Tag Archives: sentencing commission

Does the Fox Guarding the Henhouse Know Anything About Chickens? – Update for May 22, 2020

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We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

6TH CIRCUIT ISSUES REMARKABLE CRACK SENTENCE REDUCTION RULING

hammer160509Everyone knows that a fox should not be delegated to guard the henhouse. But that’s because a fox knows what a chicken is (not to mention all of the delicious ways one may be prepared for dinner). But is it better when the fox, with all of a fox’s carnivorous ways, doesn’t have the first idea about the chickens he has been tasked to guard?

Back in 2006, Marty Smith pled guilty to a crack conspiracy involving more than 50 grams. Because Marty had a prior state drug conviction, he received a 240-month (that’s 20 years) mandatory minimum sentence, even though his Guidelines sentencing range would otherwise have been a still-substantial 168-210 months.

After the First Step Act passed, Marty applied for retroactive application of Congress’s 2010 Fair Sentencing Act, which punished crack cocaine offenses much more closely to powder cocaine offenses.  Marty’s sentencing court, the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Kentucky, agreed that Marty was eligible for a reduction, and that under the FSA, his sentencing range was 77-96 months (and the statutory mandatory minimum fell to 120 months). But the sentencing judge hardly cared: he held that Marty’s original 20-year sentence “remained appropriate.”

“Appropriate” to whom? Certainly not to the 6th Circuit, which last week reversed Marty’s sentence. Noting that the sentence that the district court reimposed is now twice Marty’s maximum Guideline range and 250% the bottom of his range (excluding the statutory minimum), the Circuit held that that “the district court’s explanation for denying Smith’s motion for a reduction does not adequately explain why Smith should not receive at least some sentence reduction.”

The district court did little more than recall it had examined the 18 USC § 3553(a)(2) sentencing factors back in 2007, the Circuit said, and found Marty had a high risk for recidivism based on his significant criminal history. The 6th held that “these considerations are accounted for within-the-guidelines calculation and therefore do not provide sufficient justification for maintaining a sentence that is twice the maximum of the guideline range set by Congress… This is especially true when the district court previously found the at-guideline range sentence to be appropriate.”

It is true that Congress changed the Guidelines through the Fair Sentencing Act, the 6th said, but “the fact that Congress was the actor that reduced Smith’s guideline range through the passage of the First Step Act, rather than the Sentencing Commission, if anything increases rather than decreases the need to justify disagreement with the guideline.”

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Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman wrote in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog that “the district judge in this matter is Danny C. Reeves, who just happens to be one of the two remaining active members of the U.S. Sentencing Commission. There is a particular irony in the Sixth Circuit panel needing to remind a member of the USSC about which ‘considerations are accounted for within the guidelines calculation and therefore do not provide sufficient justification for maintaining a sentence that is twice the maximum of the guideline range set by Congress’.”

hammering200522The Sentencing Commission has been without a quorum since December 2018. Judge Reeves’ term expires on October 1, 2021. despite the fact that the Guidelines badly need revision (see the Commission’s obsolete policy on compassionate release, if you want an excellent example), perhaps there are worse things in the world than handing Judge Reeves a hammer for him to take to sentencing policy he may not completely understand.

United States v. Smith, Case No. 19-5281, 2020 U.S. App. LEXIS 15613 (6th Cir. May 15, 2020)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Sixth Circuit panel finds district judge gave insufficient justification for not reducing crack sentence after congressional reductions (May 16)

– Thomas L. Root

Too Many Questions, Too Few Commissioners – Update for October 16, 2019

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We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

DENIAL HIGHLIGHTS JUDICIAL SPLIT ON COMPASSIONATE RELEASE

compassion160208A key provision of the First Step Act allows federal courts to reduce sentences under the so-called compassionate release statutory provisions of 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A)(i) – which establishes an ‘extraordinary and compelling” reason standard – without needing a motion from the Bureau of Prisons. Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman said last week in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog that “if applied appropriately and robustly, this provision could and should enable many hundreds (and perhaps many thousands) of federal prisoners to have excessive prison sentences reduced.”

A decision last week in the Southern District of Iowa denying Les Brown compassionate release illustrates the conundrum. Under 28 USC § 994(t), the Sentencing Commission is directed to define “the criteria to be applied and a list of specific extraordinary and compelling examples” for grant of § 3582(c)(1)(A)(i) motions. The Commission defined four examples, one medical, one due to age, one due to family circumstances, and one catch-all (that “there exists in the defendant’s case an extraordinary and compelling reason other than, or in combination with, the reasons described in subdivisions (A) through (C)).”

Now the problem: The USSC has not updated its definition since the First Step Act passed. Instead, its policy statement still simply guides the Bureau of Prisons (which has traditionally been very resistant to an Sentencing Commission guidance). The new procedure mandated by the First Step Act calls for new guidance, but the Commission remains mute.

noquorum191016Sadly, there’s a reason for the USSC’s quiescence. The Commission cannot amend its policy statement because the agency lost its quorum last December, about two weeks before First Step passed, and it is still two commissioners short of a quorum. The Trump Administration apparently sees the Commission as a backwater for which no urgency exists in nominating replacement commissioners. For the foreseeable future, the Commission remains impotent, and the compassionate release policy cannot not be updated.

Some district courts have concluded this means the Commission lacks any applicable policy statement dictating when a judge can grant compassionate release. These courts have decided that this means the district judge can consider anything — or at least anything the BOP could have considered (whether it did or not) — when assessing a defendant’s motion.

But others have held that First Step merely lets them grant a motion for compassionate release if the BOP Director could have done the same under the guidelines and the old Program Statement. These courts hold that judges may not stray beyond the four bases listed in USSG §1B1.13.

Sentencestack170404Last week’s ruling by Senior Judge Robert Pratt is a thoughtful opinion about compassionate release, issued in response to defendant Les Brown’s motion to reduce his 510-month sentence. That sentence was pumped up by a 300-month second 18 USC §924(c) sentence, one that could no longer be imposed since passage of the First Step Act. While Judge Pratt finds that “much about Defendant’s situation is extraordinary and compelling,” he concluded “the Court cannot exercise its discretion to grant release at this time.”

The Judge calculated that even if First Step let him retroactively reduce the second § 924(c) sentence from 300 months to 60 months (which the Act doe not permit), Les would still face a total of 210 months in prison. As of now, he has served only 167 months, “a long stretch by any measure, and perhaps more than appropriate for Defendant’s crimes. Regardless, because Defendant would still be in prison under modern law, any sentencing disparity created by § 924(c) stacking does not, at least yet, provide an ‘extraordinary and compelling reason’ for compassionate release.”

Judge Pratt suggested that Les could come back at 210 months to make his argument. For what it’s worth, I believe that by then, Congress will have revisited the issue and made the § 924(c) sentencing change retroactive, just as it did with the Fair Sentencing Act’s changes to crack minimums.

Prof. Berman complained that “Judge Pratt refuses to use the legal tool available to him to reduce Brown’s sentence, and so Brown is now still slated to serve nearly another 30 years in prison(!) that neither Congress nor any judge views as in any way justified by any sound sentencing purposes.” He is correct. However, until higher courts resolve the conundrum of the missing USSC guidance (or the Commission regains a quorum, and fixes the statement on its own), the present confusion is going to work to the detriment of a lot of inmates.

United States v. Brown, 2019 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 175424 (SD Iowa Oct. 8, 2019)

– Thomas L. Root

Nothin’ Happenin’ Here – Update for September 6, 2019

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We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

NO FAIR CHANCE FOR FAIR CHANCE ACT


nothinghere190906Those of us who have recently had the Grim Reaper knock on the door – or at least, received notice of our mortality in the form of a Medicare card arriving in the mail – remember Buffalo Springfield, a drug-addled band named for an obscure brand of steamroller. The band’s only real chart-topper was a 1967 protest song, “For What It’s Worth.” As I recall it (to the extent I recall anything at all from the ’60s), the song began, “Somethin’s happening’ here…”

Inmate readers ask regularly me what legislation or Sentencing Guidelines changes are in the Washington, D.C., pipeline to benefit people with gun cases or career offenders or white-collar defendants or people with sex cases… You name the offense, and you can be sure there are some hopefuls out there in the Bureau of Prisons population.

My answer to them is short and painful: Nothin’s happening’ here. Or there. Or anywhere. No Guidelines amendments on November 1st this year, no legislation with a ghost of a chance of passage in this two-year session of Congress. Nothin’.

The Democrats don’t want to pass anything the Republicans want, the Republicans don’t want to pass anything the Dems want. With the 2020 election only 14 months away, nothing is going to get done.

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And as far as the Guidelines go, nothing will come out of the Sentencing Commission until the President decides to use his marker pen to write down the names of appointees instead of phantom hurricane paths. The Sentencing Commission has needed at least two more members, enough to make a quorum, since last December. Without the quorum, the USSC has been unable to vote on anything for the past nine months, including amendments to the Guidelines.

And there are no nominations on the horizon.

fairchancebanbox190906The only legislation even getting media interest is the Fair Chance Act, which curiously enough was introduced by Rep. Elijah Cummings (D-Maryland) but has broad conservative support (including that of the President, who recently has engaged in a Twitter war with Cummings). Fair Chance would prevent the federal government and federal contractors from conducting a criminal background check or otherwise inquiring about an applicant’s criminal record until such time as a conditional job offer is extended. Once an offer is made, the employer can then conduct the criminal background check as needed.

No question the legislation is needed. A 2009 study by Princeton and Harvard researchers indicated that those who indicate they have a criminal record are 50% less likely to receive a callback than those who do not check the box.

But needed or not, Fair Chance – like any other criminal justice reform legislation – has no fair chance until 2021.

The Daily Signal, A Bill to Give Former Inmates a Second Chance (Aug. 26)

– Thomas L. Root

Keep on Gunnin’ – Update for July 11, 2019

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We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

GUN AND RE-GUN

gunknot181009The Sentencing Commission does not have enough members for a quorum, so it cannot adopt any Guidelines changes. It still has a busy staff, however, and keeps grinding out studies.

At the end of June, the Commission issued a study of about 3,500 federal firearms offenders, reporting that

•   Gun offenders commit new crimes at a higher rate than non-gun offenders, with 68% being arrested for a new crime during the eight years following release, compared to 46% of non-gun offenders, with higher percentages in every age and criminal history group;

• Gun defendants re-offend more quickly than non-gun defendants. The median time from release to the first new crime was 17 months, compared to 22 months for non-gun people; and

•   More gun offenders were rearrested for serious crimes than non-gun offenders, with assault was the most serious new charge for 29%, followed by drug trafficking (14%) and public order crimes (12%). Of the non-gun offenders, assault was the most common new charge for 22%, followed by 19% for public order crimes and 11% for drug trafficking;

United States Sentencing Commission, Recidivism Among Federal Firearms Offenders (June 27, 2019)

– Thomas L. Root

Keeping Count – Update for May 15, 2019

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We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

SENTENCING BY THE NUMBERS

The Sentencing Commission Fiscal Year 2018 Annual Report and Sourcebook came out last week. Besides the obvious (which the Annual Report sort of soft-pedaled, that the Commission lacks a quorum, and thus cannot perform its primary duties), the release contains some interesting numbers taken from 2018’s 69,400 district court sentencings. (All years are fiscal years, running from Oct. 1 to Sept. 30):

• The Feds are busier this year than last. The sentencing caseload increased by 3.7% from 2017, the first increase in caseload since 2011.

numbers180327• It’s not what you did, it’s where you’re from, that matters. Immigration crimes replaced drug offenses as the largest single group of offenses. Immigration cases increased from 30.5% in 2017 to 34.4% in 2018, while drug and firearms prosecutions fell.

• Meth is the drug of choice. Methamphetamine offenses, the most common drug type in the federal system, continued to rise (from 30.8% of all drug offenses in 2016 and 34.6% in 2017 to 39.8% in 2018).

• The Guidelines still rule. 75% of federal offenders were sentenced under the Guidelines Manual in 2018. Of those, 51.0% were sentenced within the defendants’ Guidelines sentencing range, an increase of 1.9 points from 2017. The number of defendants getting downward departures for helping the government remained at 10.1%, the same level as 2017.

U.S. Sentencing Commission, FY 2018 Sourcebook (May 8, 2019)

– Thomas L. Root

The Year of No Guidelines – Update for May 7, 2019

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We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

WHITHER GUIDELINES?

Guidelines red text and magnify glassThe first of May was both International Workers Day (for you Marxists) and Law Day (if you’re a lawyer). For the past 31 years, it has also customarily brought a package of Sentencing Guidelines amendments, each of which is to become effective on the following November 1st (six months hence) unless Congress objects, pursuant to 28 USC 994(p).

Not this year. For the fourth time in 31 years, the Commission will adopt no Guideline amendments to send to Congress. This has only happened before in  1996 and 1999, and more recently in 2017.

The problem is one of politics. The Sentencing Commission was established by Congress in the Sentencing Reform Act of 1984 as a permanent, independent agency within the judicial branch. The seven Commission members are appointed by the President and confirmed by the Senate for six-year terms. Commission members may be reappointed to one additional term, also with the advice and consent of the Senate. Three of the members must be federal judges, and no more than four may belong to the same political party. The Attorney General or his designee and the chair of the United States Parole Commission sit as non-voting members of the Commission.

No matter how important the Commission may be to federal inmates, Washington sees it as a political backwater. Already operating with only five members in 2017, the Commission’s voting membership fell further last year to four. Then, at the end of 2018, the terms of Judge William Pryor of the 11th Circuit and New York University law professor Rachel Barkow expired.

emptyroom190507For the past five months, the Commission has had only two voting members. Two more must be appointed and approved by the Senate just to have the minimum number needed for a meeting. Former Sentencing Commission chairwoman Patti Saris, who is Chief Judge of the U.S. District Court for the District of Massachusetts, complained in a Law360.com article last week, “Today, the United States Sentencing Commission sits without a confirmed chair, or even a quorum of members. This severely impairs the commission’s ability to study further reforms. For example, with only two current commissioners, the commission is unable to pass amendments to make the sentencing guidelines consistent with the statutory provision expanding the “safety valve.” While the research and training activities of the commission continue, the commission needs a quorum.”

Meanwhile, the amendment cycle for 2018 has come and gone without action for the second time in three years. Thank heaven that the Guidelines, after 30 years of development, are perfect in every regard (said no one ever).

Law360.com, The First Step Act Is A Major Step For Sentencing Reform (Apr. 28)

– Thomas L. Root

First Step Act Beneficiaries By The Numbers – Update for January 25, 2019

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SENTENCING COMMISSION RELEASES FIRST STEP CHECKLIST, IMPACT STUDY

imageThe Romans had a phrase for it: “Cui bono?” Last week, the U.S. Sentencing Commission tried to answer that question about the First Step Act.

The extra seven days of good time granted by the Act will benefit the most inmates, about 142,500 federal prisoners (79% of the 180,390 federal prison population), excluding only people with life sentences or sentences of less than a year and a day (which are ineligible for good time under 18 USC 3624[b][1]). The earned time credit the Act awards for completing programs that reduce recidivism is in second place. The Commission estimates that it will benefit about 106,000 eligible inmates (about 59% of the population).

The retroactive Fair Sentencing Act provision of the First Step Act only touches about 2,660 inmates, but it has an outsized effect on racial disparity: 90% of whom are black.

elderly180517The elderly offender home detention program expanded by the Act has 1,880 inmates who are currently eligible (the right age, right offenses and right amount of time served). Of course, the EOHD program, unlike the other First Step programs, will see an influx of additional inmates who reach the right age and service of sentence.

The Commission also issued an 8-page fact sheet answering questions about implementing the sentencing portions of First Step. In it, the USSC notes that First Step requires no changes in the Guidelines (which is a good thing because the 7-member Commission is down to only two voting members, leaving it unable to approve any new Guidelines until the Senate approves additional commissioners).

USSC, Sentence and Prison Impact Estimate Summary (Jan. 18)

USSC, ESP Insider Express: First Step Act (Jan. 18)

– Thomas L. Root

Pounding Pervs: Sentencing Commission Looks at Mandatory Sentences for Sex Offenses – Update for January 11, 2019

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SENTENCING COMMISSION RELEASES STUDY ON MANDATORY MINIMUMS IN SEX CRIMES

The US Sentencing Commission issued a report last week examining the application of mandatory minimum penalties specific to federal sex offenses.

perv160201Relying on 2016 data, the 81-page report analyzes the two types of federal sex offenses with mandatory minimum penalties, sexual abuse and child pornography (CP) as well their impact on the Federal Bureau of Prisons population. Among its findings:

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• Two out of three sex offenders receive a mandatory minimum sentence, and half of those sentences are for at least 15 years incarceration.

• Sex offenders convicted comprised only 4.2% of federal defendants sentenced in 2016, but sex offenses accounted for 19.4% of offenses carrying a mandatory minimum penalties.

• Between 2011 and 2016, sex offenses, however, increased in number and as a percentage of the federal docket, and sex offenders were more frequently convicted of an offense carrying a mandatory minimum penalty.

• Sex offenders are demographically different than offenders convicted of other offenses carrying mandatory minimum penalties. Native Americans are a larger percentage of sex abuse offenders than of any other offense carrying a mandatory minimum penalty. White offenders constituted over 80% of offenders convicted of a CP offense (80.9%). The average age for all CP offenders was 42, five years older than the average age for federal offenders convicted of any other mandatory minimum penalty.

• While there is little distinction between CP receipt possession offenses, the average sentence for receipt offense defendants, which carries a five-year mandatory minimum, is 30 months longer than the average sentence for offenders convicted of a possession offense, which carries no mandatory

US Sentencing Commission, Mandatory Minimum Penalties for Federal Sex Offenses (Jan. 2, 2019)

– Thomas L. Root

More of the Same Ol’ Same Ol’ at the Sentencing Commission – Update for August 28, 2018

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SENTENCING COMMISSION ANNOUNCES PRIORITIES FOR COMING YEAR

The U.S. Sentencing Commission last week approved a list of policy priorities for the coming year, including a multi-year examination of the “differences in sentencing practices that have emerged across districts, within districts, and, in some cases, within courthouses under the advisory guidelines system.”

In light of the Supreme Court’s decision in Koons v. United States, the Commission will also consider application issues related to the calculation of retroactive sentence reductions for certain offenders convicted of mandatory minimum penalties.

newsun180828For the third consecutive year, the Commission also set as a priority the adoption of a uniform definition of “crime of violence.”  The Dept. of Justice has raised several application issues that have arisen since the Commission’s 2016 amendment, including the meaning of “robbery” and “extortion.”  The Commission will also consider possible amendments to Guideline § 4B1.2 (the “career offender” guideline) to allow courts to consider the actual conduct of the defendant in determining whether an offense is a crime of violence or a controlled substance offense.

The USSC will also continue to study recidivism among federal offenders as well as the use of mandatory minimum penalties in the federal system.

Over the past two years, the Commission released eight reports on those topics. Despite the net effect of the prior reports (being zero), the Commission plans an additional recidivism report this coming year, as well as reports on the use of mandatory minimums in cases involving identity theft and sex offenses.

U.S. Sentencing Commission, Final Priorities for Amendment Cycle Ending May 1, 2019 (Aug. 22, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Women Behind (Federal) Bars – Update for July 10, 2018

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SENTENCING COMMISSION DISCOVERS WOMEN ARE LOCKED UP, TOO


womenprison180711The Sentencing Commission issued one of its regular “Quick Facts” reports last week on women in federal custody. The “quick facts” series, started five years ago as a way to give the USSC’s short-attention-span readers (which includes most of Congress) “basic facts about a single area of federal crime in an easy-to-read, two-page format,” are issued several times a year. This is the first report focusing on women in federal custody.

The report notes that for the period Oct. 2016 through Sept. 2017:

• Women made up 13.1% of federal prisoners, a slight decrease from 2013, when they were 13.3% of offenders;

• 68.0% of female federal prisoners were Criminal History Category I when sentenced;

• women used weapons less frequently (6.1% of cases) than do men (10.1%);

• 76.9% of convicted women were sentenced to imprisonment, less than the 93.8% rate for men

•  women offenders were sentenced within the guideline range 36.6% of the time, compared to 49.8% of the time for men; and

•   the average sentence for women was 28 months in 2017, compared to 27 months in 2013.

U.S. Sentencing Commission, Women in the Federal Offender Population (July 3, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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