Tag Archives: FIRST STEP Act

Back to School – Update for September 1, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

A LEGISLATIVE PRIMER

hateschool220902For those of you who sat in the back row in high school government class throwing spitballs, here’s what you missed about how our laws are made.  Every year or so, I find it necessary to cover the Congressional essentials. Now, with the Senate and House about to  return from their August vacations in another week or so, here are a few things to remember about the Congressional legislative process.

First, a “Congress” is a limited-time deal, a two-year conclave of lawmakers. The current Congress, called the “117th Congress,” will end on January 2, 2023. A new one, the 118th Congress will begin its two-year run begin the next day.

During the two-year Congress, thousands of bills and resolutions will be proposed. Few will get passed. The ones that don’t make it through the House and Senate and to the president’s desk for signing die when the 117th Congress ends.

Of the many criminal justice bills that have been introduced since January 2, 2022, only two have any real chance of passage. The EQUAL Act (S.79) – which reduces crack penalties to match cocaine powder penalties – has passed the House but awaits a Senate vote. The MORE Act (HR 3617) – which would decriminalize marijuana – has passed the House twice but is awaiting Senate action.

The mid-term election comes the first week of November. Every member of the House is up for re-election, as are one-third of the senators. And that’s a problem. A 2/3 majority the Senate supports crack cocaine reform, and an even greater majority supports decriminalization of marijuana. So passage ought to be easy, right?

demagogue220902The biggest obstacle to passing either of these bills right now is the upcoming election. A strong anti-crime sentiment has taken root in the country, and to avoid getting swept up in an anti-crime tide, the Wall Street Journal said last week, “Democrats will have to show they’re serious about the issue.” hardly anything about crack cocaine punishment and marijuana decriminalization have anything to do with the kinds of local violent crime they concern the public. Nevertheless, you can be sure that the Senate Majority Leader – who controls the agenda – will not force senators to take a stand on the bills prior to the midterm election. No legislator wants to do the right thing on the EQUAL Act, for example, only to have an opponent at home claim that the senator voted to let drug dealers out of prison early.

The problem with cannabis reform is different. While virtually no one objects to decriminalization, the real battle over marijuana relates to banking regulation and taxation. A group of senators led by Richard Durbin (D-IL) has proposed their own alternative bill, And that has taken the wind out of the sails for the MORE Act.

The bottom line is this: The financial stakes in decriminalizing and regulating marijuana across the nation are huge. Concerns about adjusting federal sentences for what is likely not to be more than 20,000 prisoners (less than .01% of the population) is not important enough to control the debate.

time161229There aren’t many legislation days left for the 117th Congress. While it is not clear that EQUAL or MORE will make it through the Senate, it is safe to predict that no other criminal justice legislation – such as First Step retroactivity, prohibiting punishment for acquitted conduct, or adjustments to the elderly home detention pilot program – will become law in this Congress. The prospect is that come January, we’ll be starting over.

Wall Street Journal, Don’t Count Out Crime as a 2022 Midterm Issue (August 18, 2022)

The American Prospect, Democrats in Danger of Missing the Marijuana Moment (August 25, 2022)

JDSupra, Cannabis and Social Justice Reform: Are We Doing Enough? (August 25, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

Musings on a Slow Month – Update for July 26, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

THE GOOD, THE BAD, AND THE WEIRD

summertime220725In the only good news to come from Washington so far this sleepy July, Senate Democrats have introduced a bill to decriminalize marijuana at the federal level this week, although the legislation faces long odds in the evenly divided chamber.

Majority Leader Charles Schumer (D-NY) worked with Sen Cory Booker (D-NJ) and Ron Wyden (D-OR) on the measure. The senators circulated a draft of the bill last year and made tweaks after feedback from Senate committees.

The Cannabis Administration and Opportunity Act (S.4591) would remove marijuana from the list of drugs covered by the Controlled Substances Act. States, however, can still maintain and create prohibitions on producing and distributing marijuana.

marijuana160818The CAOA is the Senate’s answer to the MORE Act (H.R. 3617), passed in the House last spring on a 220-204 vote. Like the MORE Act, the CAOA will require all federal non-violent marijuana-related convictions and arrests be expunged within a year. Some lawmakers on both sides of the aisle have criticized Schumer for trying to push through a broad cannabis reform bill at the expense of a marijuana banking bill that has greater bipartisan support.

The bad is that the EQUAL Act (S.79), which passed the House (361-66) last September, remains stalled in the Senate. The Act, which would equalize sentences for crack and powder cocaine (and offer retroactivity to anyone serving a crack offense now) has well over 60 votes in the Senate. The Senate Majority Leader – the guy who schedules votes on bills – is a cosponsor. So what’s the holdup?

In a long article on a crack cocaine defendant who finally got compassionate release, the Mississippi Free Press last week reported, “FAMM President Ring told the Mississippi Free Press more about what he sees as the senators’ political calculations. ‘The problem is that lawmakers are scared that if this bill comes up, Republicans will be allowed to offer amendments to it because that’s usually how the process works,’ he said.

Ring said that votes on amendments unrelated to the bill can be “weaponized by political opponents… As a result, the political calculation has been made to shelve the bill in the Senate.”

crackpowder160606In addition, Dream Corps JUSTICE Policy Director Kandia Milton, in June 23, 2022, letter, indicated that the group is concerned about a competing Senate bill sponsored by Sen Charles Grassley (R-IA) — the SMART Cocaine Sentencing Act, S.4116 – that “maintains a disparity between these two forms of the same drug (2.5-1), lower the mandatory minimum threshold to 400 grams from 500 grams and, worst of all, mandates that the U.S. Attorney must approve all petitions for retroactivity.” Milton wrote. “Our sense of urgency is driven by the reality that if we do not pass [EQUAL] by the August recess, we won’t get another clean shot until after the midterm elections, an unpredictable two-month window at the end of the year,” he added. “We are very close to eliminating the disparity between crack cocaine and powder cocaine, and we recognize there is more work to be done.”

The weird: Two weeks ago, the Senate Judiciary Committee whiffed for a second time on approving the nomination of the seven candidates for the Sentencing Commission. At the beginning of last Thursday’s work session, Durbin said, “We have decided on a bipartisan basis to hold over for a second time the Sentencing Commission nominees while members are in… we’re going to try to find a path for all seven nominees to move together, which I think would be a positive thing and maybe even historic around here.”

The terse statement suggested some substantial pushback on one or more nominations. Laura Mate, who signed a 2014 letter to Congress supporting more reasonable mandatory minimums for sex offenders, and former federal judge John Gleeson, whose criticism of the Guidelines while on the bench was legendary, were both pilloried by several Republicans during their June nomination hearing.

Nevertheless, last week the Committee finally got the job done. It advanced the slate of seven nominees to the floor of the full Senate for its approval, bringing the Commission one step closer to being able to amend the Sentencing Guidelines.

noquorum191016The USSC has been unable to implement the First Step Act or, for that matter, do anything else after losing its quorum just as the bill was enacted in December 2018.

The Senate Judiciary Committee voted to send to the full Senate four Democrat and three Republican candidates nominated by President Joe Biden to revitalize the Commission.

Committee chairman Durbin told the Committee that while he had reservations about some nominees, it was important to move them forward as a group to “enable the commission to get back to doing its work.” He said, “[T]he Sentencing Commission has not had a quorum for three years. With no quorum, the Commission—created in 1984 and tasked by Congress to promote transparency and consistency in sentencing—has been unable to update the sentencing guidelines to provide guidance to judges. Today, we make an important step to rectify the situation… [and] enable the Commission to get back to its work.”

Cannabis Administration and Opportunity Act (S.4591)

Seeking Alpha, Senate Democrats-backed marijuana legalization bill coming next week (July 14, 2022)

Bloomberg, Pot Gets Senate’s Attention in Long-Shot Decriminalization Bill (July 14, 2022)

Politico, Schumer’s legal weed bill is finally here (July 21, 2022)

KYFR, North Dakota lawmakers, advocates push for equal sentencing in federal cocaine and crack crimes (July 12, 2022)

Senate Judiciary Hearing (July 14, 2022)

Mississippi Free Press, ‘Model Inmate’: Father Finally Has Crack Sentence Reduced as U.S. Senate Shelves Reform Bill (July 22, 2022)

Independentcloud.com, Cannabis Bill Senate: US Democrats Demand Senate Pass Its Own Marijuana Banking Bill (July 21, 2022)

Reuters, US Senate committee advances nominees to restock sentencing panel (July 21, 2022)

Sen Richard Durbin, Judiciary Committee Advances Ten Nominees, Including Two Judicial Nominees, Seven Sentencing Commission Nominees, And An Assistant Attorney General (July 21, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

NBC Says DOJ Failing to Assign Earned-Time Credits – Update for July 6, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

NBC NEWS ACCUSES DOJ AND BOP OF BOTCHING EARNED-TIME CREDITS

screwup191028An NBC report aired last Sunday blasted the Dept of Justice for botching the award of First Step Act earned-time credits. “Thousands of nonviolent federal prisoners eligible for early release under a promising Trump-era law remain locked up nearly four years later because of inadequate implementation, confusion and bureaucratic delays, NBC quoted prisoner advocacy groups, inmates and BOP officials as saying.

Even the Biden administration’s attempt to provide clarity to the First Step Act by identifying qualified inmates and then transferring them to home confinement or another form of supervised release appears to be falling short, according to prisoner advocates familiar with the law.

“It shouldn’t be this complicated and it shouldn’t take this long,” NBC quoted Kevin Ring, president of FAMM, as saying. “Here we are, four years later, and it’s maddening.”

The BOP gave NBC data showing that as of June 18, more than 8,600 inmates have gotten sentence recalculations and are slated for earlier release due to ETCs. But the BOP’s own data identified about 66,600 inmates eligible to receive ETCs.

NBC quoted BOP officials as saying, “We have no data which suggests inmates had their release dates delayed.”

Others are not so sanguine. “We estimate that there are thousands of inmates who will not receive the full benefit — days off of their federal prison sentence — of the First Step Act simply because the agency is uncertain how to calculate these benefits,” Walter Pavlo, president of the consulting firm Prisonology LLC, and a Forbes contributor, told NBC.

funwithnumbers170511Making the logjam worse is the revision to PATTERN a month ago. While the change increase the number of points an inmate could have while still being eligible, the change quietly modified some of the point reductions inmates could earn. Completing a GED used to earn a -4, but now only earns a -2. Completing RDAP fell from a -6 to a -4. Past points for violence increased as well.

The effect of the change was to make some inmates who had been eligible for ETCs suddenly ineligible, further jamming up the calculation works. What’s worse, some inmates who had received adjusted release dates have had those dates rescinded.

NBC, Thousands of federal inmates still await early release under Trump-era First Step Act (July 3, 2022)

DOJ, First Step Annual Report (April 17, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

Concepcion’s Concept: Discretion on Resentencing is Presumed – Update for June 29, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

DOES CONCEPCION HOLD LESSONS FOR COMPASSIONATE RELEASE?

The Supreme Court ruled on the final two criminal cases of the term on Monday (although there are six more October Term 2021 cases yet to be decided before the end of the week).

crack-coke200804Back in 2009, Carlos Concepcion pled guilty to distributing at least five grams of crack cocaine, and was sentenced to 228 months in prison. The following year, Congress passed the Fair Sentencing Act, which brought crack sentences more in line with powder cocaine sentences, down from a 100:1 ratio to an 18:1 ratio.

But the Fair Sentencing Act was not retroactive, so people sentenced before it was passed – like Carlos – could not benefit from it. Only when the First Step Act (FSA) passed in 2018 were the benefits of the Fair Sentencing Act extended to the Carlos Concepcions of the world.

Under FSA § 404, Carlos was entitled to apply to his sentencing court for resentencing at a lower level. Like most inmates – whose resources are only sufficient to pay for some telephone calls home and a few items in the commissary – Carlos could not afford a lawyer, so he filed pro se.

careeroffender22062Complicating Carlos’s case was the fact that under the advisory Sentencing Guidelines, he was deemed to be a career offender. Career offender status, a label that is easily applied to people who have hardly spent their lives as a criminal, sends a defendant’s minimum sentencing range guideline into low earth orbit. Carlos’s range was no exception. Under the statute, Carlos faced a minimum 5-year sentence, but his advisory sentencing range as a Guidelines career offender started at 17½ years.

The government argued that Carlos’s Guidelines sentencing range did not change despite the fact that the Fair Sentencing Act lowered his minimum sentence to zero, because the career offender guidelines were not based on drug amount or statutory minimum sentences. Carlos responded that he should no longer be considered a career offender because one of his prior convictions was vacated and his prison record showed evidence of rehabilitation through his participation in drug and vocational programs, spiritual growth, and a solid reentry plan.

Carlos’s sentencing judge sided with the government, holding that because Carlos’s sentencing range remained the same, Carlos could not rely on the Fair Sentencing Act for a lower sentence.

Last Monday, the Supreme Court ruled in favor of Carlos. Justice Sonia Sotomayor, writing for a 5-4 majority, said that “Federal courts historically have exercised… broad discretion to consider all relevant information at an initial sentencing hearing, consistent with their responsibility to sentence the whole person before them. That discretion also carries forward to later proceedings that may modify an original sentence. Such discretion is bounded only when Congress or the Constitution expressly limits the type of information a district court may consider in modifying a sentence.”

discretion220629Congress did nothing in the First Step Act to “contravene this well-established sentencing practice,” Sotomayor said. “Nothing in the text and structure of the First Step Act expressly, or even implicitly, overcomes the established tradition of district courts’ sentencing discretion.”

Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman, writing in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog, argues that the Concepcion ruling has an impact well outside the seemingly limited FSA Sec. 404 resentencing. “Specifically,” he wrote, “I think the decision resolves not only the circuit split surrounding crack resentencing cases, but also the circuit split surrounding what factors can serve as the basis for compassionate release after the FIRST STEP Act.

Berman noted:

There is a deep circuit split about whether non-retroactive changes in sentencing law may constitute “extraordinary and compelling reasons” for compassionate release. Ever the textualist, I have argued that non-retroactive changes in sentencing law can provide the basis for compassion release because nothing in the text of § 3582(c)(1)(a) supports the contention that non-retroactive changes cannot ever constitute ‘extraordinary and compelling reasons” to allow a sentence reduction, either alone or in combination with other factors. But I believe the Third, Sixth, Seventh and Eighth Circuits have all formally held otherwise. And yet, this language from the Supreme Court’s opinion in Concepcion would seem to undercut any court efforts to invent extra-textual limits on sentencing or resentencing considerations:

It is only when Congress or the Constitution limits the scope of information that a district court may consider in deciding whether, and to what extent, to modify a sentence, that a district court’s discretion to consider information is restrained…

The only limitations on a court’s discretion to consider any relevant materials at an initial sentencing or in modifying that sentence are those set forth by Congress in a statute or by the Constitution….

Moreover, when raised by the parties, district courts have considered nonretroactive Guidelines amendments to help inform whether to reduce sentences at all, and if so, by how much…. Nothing express or implicit in the First Step Act suggests that these courts misinterpreted the Act in considering such relevant and probative information.

Berman argues that the Supreme Court’s language about a sentencing judge’s broad discretion “when considering a sentence modification is directly relevant to federal judges’ consideration of so-called compassionate release motions.”

compassion160124There is nothing in 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A)(i) (the statute on sentence reductions, generally if inaccurately known as “compassionate releases”) that in any way limits a judge in what he or she may consider in fashioning a lower sentence, or for that matter, in deciding whether to impose a lower sentence at all. That should be game, set and match for the issue of the limits of a court’s discretion on deciding a compassionate release motion.

One interesting twist: the Sentencing Commission will soon be reconstituted, and it seems clear that the new commissioners consider rewriting U.S.S.G. § 1B1.13 – the Guidelines policy statement on compassionate releases – as job one. If a rewritten § 1B1.13 limits a sentencing court’s discretion in granting or denying a compassionate release motion, would such a limitation be one “set forth by Congress in a statute or by the Constitution?” Sentencing Guidelines must be submitted to Congress, but go into effect unless the Senate otherwise directs. And the compassionate release statute requires a sentencing judge to ensure that any sentence reduction “is consistent with applicable policy statements issued by the Sentencing Commission.”

But that’s a question for another time (specifically, after a new § 1B1.13 goes into effect, which probably will not be before November 2023. For now, movants for compassionate release would do well to apply Prof. Berman’s broad interpretation of Concepcion’s holding.

Concepcion v. United States, Case No 20-1650, 2022 U.S. LEXIS 3070 (June 27, 2022)

ABA Journal, In unusual lineup, SCOTUS rules for pro se prisoner who sought lower sentence under First Step Act (June 27, 2022)

Sentencing Law and Policy, SCOTUS ruling in Concepcion, while addressing crack cases, should also resolve circuit split on compassionate release factors (June 27, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

Supreme Court’s Final Days Include Criminal Decisions – Update for June 20, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

BIG CRIMINAL DECISIONS STILL PENDING WITH ONLY TWO WEEKS OF SCOTUS TERM LEFT

The Supreme Court held two opinion days last week, but the most-watched criminal cases – United States v. Taylor, Concepcion v. United States and Ruan v. United States – remain among the 18 opinions yet to be issued before the Court’s term ends on June 30.

scotus161130Most people expect the two “big” cases, New York State Rifle & Pistol Assn v. Bruen (a 2nd Amendment case) and Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization (the possibly-leaked abortion decision) to happen on the last day. But Taylor, which concerns whether an attempted offense that would be a “crime of violence” for application of 18 U.S.C. § 924(c) – the mandatory consecutive sentence for using a gun – is a “crime of violence” if it is only attempted but not completed – has been hanging around for six months since its December argument. Concepcion, which concerns proper resentencing considerations in First Step Section 404(b) resentencing, and Ruan, which considers physician liability under 21 USC 841(a), was argued in the Court’s February sitting.

Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman wrote last week in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog that “the standard and ready explanation, of course, for why decisions in Taylor and Conception may be taking a long time is because the Justices are (perhaps deeply?) divided in these cases, and so we should expect multiple (and lengthy?) opinions. And, to add a bit of spicy speculation, I am inclined to guess that the delay is also partially a function of the Justices in these cases not being divided neatly along the “standard” ideological lines.”

rules201202The only case of interest to defendants last week was Kemp v. United States. In that case, petitioner Dexter Kemp filed a 28 USC 2255 motion in 2015. The District Court dismissed the motion as untimely, and Dix did not appeal. But three years later, he sought to reopen his 2255 under Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 60(b)(1) and (6), rules which permit a court to reopen an otherwise final judgment if certain conditions are met. A 60(b)(1) motion has to allege that a mistake was made, and must be filed within a year, Relief under Rule 60(b)(6) for any other just reason can be filed at any time, but is available only when the other grounds for relief specified in the Rule don’t apply.

Dex was right that the District Court had goofed on dismissing his § 2255 motion as untimely. In a just world, his § 2255 should be reopened, and that would be that. But in the real world, it’s not that easy.

The Supreme Court held that a judge’s error of law is a “mistake” within the meaning of Rule 60(b)(1), meaning that Dex’s motion fit under Rule 60(b)(1). Subject to the Rule’s one-year limitations period, Dex’s motion was late and had to be dismissed as untimely.

Sentencing Law and Policy, Any (spicy?) speculations about why SCOTUS has not yet decided Taylor or Conception, two little sentencing cases? (June 13, 2022)

Kemp v. United States, Case No. 21-5726, 2022 U.S. LEXIS 2835 (June 13, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

ETC FUBAR at BOP, As New Director Search Finally Over – Update for June 16, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

BOP: DON’T CALL US, WE’LL CALL YOU ON EARNED TIME CREDIT CALCULATION

If there is a common refrain in emails coming into this Newsletter in the past several months, it is that inmates are not getting their earned-time-credit calculations from their Unit Teams.

don'tcallus220616A recap: The First Step Act authorized the award of credits to inmates who successfully complete programs that have been found to reduce recidivism. The acronym-crazy government calls them “EBRRs,” that is, “evidence-based recidivism reduction” programs. Inmates could receive “earned time credits” (ETCs) that will reduce their prison time up to a year, grant them more halfway house or home  confinement, and even get them more phone time and commissary.

(Confusingly, the government called ETCs “FTCs” for awhile – “federal time credits” – but seems to have settled on the preferred terminology now).

Inmates are classified using a system called PATTERN according to their likelihood of recidivism.  As they complete programs, age, and behave, their PATTERN score decreases, increasing the number of ETCs they may receive.

So all is roses in the BOP. Inmates are happily earning ETCs, the staff is contentedly helping prisoners forsake their prior evil ways…

FUBAR220616Right. In fact, implementation of ETCs (and awarding time off) is becime a FUBAR.

Last week, Walter Pavlo reported in Forbes on an internal BOP memo acknowledging the frustration:

Institutions are likely getting a lot of calls from outside family members and/or questions from the inmates themselves. We ask that you refrain from referring inmates or their family members to the DSCC or Central Office. As we move toward a fully automated auto-calculation process for the calculating and awarding of FTCs, neither the DSCC nor the Corrections Programs Branch are directly involved in the process.

Forbes said the memo directed institutions to give inmates and their family members a “canned response” asking “for their patience” during the implementation of an automated credit calculation system:

While all eligible inmates are able to earn credits, the Agency is prioritizing those inmates who are within 24 months of their Statutory Release date and eligible to both earn and apply Federal Time Credits. The Agency is in the final stages of development and testing of an auto-calculation app, and once finalized all eligible inmates will have their records updated and the Federal Time applied consistently with the Federal Rules language.

Late breaking news: The BOP has finally found someone who will admit to being considered for the director’s slot, replacing Michael Carvajal (whom Sen. Richard Durbin [D-IL] wants to usher into retirement as quickly as possible). 

Could MIke Carvajal finally be leaving the building?
Could MIke Carvajal finally be leaving the building?

The Oregon Capital Chronicle reported yesterday that Colette Peters, director of Oregon’s prison system, confirmed to the paper that she is a finalist for the BOP Director’s job.

She has been director of the Oregon Department of Corrections since 2012, where she is in charge of  4,400 employees and 12,124 prisoners.

As director of the Oregon prison system, she changed the agency’s reference to “inmates.” Oregon’s prisoners became “adults in custody.”

Forbes, As Biden Touts Action On First Step Act, Federal Prisoners Await Action From Bureau Of Prisons (June 4, 2022)

Oregon Capital Chronicle, Oregon’s prison director a finalist to lead federal prison system (June 15, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

Supremes Burning Midnight Oil To Finish Term – Update for June 8, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

SUPREME COURT FACES HISTORIC BACKLOG IN FINAL MONTH OF TERM

The Supreme Court – waiting until the bitter end to do the largest share of its work in more than 70 years – has scheduled a rare second opinion day for today.

scotus161130At 10 am, the Court will issue one or more opinions. It still has a lot to choose from.

The court is scheduled to hand down 30 more opinions, 48% of its expected total in argued cases, as its 2021-22 term ends in slightly more than three weeks. While most people are awaiting rulings that could hold that abortion is not a constitutional right but carrying a concealed gun is, there are five decisions of particular interest to federal inmates and defendants:

Concepcion v. United States, Case No. 20-1650. Issue: Whether, when deciding if it should “impose a reduced sentence” under Section 404(b) of the First Step Act (Fair Sentencing Act retroactivity), a district court must – or even may – consider intervening legal and factual developments.

Ruan v. United States, Case No. 20-1410. Issue: Whether a physician charged with prescribing controlled substances outside the usual course of professional practice may be convicted under 21 USC § 841(a)(1) without regard to whether, in good faith, he or she “reasonably believed” or “subjectively intended” that the prescriptions fall within that course of professional practice.

United States v. Taylor, Case No. 20-1459: Whether 18 USC § 924(c)’s “crime of violence” definition excludes attempted Hobbs Act robbery (which could end up excluding all attempted crimes of violence from being predicates for § 924(c) offenses).

Egbert v. Boule, Case No. 21-147: Whether one can sue a federal officer under Bivens v. Six Unknown Named Agents of Federal Bureau of Narcotics for First Amendment retaliation claims.

Kemp v. United States, Case No. 21-5726: Whether F.R.Civ.P. 60(b)(1) authorizes relief based on a district court’s error of law.

scotussplit190627The Supreme Court typically announces opinions on Monday, but as June progresses, more second opinion days like today are likely.

Supreme Court Faces Historic Case Backlog as Fractious Term Comes to an End (June 1)

The New York Times, We preview the five biggest rulings expected from the Supreme Court in the next few weeks (June 8, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

Earned Time Credits Just Got Easier to Spend – Update for June 7, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

PATTERN CHANGES MAKE MANY MORE ELIGIBLE FOR CREDITS

In April, the Dept of Justice told Congress that it would roll out a new version of the PATTERN recidivism risk measurement system in May, one that contained adjustments it said would improve accuracy and possibly benefit up to 33,000 federal prisoners.

Nothing has been publicly announced since, although a lot of inmates have reported that their categories were changing while their PATTERN point scores were not. A hard-to-find report by the Attorney General I obtained last week confirmed that while no scoring categories have changed in the revised PATTERN system – known as PATTERN 1.3 – the cut points did.

PATTERNsheet220131Cut points are crucial, being the level at which an inmate’s recidivism rating changes from “minimum” to “low,” from “low” to “medium,” and from “medium” to “high.” Because the First Step Act generally does not let anyone with a “medium” or higher risk level cash in earned time credits (ETCs), a prisoner’s level can make a difference of up to a year on sentence length, and enhanced home confinement or halfway house.

It is now harder for a male to be a PATTERN “minimum” – the former cut point of “8 or less” fell to a new cut point of “5 or less” – although the female “minimum” cut point rose from “5 or less” to “7 or less.” But the big change is from “low” to “medium.”

The former male cut point between “low” and “medium” rose from 30 to 39. The women’s “low to medium” cut point jumped from 31 to 38. The former “medium to high” cut point went from 44 to 55 for males and 31 to 53 for females.

Under the old PATTERN, 40% of males were “minimum” or “low.” Under PATTERN 1.3, that number jumped to 68%. Female “minimums” and “lows” increased from 78% to 86%. The PATTERN 1.3 changes made 33,070 more inmates eligible to use their ETCs.

cutpoints220607PATTERN is still criticized by some commentators for being insufficiently dynamic, meaning that too much of what goes into scores – like age and criminal history – cannot be changed despite a prisoner’s best efforts. The DOJ report asserted that “PATTERN 1.3 displays dynamic validity… Across the four gender/recidivism tools examined, approximately 25 to 35% of individuals had a lower [risk] designation during their last assessment compared to their first, and between 3 and 5% had a higher risk designation.” The DOJ position suggests that category changes in future PATTERN amendments are unlikely.

PATTERN 1.3 is a welcome change, but real problems with the First Step Act earned time credits remain. Writing in Forbes last week, Walter Pavlo reported that “according to insiders at the BOP, prisoners and former executive staff with connections to the current state of the BOP as it relates to the FSA, there is ‘mass confusion at every institution,”’ and that the Designation and Sentence Computation Center, the entity ultimately responsible for calculating sentence duration, is backed up and the programming is not in place for FSA. The result is that thousands of prisoners are incarcerated beyond their legal release date.”

bureaucrat200421Pavlo wrote that “BOP staff who have no official program statement to work from are spreading misinformation to prisoners. Many prisoners are being told that they do not qualify for FSA credits for a variety of reasons, [and] many those reasons are just not true. As a result, prisoners are not only confused but have no place to go to get clarification. Now, some are going to Court.”

DOJ, First Step Act Annual Report – April 2022

Forbes, First Step Act Inaction Keeps Federal Inmates In Prison (May 30, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

Balancing Accounts For Unused ETC Credits – Update for June 2, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

DYER STRAITS

Three and a half years ago, the First Step Act became law amid great fanfare. One of the many provisions that held great promise for all concerned was the incentive-based programming scheme, that would let federal inmates earn credits that reduced their sentences for successful completion of programs designed to address their needs.

Such a program would reduce recidivism by ex-felons, thus benefitting both them and society.

mismanagement210419Trust the Federal Bureau of Prisons to turn a high-minded program into a furball. The BOP required almost two years to propose detailed rules for the implementation of the “earned time credit” program, rules which – by the way – were draconian in their application and reasonably calculated to strangle the ETC program before it began.

It took another 14 months (and a new Administration) for the BOP to finally adopt the rules, which rules – mercifully enough – did an about-face from what was proposed. But those rules, which among other things retroactively credited inmates with credit back to the day the First Step Act passed, created a whole new raft of problems.

Problems for people like Doug Dyer.  Doug was on CARES Act home confinement in December 2021 when he filed a petition for habeas corpus, demanding immediate release due to the application of First Step Act earned-time credits to which he claimed entitlement. The BOP had not yet adopted the new rules, and predictably, told the judge that Doug had nothing coming.

nothingcoming181018But a month after Doug’s filing the BOP adopted the final ETC rules. Doug (and thousands of other inmates) were credited with 540 ETC days. The same day the rules were adopted, the BOP granted Doug immediate release from home confinement (51 days before his normal release date). The government then moved to dismiss the habeas corpus as being moot, because Doug had gotten what he wanted.

Doug opposed the government’s motion, arguing that because only he could only use 51 days of credit out of the 540 he was awarded, he should get to use the balance to reduce his supervised release time.

The district court agreed, reducing his supervised release by 489 days. The court ruled “the relevant statutory provision provides that ‘[t]ime credits earned under this paragraph by prisoners who successfully participate in recidivism reduction programs or productive activities shall be applied toward time in… supervised release’. 18 U.S.C. § 3632(d)(4)(C). Therefore, the unambiguous, mandatory language of the statute provides that earned-time credits may be applied to a term of supervised release.”

So Doug got a year and a half off his supervised release time (about half of what he was to serve).

I generally don’t criticize a good pro-prisoner decision like this one, but Doug’s court is just plain wrong. The Court hung its hat on 18 U.S.C. § 3632(d)(4)(C), which says

Time credits earned under this paragraph by prisoners who successfully participate in recidivism reduction programs or productive activities shall be applied toward time in prerelease custody or supervised release. The Director of the Bureau of Prisons shall transfer eligible prisoners, as determined under section 3624(g), into prerelease custody or supervised release.

There's nothing like getting your facts straight, Your Honor ...
There’s nothing like getting your facts straight, Your Honor… or the law, for that matter.

The District Court read this to mean that ETCs could be used to reduce the period of incarceration or supervised release. But the remainder of the subsection not only makes it clear that the term “supervised release” is being used as the alternative to “prerelease custody,” and that the subsection is to be read with reference to 18 U.S.C. § 3624(g).

And here’s the problem. Subsection 3624(g)(3) authorizes the Director of the BOP to “transfer the prisoner to begin any such term of supervised release at an earlier date, not to exceed 12 months, based on the application of time credits under section 3632.”  It does not authorize the Director to reduce the term of supervised release at all.

Read in conjunction with § 3624(g)(3), it’s pretty clear that § 3632(d)(4)(C)’s reference to “shall be applied toward time in prerelease custody or supervised release” is intended to mean the three options the BOP has for applying ETC credits: more halfway house or home confinement (the “prerelease custody” option) or release from custody up to 12 months early to begin one’s supervised release.

puzzled171201Given that no statute authorizes the BOP to reduce a prisoner’s supervised release, it’s hard to figure how a district court can grant habeas corpus to in essence demand that the BOP do so.

No matter. Doug’s supervised release was cut in half. But I strongly doubt that this decision will influence any other district court to do the same for the small subset of inmates in Doug’s position.

The opinion has not been picked up by LEXIS.

Order (ECF 16), Dyer v. Fulgam, Case No. 1:21-cv-299 (E.D. Tenn. May 20, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

PATTERN Changes Coming Next Month – Update for April 26, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

PATTERN AMENDMENTS COULD BENEFIT THOUSANDS

The Dept. of Justice told Congress last week that it will soon roll out a new version of the PATTERN recidivism risk measurement system containing adjustments it says will improve accuracy, possibly benefitting up to 33,000 federal prisoners.

PATTERNsheet220131The modifications, which come after criticism was leveled at PATTERN last January for implicit racial bias, are intended to significantly increase the number of black and Hispanic men in prison who are eligible to take classes or productive activities that will result in them getting earn time credits (ETCs).

DOJ estimated that 36% more black men and 26% more Hispanic men might qualify as minimum or low risk under the change, with smaller increases for black and Hispanic women.

Even with the changes, DOJ admitted in last week’s report, it is still unable to resolve other racial disparities (such as continued overestimating the number of black women compared to white women who will commit new offenses after release).

DOJ told Congress that even after the anticipated release of a modified PATTERN early next month, it would continue to work “to ensure that racial disparities are reduced to the greatest extent possible.” That could be difficult. Most of that disparity, according to Melissa Hamilton, a law professor at the University of Surrey, results from what happens before prison and application of the PATTERN metrics. “When using factors with criminal history, prison discipline and education, the tool is almost inevitably going to have disparities — unless they correct for systemic biases in policing, prosecution, corrections, and education,” she said.

Hamilton told a House oversight committee last January that up to 11% of male and 10% of female inmates have been assigned wrong risk categories due to errors in PATTERN:

• PATTERN was designed to score risk factors at release instead of at the time of assessment. For example, if a 39-year-old man comes in for a 15-year sentence, he has an age risk factor of 21. But PATTERN should assess his age at release (52 years old), which is only 7. The difference is 14 points.

• PATTERN disproportionately predicts higher. Hamilton said, “a choice has been made to design PATTERN to perform far less accurately when predicting those who are at higher risk… placing too many individuals into the higher risk groupings.”

• PATTERN “overpredicts the general risk for African Americans, Hispanic Americans, and Asian Americans, while it underpredicts for Native Americans.”

Hamilton told the Subcommittee in January that “the various errors meant that 37 out of the possible 60 items (almost two-thirds of them) had been incorrectly weighted” in the PATTERN risk assessment. NPR previously reported that “about 14,000 men and women in federal prison… wound up in the wrong risk categories. There were big disparities for people of color.” As well, NPR uncovered sloppy math mistakes and other flaws that put thousands of prisoners in the wrong risk category and treated them differently in part because of their ethnic backgrounds.

recid160321The DOJ’s report to Congress last week puts the best face on PATTERN possible. It said, for example, that “individuals are capable of changing risk scores and levels during confinement. And importantly, these changes relate to recidivism outcomes (i.e., individuals who reduced their risk scores and levels from first to last assessment were generally less likely to recidivate).” Yet the PATTERN scorecard assigns big scores for age and criminal history, scores that either never change or change only with the passage of years. A 21-year-old with one prior felony conviction starts out with a PATTERN score of 38 (a “medium” score). Wrestling that score down by taking programs is not easy.

While admitting that some minority groups are “overpredicted,” DOJ nonetheless crowed that the new PATTERN adjustments “show relatively high predictive accuracy across racial and ethnic groups. That is, the risk scores predict recidivism well for white, Black, Hispanic, Native American, and Asian individuals.”

Of course, that’s what DOJ said when PATTERN was first unveiled in July 2019.

NPR said last week that “only low and minimum-risk prisoners are eligible for those programs, so how the Bureau of Prisons assesses risk has major consequences for their lives and their release plans.” In fact, tucked into 18 USC § 3624(g)(1)(B) is a provision that would let a medium or high PATTERN inmate use credits if he or she “has shown through the periodic risk reassessments a demonstrated recidivism risk reduction… during the prisoner’s term of imprisonment.”

bureaucrat200421But the BOP would have to exercise bureaucratic discretion to grant a medium or high PATTERN inmate early release or more halfway house/home confinement. God forbid a bureaucrat would risk such a thing. Given that no one has even talked about this alternative award of credit, the chance that any BOP employee would argue for giving a medium/high inmate the right to case in credits is pretty remote.

DOJ told Congress it would make no changes to how it evaluates violent recidivism risks, saying that measure provided an essential check for “public safety.” Instead, the department says it will be shifting the boundaries between other risk levels for its general recidivism algorithm.

In the new report to Congress, DOJ again expressed support for the Senate to advance the EQUAL Act (S.79), legislation that would equalize sentencing penalties for crack and powder cocaine.

NPR, Justice Department works to curb racial bias in deciding who’s released from prison (April 19, 2022)

National Institute of Justice, Predicting Recidivism: Continuing To Improve the Bureau of Prisons’ Risk Assessment Tool, PATTERN (April 19, 2022)

Sentencing Law and Policy Blog, Justice Department tweaking prison PATTERN risk tool “to ensure that racial disparities are reduced to the greatest extent possible” (April 19, 2022)

Legal Information Services Associates, Is PATTERN Dooming First Step Programming? – Update For January 31, 2022

– Thomas L. Root