year 2026 could be turned around. Home Confinement placement is significantly less costly than halfway house or incarceration, but in order to take advantage of the savings and better use the residential halfway house resources more efficiently, the status quo is not the answer. It’s time to flip the table and get something done.

Phillip Nunes, executive director of the Eastern Ohio Correction Center and president of the International Community Justice Association, told prison consultant Walter Pavlo that halfway houses currently have capacity and could expand without needing new contracts with the BOP.

Former BOP Acting Director Hugh Hurwitz said the same in the Atlanta Journal-Constitution last December. Hurwitz told prison consultant Walter Pavlo last week that the proposed 60-day limit is insufficient for inmates – particularly those who have served long sentences – to make the adjustment to the street.

No room at the inn?

While Giddings asserts that halfway house costs more than imprisonment – which, because the prison costs include fixed and marginal costs alike while halfway house is all marginal dollars – Pavlo disputes the claim: “It is difficult to see how the BOP’s decision to limit halfway houses is going to end up saving any money. In fact, both the First Step Act and the Second Chance Act, both heavily reliant on halfway house placement, were passed by Congress overwhelmingly on the assumption that they would save money on the costs of incarceration.”

The Sobering Reality:  Giddings and Cameron said that while the BOP announcement cutting halfway house placement was “devastating” for many prisoners and their families,” it is unsurprising:

The Bureau has had to prioritize lengthy First Step Act (FSA) prerelease placements over SCA placements for months. These lengthy FSA placements, anywhere from 12 to 26 months in length, tie up halfway house and home confinement resources for well beyond the average four- to five-month placement. The issue was further exacerbated by the previous Administration’s refusal to support the Bureau in court challenges regarding whether the Bureau had any discretion in these designation decisions to include cases where the individual presented public safety risks. The Bureau was told the only consideration was the time credits: nothing else mattered.

The BOP has argued in court that it is not required to honor FSA credits for halfway house, but it has lost that fight. So how do you pay a big new bill required by law from a budget that is already under intense pressure? Answer – you stop spending on any part of the budget over which you have control.

One inmate told me that at her facility, “Girls were devastated. Screaming, crying, shutting down, signing out of RDAP.” Another prisoner demanded to know whether it was true that “Trump passed a new law to where federal inmates can only get 60 days of halfway house now a that you can’t get up to 6 months anymore?”

Of course, Trump had nothing directly to do with this. As far as implementing the SCA, nothing in that law required the BOP to give prisoners any halfway house time. Whether there is a solid legal challenge to last week’s decision has yet to be seen.

Race to the Courthouse:  If my email can be believed—and I got a lot of email on the subject—inmates are now filing a blizzard of suits challenging the BOP action. The cottage industry of people who provide litigation support services to federal prisoners is leading the charge.

Badlaw200804One newsletter reportedly told inmate readers that the matter could be challenged using the same theory that won in Rodriguez v. Smith, a 2008 9th Circuit decision. A more careful review of Rodriguez would have shown even a casual reader that several decisions since then—such as Hindman v. Inch—have held that the Rodriguez holding was superseded by the SCA and has been reduced to a historical curiosity.

Another prisoner complained to me that the BOP “wants to keep us in prison longer, which means spending more money to keep us locked up. Then they don’t want to implement the Second Chance Act, which is law. We can’t break the law, but they clearly can by not implementing the Second Chance Act.”

Blame First Step for encouraging the belief that halfway house is an entitlement and blame the BOP’s administrative laziness for convincing prisoners and their families that a full year in halfway house was a given.

As for the BOP’s intentions, it’s not about keeping people in prison longer. It’s all about the Benjamins, baby.

Giddings and Cameron, The Bureau Takes Additional Drastic Actions to Contain Costs as They Struggle with Budget Issues (April 1, 2025)

Cost of Incarceration Fee, 89 FR 97072 (December 6, 2024)

Forbes, Bureau of Prisons Is A “Powder Keg” With Problems (April 4, 2025)

Forbes, Under Budget Pressure, Bureau Of Prisons To Cut Halfway House Time (April 1, 2025)

Atlanta Journal-Constitution, The Bureau of Prisons has plenty of open beds for reentry (December 6, 2024)

Rodriguez v. Smith, 541 F.3d 1180 (9th Cir. 2008)

Hindman v. Inch, Case No 2:17-cv-00323, 2018 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 46834 (S.D.Ind., March 22, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

How Do I Love Thee? Let Me Count the Ways – Update for April 3, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

YOU ALWAYS HURT THE ONE YOU LOVE

Elizabeth Barrett Browning’s famous sonnet comes to mind in the tale of the Bureau of Prisons nurse who loved a little too much…

lovethee250403Jessica Larson, a BOP nurse at the Federal Medical Center at Rochester, Minnesota, was indicted last week for abusive sexual conduct with an inmate, identified in the indictment as “Victim A.”

Officials say that Jessica “engaged in a romantic relationship with an inmate.” The relationship included the exchange of explicit letters and an intimate encounter in a shower room.

After the interlude in the shower, other staff nurses reported the relationship. When investigators found the intimate letters and “confronted Larson about her relationship with the inmate, she submitted a report where she allegedly falsely accused the inmate of sexual assault.”

hurtonelove250403The indictment may be a first: accusing a BOP employee of criminal misconduct – a violation of 18 U.S.C. § 1001 for making a false statement about a matter within the jurisdiction of a government agency – for filing an incident report that falsely accused an inmate of misconduct.

The BOP placed Jessica on administrative leave. Amazingly, after having thrown her inmate lover under the bus, “two months later… Larson drove more than 600 miles from her home in Iowa to Cincinnati, Ohio, to maul a love letter to Victim A, who had been transferred to another BOP facility,” the indictment alleges.

‘Sorry I accused you of a federal felony… but I still love you.’

“In Minnesota, we take sexual abuse—particularly when committed by those in positions of authority—very seriously,” Acting U.S. Attorney Lisa D. Kirkpatrick (D. Minnesota) said in a press release. “Likewise, lying to the United States is unacceptable and will not be tolerated. My office will continue to aggressively prosecute defendants who commit these crimes.”

KMSP-TV, Rochester prison nurse had affair with inmate, exchanged letters: Indictment (March 28, 2025)

COUNTING THE WAYS

More on the sonnet…

While Melissa Barrett was serving a 168-month sentence for drug offenses, Guidelines Amendment 821 took effect. The amendment limited the impact of criminal history “status points” that had been used to calculate Mel’s original Guideline range.

Mel was in love, too… with the idea of getting out of prison as quickly as possible (not that we blame her).  Relying on Amendment 821, she moved for a sentence reduction to 120 months.

retro240506The government agreed Mel was eligible for a retroactive sentence reduction under 18 U.S.C. § 3582(c)(2) but not to the level she sought. Mel argued that Amendment 821 both reduced her criminal history points from three to one (putting her in Criminal History Category I) but also entitled her to a reduction in her offense level because she was now eligible for the USSG § 2D1.1(b)(17) 2-level safety valve reduction allowed for qualified defendants with only one criminal history point.

The government believed Amendment 821 should be applied only to Mel’s criminal history category, letting the court cut her sentence no lower than 150 months. The district court agreed and reduced her sentence to 150 months rather than the 120 months she had requested.

Mel argued to the 4th Circuit that the district court was wrong not to give Amendment 821 retroactive effect for safety-valve purposes. Last week, the 4th Circuit agreed.

To qualify for the safety valve, Melissa could have no more than one criminal history point (this has increased since she was sentenced, but Mel was stuck with the Guidelines that applied on her sentencing date). She also had to meet requirements of no violence in her case, no gun, no leadership role, and other standards listed in Guideline § 5C1.2(a)(1). Because she had too many criminal history points, the district court did not bother to make any other safety valve findings.

The district court believed it lacked the authority to make any new factual findings on an Amendment 821 resentencing. But the 4th held that nothing “prevents the court [in a § 3582(c)(2) proceeding] from making new findings that are supported by the record and not inconsistent with the findings made in the original sentencing determination.”

safetyvalv200618The appeals court said, “We appreciate the government’s point that a defendant’s criminal history category and her offense level are separate calculations under the Guidelines, serving separate purposes. For that reason, a retroactive change to one ordinarily will not affect the other. But this appears to be an unusual case, in that the Guidelines closely and directly connect the two, tying a defendant’s criminal history score under § 4A1.1 to both her criminal history category and her qualification for a two-level offense adjustment under § 2D1.1(b)(17). Where an amendment has this kind of direct impact on two provisions integral to a defendant’s “amended guideline range,” see USSG § 1B1.10(b)(1), retroactive application of that amendment means accounting for both.

United States v. Barrett, Case No. 24-6293, 2025 U.S. App. LEXIS 7111 (4th Cir., March 27, 2025)

– Thomas L. Root

Beatings Will Continue at BOP Until Employee Morale Improves – Update for April 1, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

BOP EMPLOYEES TAKE IT ON THE CHIN (AGAIN)

Last Monday, 23,000 BOP employees lost their retention bonuses, reducing their pay by up to 25%. Last Thursday, President Trump stripped the prison workers, along with thousands of other federal employees, of the right of collective bargaining.

morale250225As Walter Pavlo described it in Forbes last week, “Despite already ranking last among federal agencies in employee satisfaction, morale [at the BOP] has worsened. President Trump’s recent aims to eliminate BOP employees’ ability to unionize [is] a move condemned by AFGE Council 33 President Everett Kelley as a “disgraceful and retaliatory attack” on civil servants.

The Marshall Project (TMP) reported yesterday that “[l]abor leaders say the move is devastating for the Bureau, and silences a union representing over 30,000 people at more than 120 federal prisons nationwide. It’s the latest and biggest hit to a workforce that includes many supporters of Trump’s ‘tough on crime’ campaign rhetoric.”

Director Peters is gone... and so is the union.
Director Peters is gone… and so is the union.

There is little doubt that loss of collective bargaining clout and union protection for BOP employees facing disciplinary action for misconduct “will exacerbate an ongoing staffing crisis,” as TMP put it.  The union “has consistently sounded the alarm on the chronic staffing shortages in the federal prison system,” David Fathi, director of the American Civil Liberties Union National Prison Project, told TMP.  While there are cases where the union has “frustrated and undermined accountability,” Fathi said, “we have frequently seen prison staff unions align themselves with incarcerated people to press for safer conditions.”

“People are still in shock,” said Brandy Moore White, national president of the Council of Prison Locals. “I think a lot of people felt secure in the fact that while we are a union, we are a law enforcement union, and we do work with both sides,” referring to Republicans and Democrats.

Compounding this frustration, the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) has reportedly pressured staff to resign, while long hours and severe shortages persist. The likelihood of mass resignations only increases instability within the agency.”

Executive Order, Exclusions From Federal Labor-Management Relations Programs (March 27, 2025)

Forbes, Bureau of Prisons Is ‘Rudderless’ Operation, Says Former Director (March 28, 2025)

The Marshall Project, Trump’s Union Order Endangers Federal Prison Officers, Labor Leaders Say (March 31, 2025)

– Thomas L. Root

Another Incremental Victory for Felon-In-Possession – Update for March 31, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

5TH CIRCUIT UPHOLDS FELON-IN-POSSESSION CONSTITUTIONALITY AS APPLIED TO DEFENDANT WITH VIOLENT PAST

The 5th Circuit last week upheld the constitutionality of 18 USC § 921(g)(1)’s felon-in-possession statute as applied to a defendant with a prior aggravated battery conviction.

Comparing the battery offense to Colonial era “armed and affray” laws, the Circuit ruled that the 2nd Amendment permits disarming people like the defendant, Jeremy Schnur.

violent160620The 5th said Jeremy’s “violent aggravated battery conviction is analogous to, and arguably more dangerous than, the ‘prototypical affray [which] involved fighting in public,’ the precursor to the ‘going armed’ laws punishable by arms forfeiture… These affray and going armed laws were intended to “mitigate demonstrated threats of physical violence similar to that displayed by Schnur when he perpetrated the aggravated battery offense [and] supports a tradition of disarming individuals like Schnur pursuant to § 922(g)(1), whose underlying conviction stemmed from the threat and commission of violence.”

The 5th’s approach continues to suggest that those with nonviolent felonies in their background cannot be held subject to the felon-in-possession statute consistent with the 2nd Amendment. This approach has been adopted by the 3rd Circuit in Range v. Atty General and suggested by the 6th Circuit in United States v. Williams. The same question is currently on en banc review in the 9th Circuit’s United States v. Duarte.

United States v. Schnur, Case No. 23-60621, 2025 U.S. App. LEXIS 7030 (5th Cir. March 26, 2025)

– Thomas L. Root

Trouble On The Line and Other Federal Prison News – Update for March 28, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

BOP SHORTS

cellphones230428Cotton Introduces Bill to Jam Cellphones:  Sen Tom Cotton (R-AR) and Rep David Kustoff (R-TN) have introduced companion bills in the House and Senate to permit prisons to use cellphone jamming devices to block  prisoners  from using contraband cellphones.

The Republican lawmakers are reintroducing identical legislation in their respective chambers of Congress that would amend § 302a(a) of the Communications Act of 1934 – which lets the Federal Communications Commission regulate “devices which in their operation are capable of emitting radio frequency energy by radiation, conduction, or other means in sufficient degree to cause harmful interference to radio communications” – to prohibit the FCC from banning cellphone jammers used in prison housing units.

Currently, the FCC says, “The Communications Act prohibits non-Federal entities from using cell jammers. The FCC cannot waive this statutory prohibition absent a change in the law by Congress.”  The Cotton-Kustoff bill is intended to solve this problem,  stating that the FCC “prevent a State or Federal correctional facility from operating a jamming system within the correctional facility to prevent, jam, or otherwise interfere with a wireless communication that is sent” by a contraband cellphone.

In announcing the bill, Cotton trotted out the overused refrain that “[f]or far too long, contraband cellphones have been a major security threat in our prisons, allowing criminals to coordinate crimes from behind bars. This legislation is a common-sense step to cut off their ability to threaten witnesses, organize drug trafficking, and endanger law-abiding citizens from within prison walls.” While there are instances of such crimes, the numbers pale next to cellphones’ real utility, to let prisoners get past telephone time and availability limitations on communications with friends and family.

Walter Pavlo described the phenomenon:

The risk of possessing and using a cell phone is something many prisoners wrestle with when they are in prison, but it is also a symptom of other problems in prison. It begs the question as to why prisoners take the extraordinary risk of having a cell phone. Federal prisoners are subject to lockdowns in prison where they are confined to their cells and not allowed to use sanctioned methods of communication like monitored calls and emails (Corrlinks, the prison email system, tracks and reads email messages). Lockdowns occur because of staff shortages or because of disturbances in the prison. Some of these lockdowns can last days, weeks or months. During lockdowns there is no television, no phone, no email and no visitation. In this isolation, prisoners long for some communication with the outside world, to talk to their family, to get some news, and to have some entertainment in stark confines of prison. The cell phones offer an escape from prison.

cellsandwich180216As a result, prison cellphones are at the heart of booming commerce: someone who has invested the $2,000 to $3,000 needed for a cellphone can then rent it out to other prisoners, who often have their own sim cards to insert into the phone.  Pavlo said, “A cell phone can be purchased by a prisoner for up to $3,000 and to cover the costs many are rented out to other prisoners for prices of $100-$200/hour, a price mostly determined by the number of phones in the prison. When cell phone inventory is high among the general population, prices tend to go down.”

Cellphone jamming unit prices currently range from about a hundred to several thousand dollars a unit, but with demand, the price would probably drop.

If the Cotton-Kustoff bill would pass, the effect on prisoner communication and commerce would be substantial, depending on how quickly prisons adopt and deploy the technology. While it is difficult to gauge the likelihood that the bill will pass, there is unlikely to be much opposition to the program.  The FCC has traditionally opposed any change in the law that permits use of devices intended to jam telecommunications, but this is now a different FCC, so its position (not to mention its influence with legislators) is unknown.

Transgender Injunction: A judge last week ordered the Bureau of Prisons to transfer two transgender inmates back to women’s prisons after they had been sent to male facilities due to Trump’s executive order withdrawing transgender protections.

U.S. District Judge Royce Lamberth (District of Columbia) issued a preliminary injunction in a suit over the impact of Trump’s executive order on transgender women in federal prisons.

Lamberth ordered the BOP to “immediately transfer” the two – identified in court papers as “Rachel and Ellen Doe” – back to women’s facilities and to continue to provide them with gender dysphoria treatment.

The inmates said in court papers that they were living in constant fear of sexual assault and violence after being moved to male prisons.

peters220930Colette Peters Lands on Her Feet: With inmate suicide rates in the California state prison system at an all-time high, Senior U.S. District Judge Kimberly Mueller (Eastern District of California) last week appointed former BOP Director Colette Peters as a “receiver-nominee” to develop an oversight plan for psychiatric services for California’s prison population intended to address the epidemic.

Peters was fired from her BOP position on January 20th within hours of Trump being sworn in as President. She has since filed with the Merit Systems Protection Board claiming that she was improperly fired.

Concerns Over BOP Pay Cuts: Sens Richard Durbin (D-IL), Cory Booker (D-NJ), Adam Schiff (D-CA), and 12 others wrote to Attorney General Pam Bondi last Friday expressing “deep[] concern” over BOP plans to cut retention pay by 50 percent at 42 facilities and eliminate it outright at seven others.

pooremptypockets231017Last month, 23,000 BOP employees were notified of the retention bonus change, effective Mar 23. The letter notes that the BOP “is already grappling with extreme understaffing at BOP institutions… Understaffed prisons already face immense challenges in keeping current populations and staff safe, ensuring access to necessary medical and dental care, and fully implementing the First Step Act in order to reduce recidivism risk and promote public safety… Reducing and eliminating staff retention incentives are certain to exacerbate staffing shortages.”

Newsbreak, Prisons could use cellphone jamming systems under bill in Congress (March 27, 2025)

Press Release, Cotton, Kustoff Introduce Bill to Keep Cellphones Out of Jails (March 26, 2025)

Forbes, Federal Prisoner’s Dilemma, Cell Phone Or Not (June 7, 2024)

Associated Press, Judge orders Trump administration to return two transgender inmates to women’s prisons (March 19, 2025)

Corrections1, Former BOP director named to lead overhaul of Calif. prison mental health system (March 21, 2025)

Sen Richard Durbin, Letter to Attorney General (March 21, 2025)

– Thomas L. Root

 

 

 

Never a Dull Moment in D.C. – Update for March 27, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

WASHINGTON WEEK

Last week was a busy one in Washington (at least, according to a Signal chat group I was accidentally invited to join):

Gun rights: The Dept of Justice last week proposed a rule change that will clear the way for letting it set up an office to restore gun rights to people who have been convicted of nonviolent crimes.

guns200304The Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives – an agency within the DOJ – has the authority to do so now, having been tasked with running the 18 USC § 925 program by the Secretary of the Treasury since 1965 passage of amendments to the Federal Firearms Act of 1938. At the time, ATF was an agency of the Dept of Treasury, and thus it was delegated authority of the Treasury Secretary to hand out gun forgiveness.

The Homeland Security Act transferred the enforcement side of ATF to DOJ in 2002, and substituted the Attorney General for former § 925’s designation of the Secretary of the Treasury.

Back in 1992, Congress could not generate the votes to kill the rights restoration program but Senator Charles Schumer (then a congressman) was able to slip a provision into the ATF’s budget that prohibited the agency from spending any of its budget to operate the program. So while the program remains on the books, no government employee (assuming any are left, Elon) is permitted to spend a second of official time processing applications.

Last week’s proposed rule will withdraw the “effectively moribund” Attorney General’s delegation of authority to the ATF to run the program, letting DOJ handle the rights restoration in house. Presto. ATF may not be able to spend any of its budget on the § 925 program, but nothing will stop DOJ from doing so (unless the Democrats in Congress are able to slide another budget prohibition into the budget).

DOJ said the proposed rule “reflects an appropriate avenue to restore firearm rights to certain individuals who no longer warrant such disability based on a combination of the nature of their past criminal activity and their subsequent and current law-abiding behavior.”

DOJ will take comments on the proposed rule until June 18, 2025.

President Floats Imprisoning Americans in El Salvador: After several incidents of vandalism against Tesla property, President Donald Trump said on Truth Social that such acts would be treated as “domestic terrorism” and the perps could be sent to prison in El Salvador.

“I look forward to watching the sick terrorist thugs get 20-year jail sentences for what they are doing to Elon Musk and Tesla,” Trump posted on Truth Social last Friday. “Perhaps they could serve them in the prisons of El Salvador, which have become so recently famous for such lovely conditions!”

President Suggests Some Biden Clemencies Are Void: President Trump announced that President Biden’s preemptive pardons of people who served on the January 6th committee are of “no further force or effect” in a social media post just after midnight on Monday.

autopen250327Trump alleged that Biden used an autopen on a number of official documents, including presidential clemencies. Autopens are machines designed to automatically replicate a handwritten signature and have been used for years by presidents to sign large volumes of documents.

Speaking to reporters onboard Air Force One a week ago, President Trump maintained the autopen signature made the clemencies void. However, he said “it’s not my decision” whether Biden’s pardons can be voided, and that it would ultimately be up to the courts.

The concern is that if even one Biden clemency can be voided by a later president, none of them is safe.

Fire the Judge: If I had a nickel for every time a prisoner has asked me how to get his or her judge taken off the case, I’d own my own Caribbean island by now.

Removing a judge is a hard thing to do, especially if the judge’s bias resulted from what she had read and heard in your own case. The U.S. Attorney will always fight removal, too, which is why the DOJ’s sudden push to remove federal judges for the sin of not being Donald Trump fans is so surprising.

Politico reports, “As tensions between the White House and the federal judiciary continue to rise, litigators at the Justice Department are increasingly seeking to have judges removed from cases where they have ruled against the administration.”

Last Friday, DOJ filed a motion to disqualify U.S. District Judge Beryl Howell (District of Columbia) from a lawsuit brought by big-law firm Perkins Coie challenging a Trump executive order that lawyers said was designed to destroy the firm in retaliation for work it had done on behalf of his political enemies. DOJ has accused her of “partiality against and animus toward” the President.

On Tuesday, Judge Howell entered a 21-page Memorandum Opinion and Order eviscerating the DOJ’s motion, noting that litigants’ right to a fair and impartial hearing “does not entitle any party—not even those with the power and prestige of the President of the United States or a federal agency—to demand adherence to their own version of the facts and preferred legal outcome.”

Earlier last week, a separate DOJ attorney asked the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit, calling for U.S. District Judge James Boasberg to be removed from case regarding the deportation of alleged Venezuelan gang members. The letter took issue with what it called Boasberg’s “highly unusual and improper procedures.”

signal250327After Judge Boasberg was selected at random this week to hear a lawsuit against the Administration for the Signal chat debacle, President Trump went ballistic on his Truth Social account last night: “How disgraceful is it that ‘Judge’ James Boasberg has just been given a fourth ‘Trump Case,’ something which is, statistically, IMPOSSIBLE,” Trump wrote.

Newsweek said this morning that “Trump’s statements continue his long trend of claiming that the legal system is rigged against him, which he used as a platform throughout the 2024 presidential campaign.”

DOJ, Delegation of Authority, 90 FR 13080 (March 20, 2025)

The Hill, DOJ creating path for people with criminal convictions to again own guns (March 20, 2025)

Fortune, After the Justice Department charged three people with vandalizing Tesla property, the president floated sending the accused to prisons in El Salvador (March 21, 2025)

Politico, Trump floats sending Americans to foreign prisons. Civil rights groups say that would be illegal. (March 21, 2025)

Newsweek, Donald Trump Sends Warning To Enemies As He Says Biden Pardons Void (March 17, 2025)

Politico, DOJ moves to boot federal judge from Perkins Coie case (March 21, 2025)

New York Times, Judge Assails White House Efforts to Kick Her Off Perkins Coie Case (March 26, 2025)

Newsweek, Donald Trump Rages at Judge Boasberg Getting Signal Case: ‘Disgraceful’ (March 27, 2025)

– Thomas L. Root