Tag Archives: USSC

USSC Channels Captain Obvious on Recidivism – Update for June 24, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

FUN WITH NUMBERS

funwithnumbers170511While it awaits the approval of the slate of new members, the United States Sentencing Commission remains busy. With a staff of lawyers, actuaries and policy wonks, the USSC continues to crank out studies that provide some pretty useful data for those seeking to make a point with their sentencing judges.

This week, the USSC issued a seventh recidivism study, this one an examination of the relationship between the length of incarceration and recidivism. Two years ago, the USSC issued a report on federal offenders released in 2005, finding that people receiving sentences of more than 60 months were less likely to recidivate compared to people receiving shorter sentences.

The new study replicates the previous study, which in itself is useful as a check on the accuracy of the prior results. Focused on over 32,000 people released in 2010, the USSC studied whether incarceration has a deterrent effect, a criminogenic effect, or no effect at all.

A “criminogenic” effect would mean that incarceration is likely to cause recidivism rather than deter it.

obvious191031The findings may seem self-evident to many, but in the real world, even Captain Obvious sometimes needs validation. The study found that people sentenced to less than 60 months were neither more nor less likely to be recidivists as a result of their incarceration. But folks sentenced to more than 60 months but less than 120 months were 18% less likely to commit a new offense after release than similar people receiving shorter sentences. For people who served more than 120 months, the likelihood of recidivism was even less, 29% lower compared to offenders receiving shorter sentences.

The National Institute for Justice has previously noted that “policymakers and practitioners believe that increasing the severity of the prison experience enhances the ‘chastening’ effect, thereby making individuals convicted of an offense less likely to commit crimes in the future.” Only nine years ago, criminologist Daniel S. Nagin wrote, “Scientists have found no evidence for the chastening effect… Studies show that for most individuals convicted of a crime, short to moderate prison sentences may be a deterrent but longer prison terms produce only a limited deterrent effect…”

recividists160314The two USSC studies, however, suggest the opposite. To be sure, the difference in recidivism reduction begins to flatten – a 60-120 month sentence gets you an 18% reduction while 120-plus only adds 11 points more. Still, the gain from 18%to 29% could be convincing to a court deciding that someone – especially with a prior record – would benefit from over a decade on ice to cure him or her of criminal predispositions.

U.S. Sentencing Commission, Length of Incarceration And Recidivism (June 20, 2022)

Sentencing Law and Policy, US Sentencing Commission releases another report on “Length of Incarceration and Recidivism” (June 21, 2022)

National Institute for Justice, Five Things About Deterrence (June 5, 2016)

Nagin, Daniel S., Deterrence in the Twenty-First Century (Crime and Justice in America: 1975-2025), M. Tonry, ed, Chicago, Ilinois: University of Chicago Press (2013)

– Thomas L. Root

Batting Cleanup for LISA… – Update for June 17, 2022

wahoo220617We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

Today, we’re cleaning up the week with some odds and ends left over from the week before…

Judiciary Committee Grills Sentencing Committee Nominees: President Biden’s seven nominees to the U.S. Sentencing Commission promised at a Senate hearing last week to prioritize implementing the First Step Act by amending the Guidelines, something the Commission had been unable to do since losing its quorum just as the 2018 law passed.

U.S. District Judge Carlton Reeves (S.D. Miss), nominated to be chairman of the USSC, told the Judiciary Committee that the Commission would also address what he called “troubling” divisions that emerged among courts on sentencing issues during the years it lacked a quorum.

Four Democrat and three Republican picks have been nominated to join the seven-member commission.

Senior U.S. District Judge Charles Breyer (N.D. Cal.), the lone remaining member of USSC, has complained that the Commission’s inability to update its compassionate release policy (USSC § 1B1.13) in light of First Step has resulted in inconsistent decisions across the nation on compassionate release amid the COVID-19 pandemic.

“Today, we take an important step to remedy that problem,” said Judiciary Committee chairman Sen Richard Durbin (D-IL).

Sen Marsha Blackburn (R-TN) jumped on one Democratic nominee, former U.S. District Judge John Gleeson. Gleeson, one of the most thoughtful and creative sentencing judges during his time on the E.D.N.Y. bench, has been a critic of mandatory minimum drug sentences.

“How can you possibly say that more lenient sentencing and reduced penalties for convicted criminals is the answer to our crime problems?” Blackburn complained. Gleeson, now a partner at a Wall Street law firm, responded that as a judge he tried only to show the impact mandatory sentences have on “the individualized sentencing that our system contemplates.”

pissfire220617Meanwhile, former federal defender Laura Mate, a director of the Federal Defenders’ Sentencing Resource Counsel Project, refused demands by Sen Josh Hawley (R-MO) to renounce a detailed 61-page letter to the Sentencing Commission she had co-signed in 2013. The letter had criticized mandatory minimums, especially for some child pornography offenses, with a detailed, well-reasoned argument.

Mate was pilloried by at least one YouTuber for politely dodging Hawley’s question, but given what I know of the good Senator from the Show-Me State, I would resist agreeing with him that the sun rises in the east, because he would end our exchange accusing me of causing dawn to arrive too early.

Republican USSC nominees include Claire McCusker Murray, a Justice Department official during the Trump era; Candice Wong, a federal prosecutor in Washington, D.C., and U.S. District Judge Claria Horn Boom of Kentucky.

The hearing suggests that the Senate will act soon on restoring a functional Sentencing Commission. However, as Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman observed in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog, “it is still unclear exactly when there will be a committee vote and then a full Senate vote on these nominees. I am hopeful these votes might take place this summer, but I should know better than to make any predictions about the pace of work by Congress.”

Senate Judiciary Committee, Hearing (June 8, 2022)

Reuters, Biden’s sentencing panel noms vow to implement criminal justice reform law (June 8, 2022)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Senate conducts hearing for nominees for US Sentencing Commission (June 8, 2022)

Federal Defenders, Letter to Sentencing Commission (July 15, 2013)

rockingchair220617Last Week Makes Mike Long for Retirement:  BOP Director Carvajal is probably giddy at the prospect that his replacement is finally waiting in the wings. 

Besides the USP Thomson investigation being announced last week, the BOP suffered some embarrassing press last week:

•  A Miami TV station reported on a CO’s claim that drones were being used to smuggle contraband into FDC Miami;

•  A Colorado paper reported that the BOP was paying $300,000 in damages to an ADX Florence inmate with Type 1 diabetes who alleged in a lawsuit that he had been denied adequate amounts of insulin;

•  A San Francisco area TV station reported that a former FCI Dublin inmate – who early on told BOP authorities about what has turned into a major sex abuse scandal featuring the arrest of a former warden and four other staffers – says she was punished in retaliation for calling out the staff abuse. “I will never tell another inmate that they should go to report anything to anyone higher up,” the former prisoner told KTVU. “Because all that’s going to happen is it’s going to make their life worse.”; and

•  A former correctional officer at the Federal Medical Center in Lexington, Kentucky, was sentenced to more than 11 years after pleading guilty to sexual abuse of inmates.

Finally, in February, Carvajal told a Congressional committee that the “common criticism” that the BOP is understaffed was a “narrative [that] is routinely misrepresented without reference to the factual data.” Two weeks ago, he told BOP staff in an agency-wide memo that “staffing levels are currently trending downward nationwide.”

Last week, Government Executive reported that the declines have happened in the last four months and that the employees who have quit cite “lack of training and lack of connection to the institution as reasons for their leaving the bureau within the first few years of service.”

Mike must be thinking that the old rocking chair is looking pretty good right now.

WQAD-TV, Justice Department Inspector General launches investigation into USP Thomson (June 9, 2022)

WTVJ, Inmates Attempted to Smuggle Contraband Using Drones, Correctional Officer Says (June 8, 2022)

Colorado Sun, Bureau of Prisons to pay $300,000 to settle lawsuit after diabetic prisoner was allegedly deprived of insulin at Supermax facility (June 7, 2022)

KTVU, Woman who reported Dublin prison sexual abuse claims she was target of retaliation (June 10, 2022)

Government Executive, Federal Prisons Are Losing Staff. The Bureau’s Director Would Like to Fix That By October (June 6, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

President Packs USSC With Some Good Picks – Update for May 12, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

SENTENCING COMMISSION DROUGHT IS LIFTING

noquorum191016President Biden yesterday nominated a bipartisan slate of seven candidates to serve as commissioners on the U.S. Sentencing Commission. If confirmed, the nominees will revitalize the USSC, giving it its first quorum in almost four years.

The list includes U.S. District Judge Carlton W. Reeves (Southern District of Mississippi). If confirmed by the Senate, he will be the first black jurist to chair the 33-year-old commission’s history.

By statute, the Commission must be bipartisan and consist of at least three federal judges and no more than four members of each political party.

Biden’s planned nominees include three active judges and four attorneys. Of those nominees, two have experience as public defenders. Nominees also include

• Laura Mate, a former assistant federal public defender in the Western District of Washington, serves as Sentencing Resource Counsel for the Federal Public and Community Defenders in Arizona;

• Judge Luis Felipe Restrepo, appointed by President Obama to serve on the US Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit and a former assistant federal public defender in the Eastern District of Pennsylvania;

• Claire McCusker Murray, formerly principal deputy associate attorney general in the Dept. of Justice during the Trump Administration;

• Judge Claria Horn Boom, appointed by President Trump to the U.S. District Courts for both the Eastern and Western Districts of Kentucky;

• Former U.S. District Judge John Gleeson (EDNY), a partner at Debevoise and Plimpton LLP, who enjoys close to rock-star status as a forward-thinking sentence reformer;

• Candice Wong, Assistant United States Attorney and Chief of the Violence Reduction and Trafficking Offenses Section in the United States Attorney’s Office for the District of Columbia.

USSC170511The Sentencing Commission has lacked a full slate of commissioners for the entirety of the Trump Administration, and has not had a quorum since the First Step Act passed in December 2018. That is why no guideline has been amended since the November 2018 amendments went into force.

Trump nominated four commissioners in August 2020, two of whom – Judges Restrepo and Boom – were renominated yesterday. Their nominations expired when the Senate did not act on them prior to the end of the 116th Congress in January 2021.

The Commission has a stack of work waiting for its attention, chief among the issues being compassionate release. Last November, the sole remaining member of the Commission at the time, Senior Judge Charles Breyer (N.D. Cal.) complained to Reuters that the lack of quorum meant the Commission could not provide guidance on how to implement compassionate release, creating a “vacuum” in which judges inconsistently decide whether inmates under the measure can secure a sentence reduction under 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A)(i) amid the COVID-19 pandemic.

“Some people were granted compassionate release for reasons that other judges found insufficient,” he said. “There was no standard. That’s a problem when you try to implement a policy on a nationwide basis.” The Commission’s outdated Guideline 1B1.13, ignored by most circuits but used as a bludgeon by others, was perhaps the primary mischief-maker, but with no quorum, the USSC has been powerless to fix things.

Don’t expect immediate miracles. The Commission normally works on a 12-month cycle, with proposed topics for amendments to the Sentencing Guidelines issued late in the year, followed by the actual amendments early in the following year, and a final slate of amendments by May 1. Under the law, the amendments take effect on November 1, unless Congress votes to veto one or all of them.

This means that the most anyone can hope for would be amendments to take effect on November 1, 2023.

progress220512Still, the slate of new commissioners would be the most defendant-friendly bunch to ever run the USSC. Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman wrote in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog yesterday, “Because these selections have surely been made in consultation with Senate leadership, I am reasonably hopeful that hearings and a confirmation of these nominees could proceed swiftly. (But that may be wishful thinking, as was my thinking that these needed nominees would come a lot sooner.) There is lots of work ahead for these nominees (and lots of blog posts to follow about them and their likely agenda), but for now I will be content with just a ‘Huzzah!’”

He’s right.  Its progress, however slow in coming.

Bloomberg Law, Biden Names Seven to Restock US Sentencing Commission (May 11, 2022)

The White House, President Biden Nominates Bipartisan Slate for the United States Sentencing Commission (May 11, 2022)

The White House, President Donald J. Trump Announces Intent to Nominate and Appoint Individuals to Key Administration Posts (August 12, 2021)

Reuters, U.S. sentencing panel’s last member Breyer urges Biden to revive commission (November 11, 2021)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Prez Biden finally announces a full slate of nominees to the US Sentencing Commission (May 11, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

‘Compassionate Release’ is as Arbitrary as it Seems, Sentencing Commission Suggests – Update for March 14, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

COMPASSIONATE RELEASE STATS ALL OVER THE MAP, SENTENCING COMMISSION REPORTS

shocked191024Everyone was shocked, shocked, I tell you, when the US Sentencing Commission reported last week that compassionate release since the passage of the First Step Act in December 2018 through the end of FY 2020 (September 30, 2020, has been largely a geographical crapshoot.

The 1st Circuit (Maine, New Hampshire, Rhode Island and Massachusetts) had the highest compassionate release grant rate at 47.5%, while the 5th Circuit (Texas, Mississippi and Louisiana) was lowest at 13.7%. Second place for compassion went to the 9th at 37.3% with honorable mention to the 7th at 36.6%. The bottom dwellers included the 11th at 19.5% and 8th at 21.3% (although in fairness, no other Circuit came close to the 5th Circuit’s dismal approval rate).

Within all of the circuits, the best places to win compassionate release were Rhode Island (25 compassionate release motions granted out of 32 filed, or 78.1%), Connecticut (49 of 68 granted, for 72.1%), and Oregon (39 of 55 granted, for 70.9%). At the other end of the scale, South Dakota (0 out of 16, for 0.0%), Western District of North Carolina (3 of 172, for 1.7%), and Southern District of West Virginia (1 out of 40, or 2.5%), were the worst places to be.

(I have excluded districts where fewer than 10 motions were filed from this: otherwise, Puerto Rico was the best place, with 8 out of 9 granted (88.9%)).

The national average for compassionate release grants during the 2-year period was 25.7%. Courts granted 1,805 requests in fiscal year 2020 and 145 requests in FY 2019.

Age, original sentence length, and the amount of time already served emerged as the central factors affecting likelihood of a compassionate release grant.

usscgraph220314By contrast, an offender’s race, criminal history category, and offense of conviction generally appeared to have little impact on the likelihood of a compassionate release grant. Still, it is interesting that the offenses most likely to get compassionate release were immigration (50% of compassionate release motions granted), administration of justice (42% granted) and bribery/corruption (37.8%). The offenses with the worst odds were stalking/harassing (12.5%), sexual abuse (13.2%) and kidnapping (13.8%). Someone with a murder conviction was more likely to win compassionate release (19%) than one with a child pornography count (17.6%).

On average, prisoners granted relief had served 80 months and at least half of their sentences. The success rate was 57%for prisoners who had been sentenced to a year or less, 20% for prisoners with sentences between 120 and 240 months, and 30% for those who had been sentenced to 20 years or more. The average compassionate release sentence reduction was 59 months (42.6% of the original sentence).

The pandemic led to a surge in motions from prisoners who worried that they might die from COVID-19 contracted in the crowded conditions of their confinement. Courts received more than 7,000 motions – 96% of which were filed by prisoners – and granted a quarter of them. Judges cited COVID-19 risks in granting compassionate release 72% of the time.

The study makes clear that how federal courts apply 18 USC 3582(c)(1)(A)(i) varies greatly, “underscoring the need to restore the U.S. Sentencing Commission,” Law360 said. “President Joe Biden, after a year in office, has yet to nominate new commissioners, keeping a potentially key player in justice reform on the sidelines.”

Individuals aged 75 or older, who make up a smaller portion of prison populations, were granted compassionate release at the highest rate — more than 60%. Courts granted compassionate release at the lowest rate — less than 20%— to people under the age of 45, according to the report. The most common reason for denying relief was failure to demonstrate an “extraordinary and compelling” reason (two-thirds of denials). Failure to exhaust administrative remedies, cited in a third of cases, was the next most common reason.

Notably, “danger to the public” was cited less than a quarter of the time, “which makes you wonder about the public safety rationale for keeping most of these prisoners behind bars,” Reason magazine said. ‘The ages of many federal prisoners cast further doubt on that rationale, since recidivism declines sharply with age.”

compassion160124

The number of compassionate releases in 2020 was anomalously high because of the pandemic. “After the study period ended,” the USSC notes, “the number of offenders granted compassionate release substantially decreased.” Yet the 1,805 people who were granted compassionate release in 2020 represented just 1% of the federal prison population. Congress, which sets federal penalties, and President Joe Biden, who has the power to free any prisoner whose punishment he deems unjust and promised to “broadly use” that power but has not used it at all yet, might want to consider the possibility that there is room for a bit more compassion.

Law360, Compassionate Release Grants Vary Without Advisory Board (March 10, 2022)

Reason, Compassionate Releases of Federal Prisoners Surged During the Pandemic (March 11, 2022)

US Sentencing Commission, Compassionate Release – The Impact of the First Step Act and COVID-19 Pandemic (March 10, 2022)

Reuters, Conservative U.S. judicial regions less apt to grant inmates compassionate release -commission report (March 10, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

A Sentencing Commission Phoenix? – Update for April 7, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

SENTENCING COMMISSION REVIVAL NEAR?

phoenix210408The seven-member United States Sentencing Commission, which hasn’t had a quorum since 2018 and is now down to one member, may be about to experience a rebirth.

Rollcall reported last week that the Biden administration has solicited lawmakers and criminal justice advocates for guidance on a slate of appointments, a move that could influence congressional efforts of criminal justice reform.

The commission must include three federal judges and no more than four members from any one political party. The Senate must approve the members. The last confirmation vote was four years ago, for Senior U.S. District Judge Charles Breyer (who is the only remaining USSC member).

Sen. Charles E. Grassley (R-Iowa), ranking Republican on the Judiciary Committee, said last week that the Biden administration is working to avoid Senate confirmation problems for its slate of USSC nominees “because both they – the White House – and this senator, and I’m sure a lot of other senators, want to get the commission up and running so it can do its work.”

Breyer said he anticipates that the White House will put forward a slate of six nominees. Until then, he said, “I think we’re in crisis.” The sentencing structure was designed to change over time and be guided by experience, he said. “And it’s an understandable tendency that if the guidelines don’t reflect reality that they’re ignored or given less weight,” Breyer added.

The Commission’s last Guidelines amendments became effective in November 2018.

Rollcall: Help wanted – Revived commission could spark criminal justice changes (March 29, 2021)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Might we be getting closer to (needed) new nominees for the “frozen” US Sentencing Commission? (March 31, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Drug and 924(c) Sentence Reduction, Retroactivity Bills Introduced – Update for March 29, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

1000post210328

TWO BILLS CUTTING MANDATORY MINIMUMS, PROPOSING RETROACTIVITY, INTRODUCED IN SENATE

The important but piecemeal work of criminal justice reform continued last week with two significant bills being introduced in the Senate.

smart210328Sens. Richard Durbin (D-Illinois), Mike Lee (R-Utah), and 11 cosponsors introduced S.1013, the Smarter Sentencing Act of 2021, seeking once again to reform some drug mandatory minimums. At the same time, Durbin and Sen. Charles Grassley (R-Iowa) introduced S.1014, the First Step Implementation Act of 2021.

The Smarter Sentencing Act, an updated version of the Smarter Sentencing Act of 2019 (which went nowhere), continues the mandatory minimum adjustments to 21 USC § 841(b), the sentencing section of the drug trafficking statute begun by the First Step Act. First Step adjusted mandatory life in § 841(b)(1)(A) to 25 years, and mandatory 20 years in the same subsection to 15 years. The Smarter Sentencing Act proposes similar adjustments:

(b)(1)(A): The 15-year mandatory minimum for a prior drug offense would drop to 10 years, and the 10-year mandatory minimum floor would drop to 5 years.

(b)(1)(B): The 10-year mandatory minimum for a prior drug offense would drop to 5 years, and the 5-year mandatory minimum floor would drop to 2 years.

Smarter Sentencing would also create a new category of `courier’ for a defendant whose role was limited to transporting or storing drugs or money. The mandatory minimum for a courier under 21 USC § 960, the importation statute, would essentially be cut in half. It would not affect mandatory minimums in 21 USC § 841(b).

Importantly, the bill makes its changes retroactive, enabling people who now have mandatory minimum sentences changed by the bill to ask their judges for a sentence reduction.

mandatory170612Lee and Durbin first introduced the Smarter Sentencing Act in 2013. Several of its provisions made it into the First Step Act, which was enacted into law in 2018, but the changes in mandatory minimums for most drug offenses would not.

“Mandatory minimum penalties have played a large role in the explosion of the U.S. prison population, often leading to sentences that are unfair, fiscally irresponsible, and a threat to public safety,” Sen. Durbin said in a press release. “The First Step Act was a critical move in the right direction, but there is much more work to be done to reform our criminal justice system. I will keep fighting to get this commonsense, bipartisan legislation through the Senate with my colleague, Senator Lee.”

Meanwhile, S.1014 – the First Step Implementation Act – is equally significant. It would extend retroactivity to anyone sentenced for drug or stacked § 924(c) offenses sentenced prior to the 2018 First Step Act and let judges waive criminal history limitations that keep defendants from getting the 18 USC § 3553 safety value.

Additionally, the bill corrects a weird anomaly in the First Step Act that redefined prior drug cases for which a defendant can get an § 851 enhancement (which increases the mandatory minimum where the defendant has certain prior drug convictions) to limit such priors to crimes punishable by more than 10 years for which the defendant was actually sentenced to more than a year. Under the 2018 bill, the change affected people sentenced under §§ 841(b)(1)(A) and (b)(1)(B), but not people sentenced under the lowest level of sentence, § 841(b)(1)(C). S.1014 applies the same “serious drug felony” definition to all three subsections.

The sleeper in S.1014 is that it would let virtually anyone sentenced under § 841(c) prior to the 2018 First Step Act seek a reduction using a procedure a lot like the Fair Sentencing Act retroactivity motions. The sheer number of motions likely to be filed might be enough to give Congress pause on this one.

usscmembers210328The bill also refines a number of Sentencing Commission goals – such as keeping down the prison population and ensuring that Guidelines don’t have adverse racial impacts. All of that would be great, but – as Supreme Court Justice Sotomayor noted last week – “currently, six of the seven voting members’ seats are vacant. The votes of at least four members are required for the Commission to promulgate amendments to the Guidelines.” The Commission has been paralyzed by lack of quorum since December 2018. The Senate has to confirm at least three new members – and none has yet been nominated by President Biden – before the Commission can do anything.

As for the two new bills, introduction hardly means approval. While Ohio State law professor Doug Berman is skeptical of their chances, he notes that “prior iterations of [the Smarter Sentencing Act] got votes in Senate Judiciary Committee from the likes of Ted Cruz and Rand Paul. Moreover, the current chair of the Senate Judiciary Committee is Senator Durbin and the current President campaigned on a platform that included an express promise to work for the passage of legislation to repeal mandatory minimums at the federal level. Given that commitment, Prez Biden should be a vocal supporter of this bill or should oppose it only because it does not go far enough because it merely seeks to ‘reduce mandatory minimum penalties for certain nonviolent drug offenses,’ rather than entirely eliminate them.

Committee on the Judiciary, Durbin, Lee Introduce Smarter Sentencing Act (March 26, 2021)

Congressional Record, Statements On Introduced Bills And Joint Resolutions (S.1013 and S.1014) (March 25, 2021)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Senators Durbin and Grassley re-introduce “Smarter Sentencing Act” to reduce federal drug mandatory minimums (March 26, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Trump (Finally) Rolls Out Sentencing Commission Slate, Albeit Unbalanced One – Update for August 20, 2020

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

TRUMP FINALLY DECIDES TO NOMINATE NEW SENTENCING COMMISSION MEMBERS, AND FAMM SHOUTS “NOT SO FAST!”

The U.S. Sentencing Commission has lacked a full slate of commissioners for the entirety of Trump Administration, and has not even had a quorum since the First Step Act passed in December 2018. That is why no sentencing guideline has been amended since the November 2018 amendments went into force.

Last week, the White House announced nominees for the vacant Commissioner slots (which persons must be approved by the Senate). They include Judge K. Michael Moore of Florida, to be chairman; Judge Claria Horn Boom of Kentucky; Judge Henry E. Hudson of Virginia; John G. Malcolm, Vice President for the Institute for Constitutional Government and the Director of the Meese Center for Legal & Judicial Studies at the Heritage Foundation; and Judge Luis Felipe Restrepo of Pennsylvania.

HudsonA170811The bad news is that four of the five nominees have been Assistant U.S. Attorneys, and that three of those four are sitting judges as well. The worse news is that Judge Henry Hudson, who has the well-deserved nickname of “Hang-‘em-High Henry,” is one of the nominees. A lonely piece of good news is that Judge Luis Restrepo comes from a public defender background.

How’s that for balance?

hudsonB170811“The administration has put forth a slate that is all white, mostly male, and lacking in diverse experiences or backgrounds,”  Sakira Cook, director of the justice reform program at the Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights, told NPR. “It is critically important that the Sentencing Commission reflects the diversity of background, experience, and expertise that would make the work of the Commission most effective. It is also important to note that at least two of the candidates have records or expressed views on sentencing issues that raise serious concerns.”

FAMM (formerly Families Against Mandatory Minimums) wrote to Senate Judiciary Chairman Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-South Carolina), and ranking minority member Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D-California) last week to urge them to refrain from acting on the nominations until next year:

There are less than 20 legislative days before the election. That is not nearly enough time to give nominees to this important agency the thorough examination and consideration they deserve – and that the people who will be subject to the Commission’s decisions deserve.

FAMM noted specifically that one of the Sentencing Commission’s urgent priorities will be to “address a federal prison system that has been overwhelmed by the spread of COVID-19. The deaths to date of 112 federal prisoners and at least one staff member compel serious reflection about various aspects of the federal prison system, including sentence lengths and early release mechanisms, over which the commission has some authority.”

privateprison200820(Note: The BOP hit 120 dead inmates a couple of days ago, being 114 in BOP custody and another six federal prisoners in private prisons. But no one seems want to count the people who are guests of the for-profits. That is perhaps a topic to cover for another day.)

Of course, what FAMM is really saying is that if the Senate waits until January, there may be a new President and a much different slate of commissioner nominees to consider.

The White House, President Donald J. Trump Announces Intent to Nominate and Appoint Individuals to Key Administration Posts (August 12, 2020)

FAMM, Letter to Sens. Lindsey Graham and Dianne Feinstein (August 14, 2020)

NPR, Concern Mounts Over Possible Trump Picks For Influential Crime Panel (August 19, 2020)

– Thomas L. Root

Sentencing Commission Redux – Update for June 25, 2020

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

TRUMP MAY BE MOVING TO REPOPULATE SENTENCING COMMISSION

USSC170511The U.S. Sentencing Commission, a judicial-branch agency established by the Sentencing Reform Act of 1984, Pub. L. No. 98-473, § 235(b)(3), 98 Stat. 2032 (1984), is responsible for promulgating and amending the Sentencing Guidelines that have profoundly influenced virtually every federal criminal sentence for the past 30 years (and in fact were mandatory from inception until 2005).

But the Commission – which customarily amends the Guidelines annually – has been unable to issue new or amended Guidelines since the end of 2018, because the terms of three of the five USSG members expired at the end of that year. Since then, the President has made one attempt to nominate replacements to the Commission without success. He may be about to try again.

NPR reported last week that the White House has been consulting Capitol Hill and the criminal justice community about four Republican candidates for two of the slots on the Commission, three of them federal judges and the other from the conservative think tank Heritage Foundation.

HudsonA170811Republican candidates include Senior US District Judge Henry Hudson (Eastern District Virginia), a former director of the US Marshals Service known as “Hang ‘Em High Henry” for his work as a local prosecutor. Hudson has a reputation for handing out long sentences. Another is Chief Judge K. Michael Moore (Southern District Florida), also a former director of the Marshals. Eastern District of Kentucky Judge Claria Horn Boom, a favorite of Senate Majority Leader Mitch hudsonB170811McConnell (R-Kentucky), is in the running, as is John Malcolm, director of the Heritage Foundation’s Meese Center for Legal and Judicial Studies and a former AUSA. Malcolm helped then-candidate Trump put together a list of candidates in the event a Supreme Court vacancy opened up. Malcolm has reached out to allies across the political aisle to try to overhaul mandatory minimums.

One of the Commission slots is reserved for a Democrat. The President is proposing 3rd Circuit Appeals Judge L. Felipe Restrepo, a former public defender appointed to the judgeship by President Barack Obama.

NPR, Concerns Mount Over Possible Trump Picks For Influential Crime Panel (June 19)

– Thomas L. Root

Too Many Questions, Too Few Commissioners – Update for October 16, 2019

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

DENIAL HIGHLIGHTS JUDICIAL SPLIT ON COMPASSIONATE RELEASE

compassion160208A key provision of the First Step Act allows federal courts to reduce sentences under the so-called compassionate release statutory provisions of 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A)(i) – which establishes an ‘extraordinary and compelling” reason standard – without needing a motion from the Bureau of Prisons. Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman said last week in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog that “if applied appropriately and robustly, this provision could and should enable many hundreds (and perhaps many thousands) of federal prisoners to have excessive prison sentences reduced.”

A decision last week in the Southern District of Iowa denying Les Brown compassionate release illustrates the conundrum. Under 28 USC § 994(t), the Sentencing Commission is directed to define “the criteria to be applied and a list of specific extraordinary and compelling examples” for grant of § 3582(c)(1)(A)(i) motions. The Commission defined four examples, one medical, one due to age, one due to family circumstances, and one catch-all (that “there exists in the defendant’s case an extraordinary and compelling reason other than, or in combination with, the reasons described in subdivisions (A) through (C)).”

Now the problem: The USSC has not updated its definition since the First Step Act passed. Instead, its policy statement still simply guides the Bureau of Prisons (which has traditionally been very resistant to an Sentencing Commission guidance). The new procedure mandated by the First Step Act calls for new guidance, but the Commission remains mute.

noquorum191016Sadly, there’s a reason for the USSC’s quiescence. The Commission cannot amend its policy statement because the agency lost its quorum last December, about two weeks before First Step passed, and it is still two commissioners short of a quorum. The Trump Administration apparently sees the Commission as a backwater for which no urgency exists in nominating replacement commissioners. For the foreseeable future, the Commission remains impotent, and the compassionate release policy cannot not be updated.

Some district courts have concluded this means the Commission lacks any applicable policy statement dictating when a judge can grant compassionate release. These courts have decided that this means the district judge can consider anything — or at least anything the BOP could have considered (whether it did or not) — when assessing a defendant’s motion.

But others have held that First Step merely lets them grant a motion for compassionate release if the BOP Director could have done the same under the guidelines and the old Program Statement. These courts hold that judges may not stray beyond the four bases listed in USSG §1B1.13.

Sentencestack170404Last week’s ruling by Senior Judge Robert Pratt is a thoughtful opinion about compassionate release, issued in response to defendant Les Brown’s motion to reduce his 510-month sentence. That sentence was pumped up by a 300-month second 18 USC §924(c) sentence, one that could no longer be imposed since passage of the First Step Act. While Judge Pratt finds that “much about Defendant’s situation is extraordinary and compelling,” he concluded “the Court cannot exercise its discretion to grant release at this time.”

The Judge calculated that even if First Step let him retroactively reduce the second § 924(c) sentence from 300 months to 60 months (which the Act doe not permit), Les would still face a total of 210 months in prison. As of now, he has served only 167 months, “a long stretch by any measure, and perhaps more than appropriate for Defendant’s crimes. Regardless, because Defendant would still be in prison under modern law, any sentencing disparity created by § 924(c) stacking does not, at least yet, provide an ‘extraordinary and compelling reason’ for compassionate release.”

Judge Pratt suggested that Les could come back at 210 months to make his argument. For what it’s worth, I believe that by then, Congress will have revisited the issue and made the § 924(c) sentencing change retroactive, just as it did with the Fair Sentencing Act’s changes to crack minimums.

Prof. Berman complained that “Judge Pratt refuses to use the legal tool available to him to reduce Brown’s sentence, and so Brown is now still slated to serve nearly another 30 years in prison(!) that neither Congress nor any judge views as in any way justified by any sound sentencing purposes.” He is correct. However, until higher courts resolve the conundrum of the missing USSC guidance (or the Commission regains a quorum, and fixes the statement on its own), the present confusion is going to work to the detriment of a lot of inmates.

United States v. Brown, 2019 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 175424 (SD Iowa Oct. 8, 2019)

– Thomas L. Root

The Year of No Guidelines – Update for May 7, 2019

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

WHITHER GUIDELINES?

Guidelines red text and magnify glassThe first of May was both International Workers Day (for you Marxists) and Law Day (if you’re a lawyer). For the past 31 years, it has also customarily brought a package of Sentencing Guidelines amendments, each of which is to become effective on the following November 1st (six months hence) unless Congress objects, pursuant to 28 USC 994(p).

Not this year. For the fourth time in 31 years, the Commission will adopt no Guideline amendments to send to Congress. This has only happened before in  1996 and 1999, and more recently in 2017.

The problem is one of politics. The Sentencing Commission was established by Congress in the Sentencing Reform Act of 1984 as a permanent, independent agency within the judicial branch. The seven Commission members are appointed by the President and confirmed by the Senate for six-year terms. Commission members may be reappointed to one additional term, also with the advice and consent of the Senate. Three of the members must be federal judges, and no more than four may belong to the same political party. The Attorney General or his designee and the chair of the United States Parole Commission sit as non-voting members of the Commission.

No matter how important the Commission may be to federal inmates, Washington sees it as a political backwater. Already operating with only five members in 2017, the Commission’s voting membership fell further last year to four. Then, at the end of 2018, the terms of Judge William Pryor of the 11th Circuit and New York University law professor Rachel Barkow expired.

emptyroom190507For the past five months, the Commission has had only two voting members. Two more must be appointed and approved by the Senate just to have the minimum number needed for a meeting. Former Sentencing Commission chairwoman Patti Saris, who is Chief Judge of the U.S. District Court for the District of Massachusetts, complained in a Law360.com article last week, “Today, the United States Sentencing Commission sits without a confirmed chair, or even a quorum of members. This severely impairs the commission’s ability to study further reforms. For example, with only two current commissioners, the commission is unable to pass amendments to make the sentencing guidelines consistent with the statutory provision expanding the “safety valve.” While the research and training activities of the commission continue, the commission needs a quorum.”

Meanwhile, the amendment cycle for 2018 has come and gone without action for the second time in three years. Thank heaven that the Guidelines, after 30 years of development, are perfect in every regard (said no one ever).

Law360.com, The First Step Act Is A Major Step For Sentencing Reform (Apr. 28)

– Thomas L. Root