District Court’s Well-Meaning Meddling With a Prior Sentence Gets Swatted Down – Update for September 26, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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WHAT’S DONE IS DONE

done170926If there is an enduring myth among inmates seeking to get convictions and sentences set aside, it is the canard that questions about the court’s jurisdiction can be raised at any time. We can’t count the number of times we have tried to explain that “at any time” does not mean that a defendant can waltz into court a decade after the fact to claim that the court never should have heard the criminal case to begin with.

To be sure, a court has a continuing obligation to satisfy itself that it has subject-matter jurisdiction, but as Jorge Mercado-Flores discovered, that obligation only lasts as long as the case goes on. There always comes a time when a criminal judgment is final, and – to paraphrase the Supreme Court – finality is a virtue.

Jorge, who is 28, was charged in Puerto Rico with a rather unpleasant offense after getting a little frisky at the beach with his 14-year old girlfriend. The government did not think Jorge’s transgression merited the 10-year mandatory minimum sentence the offense as charged required, so it proposed a plea deal in which he would plead to a different statute which carried no mandatory minimum sentence.

This was the catch. The statute Jorge was charged with criminalized “the transportation of a minor within a United States ‘commonwealth, territory or possession’.” The statute he pled to under the plea deal criminalized the transportation of an individual “in interstate or foreign commerce, or in any Territory or Possession of the United States.”

viva170926As the French say, “viva la difference!” The parties did not catch the problem, but at sentencing the district court voiced its concern. Puerto Rico is not a territory or possession, but rather is a commonwealth, in fact, one of only two commonwealths in the United States. The statute Jorge was charged under mentioned territories, possessions and commonwealths. The statute he pled to omitted “commonwealths” altogether.

The district court tried to cut the baby in half. It said it would sentence Jorge, but reserve judgment on whether it had subject-matter jurisdiction to sentence him. So it did, giving him 57 months. About 24 days later, the court – acting sua sponte – ruled that it lacked subject-matter jurisdiction over the statute Jorge pled to, and dismissed the whole she-bang.

Great news for Jorge, right? Wrong. The government appealed, demanding that the district court’s decision on jurisdiction be vacated. The government said that if the appeal failed, it would reindict him under the old statute. That would expose Jorge to a minimum 120-month sentence. Jorge then filed a responsive brief with the appeals court, supporting the government’s demand that the district court’s jurisdiction decision be vacated.

Last Friday, the 1st Circuit made everyone happy, throwing out the district court dismissal and reinstating the 57-month sentence. The Circuit made it clear:

We begin with bedrock. Subject to only a handful of narrowly circumscribed exceptions, a district court has no jurisdiction to vacate, alter, or revise a sentence previously imposed… When — as in this case — a judgment of conviction is entered upon imposition of a sentence, that sentence is a final judgment and, therefore, may only be modified by the sentencing court in certain limited circumstances. Because a district court (apart from collateral proceedings such as habeas corpus or coram nobis) has no inherent power to modify a sentence after it has been imposed, those limited circumstances “stem[] solely from . . . positive law.

The appellate court reviewed the limited circumstances – a habeas corpus proceeding, a government motion to reduce sentence for substantial assistance, a motion under 18 USC 3582(c)(2) when the Sentencing Commission has retroactively lowered the guidelines. None of the limited circumstances applied here.

jailbait170926The Circuit complained that “the district court did not identify the source of its perceived authority to vacate the defendant’s sentence. After examining all the potential sources, we conclude that, in the circumstances of this case, no provision of positive law empowers a district court to vacate a sentence, sua sponte, more than three weeks after imposing it.”

You see, “final” is “final.” The judiciary has “historic respect for the finality of the judgment of a committing court,” which “would become a distant memory” if district courts could recall their sentences whenever they wanted to, or whenever a defendant wanted to argue about jurisdiction. The 1st said, “if the criminal justice system is to function appropriately, the imposition of a sentence must carry with it an ‘expectation of finality and tranquility’ for the defendant, the government, and the public.”

The error was a simple one. The district court already had imposed a sentence, more than three weeks had elapsed, and the defendant had not sought either to withdraw his guilty plea or to vacate the imposed sentence. Given those facts, the appellate court said, “the district court was not at liberty, sua sponte, to annul the sentence. Having accepted the defendant’s plea, conducted a full sentencing hearing, and imposed a sentence, the court lost any jurisdiction to change its mind.”

Even if it lacked subject-matter jurisdiction to begin with?

Yup. Even though.

United States v. Mercado-Flores, Case No. 15-1859 (1st Cir., Sept. 22, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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SCOTUS “Long Conference” Set to Butcher Cert Petitions Today – Update for September 25, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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WHERE CERT PETITIONS GO TO DIE

Today the Supreme Court holds its annual end-of-summer “long conference.” The justices will consider the roughly 2,000 petitions for writ of certiorari now pending, asking the court to hear appeals that have piled up over the summer. And they will reject almost all of them.

meeting170925“The summer list is where petitions go to die,” said Gregory G. Garre, a solicitor general in the George W. Bush administration now at Latham & Watkins. Another practitioner referred to the “long conference” as a “ritualized slaughter – of cert petitions.”

The odds of persuading the Supreme Court to hear a case are always long. At the conferences held on many Fridays during the term, which starts next Monday and lasts until June, the justices consider perhaps 200 petitions at a time and grant about 1.1% of them. At the long conference, the rate is roughly half of that, around 0.6%.

For most petitioners, “the most important moment is trying to get in the door,” according to Jeffrey L. Fisher, a Stanford law professor. “Once you’re in, the statistics say you have a two-thirds chance of winning. So the difference between a grant and a denial is truly the difference… between winning and losing.”

Some practitioners who find their cert deadline falls at a time that guarantees a hearing at the “long conference” will try a strategic use of extension-of-time requests to be able to get their petitions for writ of certiorari to fall later in the year.

deniedcertB170925But perhaps leavening those long odd is the fact that last term, the Court heard argument in about 70 cases. So far this term, the Court has filled fewer than half of those spots, only agreeing thus far to hear 32 cases. That’s a total of just 28 hours of argument, after accounting for cases that have been consolidated for argument.

The case schedule thus far is skewed toward civil matters. The Court has granted certiorari to 25 civil cases, but only 7 criminal ones. A case that is especially noteworthy to federal prisons, Sessions v. Dimaya (formerly known as Lynch v. Dimaya), was held over for reargument at the end of last term (suggesting a 4-4 split on the Court before the April arrival of Justice Neil Gorsuch).

Argument in Sessions v. Dimaya is set for reargument next Monday, October 2, the first day of the new term.

Bloomberg Law, Supreme Court by the Numbers: Kicking Off the 2017 Term (Sept. 13, 2017)

New York Times, Supreme Court’s End-of-Summer Conference: Where Appeals ‘Go to Die’ (Aug. 31, 2015)

– Thomas L. Root

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Congress to Try, Try Again on Sentencing Reform – Update for September 21, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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WE’RE BACK, BABY!

wereback170921After serving as a showpiece for what great bipartisanship can accomplish, the Sentencing Reform and Corrections Act of 2015 foundered on the shoals of presidential campaign politics last year, never making it to a floor vote in the Senate due to the fears of Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Kentucky) that the vote could tarnish Republicans at the polls.

The bill, originally introduced in 2015, would cut mandatory minimum sentences for certain drug offenses and armed career criminals while increasing mandatory minimums for other offenses such as domestic violence. The bill was watered down early on in the process to satisfy law-and-order senators by eliminating any retroactive provisions. In other words, changing the law so that newly convicted people would not face unintended “stacked” mandatory minimums made sense, but relieving sentences of people who were given those “stacked” sentences the day before the bill passed did not.

flipflop170920Watered down or not, the SRCA fell to demagoguery from the likes of Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas), who supported the measure before he started running for president, but then opposed it on the campaign trail. An even greater foe was then-Sen. Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III, who is now Attorney General.

Nevertheless, building on the Senate’s success in repealing Obamacare and passing comprehensive tax reform, some U.S. senators are now planning to take a second stab at passing a bipartisan criminal justice reform bill after it stalled amid GOP infighting. Sens. Dick Durbin (D-Illinois) and Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) said Tuesday that they will reintroduce the SRCA, but they did not specify exactly when.

“While the political landscape in Washington has changed, the same problems presented by the current sentencing regime remain,” Grassley said. Despite the fact the bill has been worked on now over three different congresses, Durbin believes it the “best chance in a generation to right the wrongs of a badly broken system.”

The bill cleared the Senate Judiciary Committee in 2015, with Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas) – one of the co-sponsors – predicting it would come to a floor vote soon afterwards. As Senate law-and-order conservatives started taking whacks at it, House Speaker Paul Ryan (R-Wisconsin) questioned whether the House would even be willing to debate the version of SRCA the Senate was cooking up. The bill died with the end of the last congress.

Starting with the day after its death last January, Grassley and Durbin began expressing interest in reviving the criminal justice bill. Along with Sen. Mike Lee (R-Utah), reportedly met with President Trump’s son-in-law and senior adviser Jared Kushner last March to discuss the issue. Kushner has a special interest in federal criminal justice reform.

sessions170918The push to pass the criminal justice reform bill could set up a potential fight with the Dept. of Justice, and Sessions, who was one of the leading opponents against the legislation when he was a member of the Senate. It is not known how much influence the AG still has with the President, who thinks Sessions is both “weak” and an “idiot.”

Sen. Thom Tillis (R-North Carolina), another supporter of the criminal justice reform effort, speculated last January that Sessions as attorney general would have as a chief objective enforcing what Congress sends him — even if he disagrees with it — rather than slipping into the role of legislator and try to change the laws. “He’s going to be focused on being the nation’s top law enforcement official,” Tillis said. “I don’t necessarily see him weighing in heavily on public policy choices that President Trump makes.”

The Hill, Senators to reintroduce bipartisan criminal justice bill (Sept. 19, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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U.S. District Judge Sues Court of Appeals Over Psych Order – Update for September 20, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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CALL ME CRAZY, BUT I’M SUING YOU

The cadre of 519 sitting U.S. District Judges includes a list of some first-class jurists. We have a number of favorites for criminal matters, not because they’re soft soaps, but rather because they’re thoughtful and dedicated to the difficult task of making decisions that protect crime victims and the rights of the accused.

adams170920We also have a rogues list, which we are glad to say is mercifully short. But one judge who has amply earned his seat on that panel is Judge John R. Adams of the United States District Court for the Northern District of Ohio. It would be difficult for us to identify a judge who is consistently more mercurial or petty. He’s a guy who once held a public defender in contempt for subpoenaing witnesses, added 24 months to a sentence on a remand after United States v. Booker invalidated the mandatory guidelines, and had an employment discrimination case taken from him by the 6th Circuit because of his bias against one of the parties’ lawyer and discord which “appears to be, at least in part, the result of the protracted nature of this litigation to which the district judge has contributed greatly.”

As a parenthetical, we were personally involved in a post-conviction proceeding from a conviction in Judge Adams’ court that languished for five years before a ruling, and then the ruling came only because the prisoner filed a petition for writ of mandamus with the 6th Court of Appeals seeking an order telling Judge Adams to rule on the 2255 motion.

Apparently the good judge holds others to timeliness standards to which he does not hold himself. After demanding that magistrate judges to which he assigns social security appeals complete their decisions within 30 days of all of the pleadings being filed, Judge Adams threatened him with a contempt finding when he missed the deadline. When the other judges in the Northern District of Ohio unanimously asked Judge Adams to withdraw his “show cause” order against the magistrate as “unwarranted and improper,” the Judge refused, and shot back that the Chief Judge had failed to “discipline” two magistrate judges who had protested Judge Adams’ 30-day demand, both of whom Judge Adams believed had “disrespectful[ly] and “defiant[ly]” suggested that their need to manage other cases was a valid reason not to comply with Judge Adams’s Scheduling Order.

This capped a 9-year battle Judge Adams had waged against the other judges of the court, arising from Judge Adams’ candidate for magistrate judge being passed over in 2008 in favor of someone else selected by majority vote of the judges.

adams1776170920In 2013, four other district judges filed a judicial complaint against Judge Adams’ weird and disruptive conduct, which they called “prejudicial to the effective and expeditious administration of the business of the courts.” After a 2-year investigation, the 6th Circuit Judicial Council held that Judge Adams’s issuance of the Show Cause Order constituted misconduct, his refusal to cooperate with the Special Committee’s request that he undergo a mental health examination with a psychiatrist selected by the Special Committee constituted misconduct, and Judge Adams might suffer from a mental disability, but because he had refused to undergo the requested mental health examination, no one knew for sure. The Judicial Council ordered that Judge Adams be publicly reprimanded for his actions, undergo a mental health examination by a psychiatrist selected by the Committee and submit to any treatment or counseling deemed necessary by the psychiatrist. Finally, it ordered that no new cases be assigned to Judge Adams for two years, and his current cases be transferred to other judges (subject to suspension if he underwent and passed a psychological exam).

The Judicial Conference of the United States upheld the order last August.

Last week, Judge Adams sued the 6th Circuit in U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia, alleging that the order violates his 5th Amendment right to due process. Judge Adams claims the Judicial Conduct and Disability Act of 1980 is unconstitutionally vague, “because it lacks minimal enforcement guidelines identifying when an Article III judge may be subject to a disability investigation, and, accordingly, when an Article III judge may be disciplined for objecting in good faith to undergoing a compelled psychiatric examination as part of an investigation into whether he suffers from a disability rendering him unable to discharge his duties.”

judge160222Judge Adams contends he “has an obvious liberty interest in the outcome of any misconduct or disability proceeding against him. He also has an obvious liberty interest in not being subjected to an involuntary psychiatric examination and a further liberty interest in not being stigmatized as having committed misconduct and having his mental health questioned.”

He asks the court to declare unconstitutional the Judicial Council’s order and memorandum requiring him to undergo a psychiatric exam.

Adams v. Judicial Council of the Sixth Circuit, Case No. 1:17-cv-1894 (D.D.C., filed Sept. 14, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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It’s Official – The AG Declared to be an “Idiot” – Update for September 19, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

LISAStatHeader2smallNEWS FROM THE WHITE HOUSE

We always kind of suspected this, but it’s still nice to get confirmation.

sessions170918The New York Times reported last week that in the middle of an Oval Office “horsewhipping” of Attorney General Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III by President Trump last May, over Sessions’ recusal of himself from the Trump Russia probe, the President got a phone call informing him that Robert Mueller had been appointed to be special counsel for the investigation. After the call, Trump “lobbed a volley of insults at Mr. Sessions, telling the attorney general it was his fault they were in the current situation. Mr. Trump told Mr. Sessions that choosing him to be attorney general was one of the worst decisions he had made, called him an “idiot,” and said that he should resign.”

The Attorney General is an “idiot?” At least now if we say it, we can attribute it to the man who hired him.

justicereform161128Also from 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue, President Trump’s son-in-law and senior adviser, Jared Kushner, hosted a White House roundtable last week to gather recommendations for improving mentoring and job training in federal prisons.  

A bipartisan group of about two dozen elected officials, religious leaders and business leaders attended the first major criminal justice-related event held by the Kushner-led Office of American Innovation. “There is a lot of agreement from the left and the center and the right that once a person has committed a crime we should make sure we give them the best opportunities to try to live a productive life after serving their time,” Kushner said.

Members of Congress attending were Sen. John Cornyn, R-Texas, Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse, D-Rhode Island, Rep. Doug Collins, R-Georgia, and Rep. Sheila Jackson Lee, D-Texas. Several cabinet-level officials were there, as well as two governors — both Republicans — representing the state-level effort.

idiot170918Kushner’s interest in criminal justice policy is much different than that of Trump and Attorney General Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III, reportedly branded an “idiot”by his boss, who have called for more aggressive prosecutions of drug offenders and illegal immigrants.

The New York Times, Trump Humiliated Jeff Sessions After Mueller Appointment (Sept. 14, 2017)

Washington Post, Kushner to gather bipartisan group to come up with ideas for federal prisons (Sept. 13, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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8th Circuit Finds Constructive Variance in “Nothingburger” Case – Update for Monday, September 18, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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8TH CIRCUIT FINDS CONSTRUCTIVE VARIANCE

cheeseburger170918It’s appropriate that on National Cheeseburger Day, we would report on a strange little “nothing burger” of a case handed down last week by the 8th Circuit. The appellate court reversed a misdemeanor conviction of a South Dakota man for “threatening, intimidating, or intentionally interfering with” a U.S. Forest Service officer engaged in the performance of duties.

Tom McDill, who owned property next to a national forest, wanted to set up a business of hauling off piles of wood debris from forest land and selling it. He also wanted a permit to cut down some beetle-infested national forest trees to keep the bugs from spreading to his land. Neither of these was unreasonable, but Tom has kind of an “in-your-face” style of discussion that creeped out a couple of female USFS employees. A USFS cop gave him two misdemeanor summonses, listing the offenses as “intentionally interfering w USFS employee in process of her duties” and “harassment + interference w/ USFS employee in process of her duties,” respectively, in violation of 36 CFR 261.3(c)).

whatsaid170918The citations charged Tom with harassment (not prohibited by 261.3(c)) and interference. This, the verdict was permissible only if it rested on the theory that Tom intentionally interfered with the employees. But, as the 8th Circuit put it last week, “the court effectively altered the charges set forth in the citations.”

The government’s case established that Tom intimidated the employees, and both were frightened by Tom’s size and demeanor. The government argued that Tom “intimidated and arguably interfered with… a forest officer.” And in its verdict, the court told Tom that evidence showed Tom was “intimidating, interfering, or threatening them… because they were Forest Service officers.”

The case is a nothingburger
The case is a nothingburger

The 8th Circuit held last week that “there was at least a substantial likelihood that McDill was convicted of an offense for which he was not charged. Accordingly, McDill was subjected to a constructive amendment… that materially and substantially affected McDill’s right to notice of the charges against him… McDill relied on the language of the citations in preparing his defense, and was unfairly surprised when the government pursued a conviction based on the theory that he intimidated or threatened [the USFS employees]…” The error “undermined the ‘fairness, integrity or public reputation of judicial proceedings’.”

United States v. McDill, Case No. 15-2503 (8th Cir., Sept. 15, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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6th Circuit Says “There’s Crazy, and Then There’s Crazy Like A Fox” – Update for September 14, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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NUTZPAH

repo170915The facts of the case hardly seem like a federal crime. Repo man Garry Valentine showed up at Airiz Coleman’s house in Youngstown, Ohio, to repossess Airiz’s truck for nonpayment of the note. Airiz took exception, and – as the court drily puts it – “pointed a handgun approximately six or seven inches from Valentine’s face and threatened to kill him. Defendant’s wife intervened and Valentine was able to call the police.” The police came and arrested Airiz, seizing some cheap 5-shot revolver.

So far, it seems unremarkable, the kind of thing the local cops would handle. Airiz would be charged with some kind of assault, spend some time in jail, get bailed out, cop a plea and get maybe 6 months. Except, of course, it turns out Airiz had a prior felony, so the feds – who should have better things to do in Youngstown – picked up the case, charging Airiz with being a felon in possession of a firearm.

sovereigncitizen161125This is where the case gets interesting. While awaiting trial, Airiz apparently became acquainted with the Sovereign Citizen movement. We’ve described it before. The sovereign citizen movement is a loose grouping of litigants, commentators, tax protesters, financial-scheme promoters, and assorted whackos, who take the position that they are answerable only to their particular interpretation of the common law and are not subject to the United States Code or federal courts, although some of them have great affection for the Uniform Commercial Code (as they understand it to be, which it is not). Others prefer admiralty law. They do not recognize United States currency, although they freely spend it, and maintain that they are “free of any legal constraints.” They have special enmity for the federal income tax.

Airiz became an eager convert. At his arraignment, he acknowledged his but challenged the court’s jurisdiction over him, arguing that the government was “trying to charge him with” a “commercial crime” and that the United States could not be the victim of a commercial crime, whatever that meant. Airiz demanded of the magistrate judge to know if he was forcing Airiz “to contract,” and he referred to himself as a “flesh and blood living being.” He claimed that his detention on “U.S. soil” was unconstitutional.

When his public defender tried to quit because Airiz was “combative” and “confrontational,” Airiz told the court that he was present “on special appearance, as a third-party intervenor” and claimed that he was a “beneficiary and executor to the legal estate of the decedent.” He said he had surrendered his birth certificate “to the Court for set-off, settlement.” He contended that he was not a corporation, an estate, or a legal fiction, but rather, was “a living man… living private on the land.” He “authorized” the court “to settle and close the account, case, constructive trust” and again argued the court lacked “jurisdiction” and referenced his “copyright.” The district court quickly came to see the public defender’s point, and appointed other counsel.

crazy170915Several days before trial, Defendant repeated his jurisdiction claim, explaining again that he is “a living man… not a ‘corporate fiction’… [who] never signed any ‘Contract’ with the Public Defender’s Office.” He also appointed “Respondent: James S. Gwin” (who was the District Judge hearing the case) “as Trustee to settle and close” the case. Airiz signed the notice as his own “Authorized Representative” and listed an address in “Warren, Ohio Republic,” with a zip code in brackets. Airiz loaded up the record with an Affidavit of Ownership, Declaration of Nationality, Certificate/s of Titles, and Birth Certificates, and declared himself to be a “Moorish American National.” Using a favored sovereign citizen artifice of declaring a copyright in his own name, Airiz demanded payment of “1,000,000,000.00 PER HOUR UPON OCCURANCE [sic]” when anyone used his name.” Finally, for good measure, Airiz attached a proposed “Order of Dismissal With Prejudice” pursuant to “Rule 12(b)(1)(2) of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure” alleging lack of subject-matter and in personam jurisdiction.

Trial with his new counsel did not go well. Airiz claimed that he did not want to testify at trial, but his new attorney insisted he could not argue effectively unless Airiz testified as to his view of what happened. Airiz said he and his wife “didn’t want to argue for a corporation,” and that was why he “tried to be respectful” and said that he wasn’t the defendant, but a man. He was convicted.

At sentencing, Airiz was starting to get it. He painted himself as having overcome a tough childhood to become a good family man, and said he had written a play that a record company was about to produce. He said that he had a job lined up in Hollywood with Charlie Sheen. He said he had saved another inmate’s life while jailed awaiting trial. He told the court he “never meant to dishonor anyone in this courtroom” and that he “always wanted to provide for my family.”

The district court sentenced him to 36 months, one month beneath the bottom of the sentencing range.

stupidity170915On appeal, Airiz somehow ended up being represented by Washington, D.C., megafirm Sidley Austin. His appellate counsel did just about the only thing it could do. It complained that its client was obviously nuts, and that the district court should have had his head examined. Or, in legalese, it argued that Airiz’s “bizarre statements over the course of multiple hearings and trial, and his interaction with his counsel—as reported by those attorneys—triggered reasonable cause to believe” that he did not understand the nature and consequences of the criminal proceedings and lacked the ability to consult with counsel to prepare his defense.

Airiz offered a few examples: He said the “first tell-tale sign was his ‘stringing together legal jargon that made no sense’,” such as saying he was

“here on special appearance, third-party intervenor, okay, who was injured by this action, and beneficiary and executor to the legal estate of the decedent” He also believed that he could authorize the district court “to settle and close” the case and that he could “decline any more offers of imprisonment, fines, fees, or any other penalties.” Second, Defendant argues that he “utterly fail[ed] to grasp that the jury had convicted him of a federal criminal offense[.]” At the hearing to remove Mack as counsel, Defendant repeatedly insisted that his “debt” had been taken care of, and the court was therefore required to release him from custody. Third, Defendant claims that his “abnormal splintering of the self” should have raised a red flag. At the hearing on his first attorney’s motion to withdraw, Defendant characterized himself as the defendant’s “surety,” and at trial, as his “authorized representative.” In his objections to the presentence report, Defendant claimed that he was not a defendant, but “a natural living man” (and not a U.S. citizen). Fourth, he displayed “a grandiose belief in his own superior knowledge,” via his “belligerence with the prosecutor while being cross-examined at trial.” In particular, Defendant confusingly discussed his 2008 felony convictions, first claiming that he prevailed, then that he had taken a plea, and finally claiming that he had done so “unconsciously.” He also read a “revised” passage from the Bill of Rights—his version of that document. Fifth, although “fairly lucid” at sentencing, Defendant allegedly made “lofty claims that suggested he was not fully connected to reality.” This included his assertion that he was writing a play and had a “guaranteed job on anger management in L.A. with Charlie Sheen.”

In fact, Airiz argued, the district court itself twice commented that Defendant was not making any sense.

chutzpah170915It was a pretty gutsy move: act nuts with a side of chutzpah. Call it “nutzpah.” Spout nonsense at trial, and then appeal on the grounds that the court should have known you were acting crazy. But earlier this week, the 6th Circuit refused to buy it. There was nothing that unusual about Airiz’s “meritless rhetoric,” which was “frequently espoused by tax protesters, sovereign citizens, and self-proclaimed Moorish-Americans.” The jurisdiction claims, the “Moorish-American” business, the name copyright, the “third-party intervenor” status: been there, the Court said. Done that. Have the Sovereign Citizen t-shirt.

The 6th noted that two other circuits had rejected the claim that professing to be a sovereign citizen was “an expression of incompetency,” in the absence of mental illness or uncontrollable behavior. A competency hearing is not necessary where the only evidence of incompetence is “the unusual nature of the defendant’s beliefs.”

tshirt170915The appeals court held that Airiz showed that he understood the criminal nature of the proceedings, as reflected by the fact that he challenged the court’s jurisdiction. Airiz “demonstrated his ability to make legal arguments, albeit atypical ones. He drafted a detailed affidavit, provided state documents, and cited case law, statutes, and constitutions. His trial testimony was designed to counter incriminating facts.” He cooperated with the Probation Officer in preparation of the presentence report. But “perhaps most telling” was Airiz’s “articulate, passionate allocution” begging the court to return him to his family. The Court said that Airiz’s “swan song at sentencing reflects a carefully crafted attempt to present himself as a virtuous man, good father, and community leader, a character very different than the one presented at earlier stages of the proceedings.”

swan170915Yes, but how about Airiz’s claim of a Hollywood job offer? Was that not evidence of “grandiose and possibly delusional thinking.” The 6th Circuit thought not: “Given certain similarities between his behavior and Charlie Sheen’s behavior (both in real life and on television), it could also have been an attempt at rather ironic humor.”

United States v. Coleman, Case No. 16-3972 (6th Cir., Sept. 13, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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9th Circuit Expands on Sentence Reduction Flexibility – Update for September 13, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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NICE GUYS DON’T NECESSARILY FINISH LAST

niceA170914Over the past 30 years of the Sentencing Guidelines, the U.S. Sentencing Commission has modified different guidelines to reduce their impact on many occasions. Most of those changes – such as eliminating the “recency” points, which added to criminal history if the new offense was committed within a few years of the end of a prior sentence – applied to people who were sentenced only after the change went into effect.

Some, however, were made retroactive to people already sentenced, which let inmates apply under 18 USC 3582 for a sentence reduction. The most notable of these were the three changes to the drug quantity tables in USSG 2D1.1, which lowered sentencing ranges based on the quantity of drugs a defendant was found to have. The changes, in 2007, 2011 and 2014, led to tens of thousands of sentence reductions being granted.

One would think that a reduction would be simple and mathematical. A defendant sentenced in 2013 had a final sentencing range of 87-108 months, based on possessing 1 kilo of methamphetamine and getting a 3-level reduction for acceptance of responsibility under USSG 3E1.1 and a criminal history of III. Let’s say the judge sentenced him in the middle of that range, to 96 months.

After the Sentencing Commission lowered all of the drug quantities in USSG 2D1.1(c) by two levels in 2014, the inmate files for a sentence reduction. Everything in the calculus – his acceptance of responsibility and criminal history category – remains the same except for lowering the base offense level for a kilo of meth from 30 to 28. A Level of 28, minus 3 levels for acceptance of responsibility, and a criminal history of III, yields a sentencing range of 70-87 months.

Under 18 USC 3582, the judge could decide to lower his sentence all the way to 70 months, lower it only part of the way, or not to lower it at all.

Pretty straightforward. The system worked well when the Guidelines were mandatory, that is, when a judge was required to sentence within the sentencing range except in very limited circumstances. But two factors have conspired to make a hash-up of the system.

snitch161004The first factor arises in cases where a defendant is awarded a downward departure under USSG 5K1.1. Many times, a defendant will end up with a sentence of half or less of what the Guidelines required. The second problem arises because of United States v. Booker, the 2005 case in which the Supreme Court declared mandatory Guidelines to be unconstitutional. Since Booker, the Guidelines have been advisory only, and judges have exercised their freedom to vary from suggested sentencing ranges with much greater frequency.

Because the rules say that a judge may not grant a sentence reduction motion where the adjusted sentencing range is higher than the sentence a defendant originally received, a lot of inmates were stranded, unable to benefit from a reduction of sentence.

The Sentencing Commission, sensitive to the government’s need to enjoy a steady flow of snitches, changed the processing rules so that an inmate with a USSG 5K1.1 departure would have his or her original guidelines before the downward departure adjusted, and then the departure added in again, usually on a percentage basis. If an inmate had a 300-month sentence with a 150-month downward departure, but the original sentencing range fell to 250 months, the court would use the new 250-month figure, and decrease it by 50% (the same ratio as the original departure bore to the original sentence). The inmate’s new sentence would end up being 125 months.

fasttrack170914Occasionally, it would get very squirrelly. In today’s case, for example, an illegal immigrant known in the case caption only as D.M. was caught at the border with a load of meth and heroin. He wisely decided to cooperate with the government, and did so quite well. Because as an illegal alien, he was deportable as soon as his sentence was served, he also signed up for what is known as “fast track” deportation, where he waived hearing and other rights so that ICE could rocket his butt out of the country as soon as he finished doing his time. “Fast track” deportation entitles a defendant to an additional 4-level downward departure under USSG 5K3.1.

But for his initial crime, D.M. must be a pretty nice guy. He quickly and efficiently cooperated with the law, and he agreed to let his deportation roll without legal roadblocks. When the Sentencing Commission’s 2-level drug quantity reduction came along in 2014, the government was so happy with him that it recommended D.M.’s sentence cut to the judge.

The request stymied the district court. D.M.’s judge expressed doubts whether, in reducing D.M.’s sentence, he could consider departures other than the substantial assistance departure. If the court could only consider the substantial assistance departure, then it could not reduce D.M.’s sentence because the minimum available sentence would be longer than the sentence D.M. was serving. Seeking clarification on the issue, the district court ordered further briefing and then demanded the government’s position “in writing” so it could fully consider the reasoning before ruling. The district court defined the issue as being “when a defendant previously received a substantial assistance departure as well as an additional departure for fast-track, in granting ‘a reduction comparably less than the amended guideline range,’ may the Court include in the calculation the fast-track departure?”

The district court reluctantly concluded that USSG 1B1.10 did not allow for the inclusion of the fast-track departure. It was looking like nice guys like D.M. were finishing last.

Last Friday, the 9th Circuit reversed the decision. Guidelines section 1B1.10(b)(2) – which governs sentence reductions like this one – prohibits reducing a sentence below the “minimum of the amended guideline range.” In determining a sentence reduction, USSG 1B1.10(b)(1) provides that “the court shall determine the amended guideline range that would have been applicable to the defendant if the amendment(s) to the guidelines… had been in effect at the time the defendant was sentenced.”

However, USSG 1B1.10(b)(2)(B), on which D.M and the Government both relied, provides a specific exemption to this floor, allowing a reduction where “the term of imprisonment imposed was less than the term of imprisonment provided by the guideline range applicable to the defendant at the time of sentencing pursuant to a government motion to reflect the defendant’s substantial assistance to authorities.”

The 9th admitted that 1B1.10 “is not a model of clarity. Nonetheless, we conclude that the most natural reading of the policy statement, its history, and the practical consequences of opposing interpretations, all favor the conclusion that it allows a court to consider additional applicable departures in an original sentence, not just the deduction specifically attributed to substantial assistance.”

niceB170914Thus, because D.M. had a substantial assistance departure, any other departures he may have gotten – in this case, the fast track departure – could be considered as well. If 1B1.10(b)(2) did not say that, the appeals court argued, then no one could tell what it means, and in such a case, “D.M. would nonetheless be eligible for consideration of a reduced sentence under the rule of lenity.”

D.M. is already out of prison and home in a nameless country located somewhat south of here. Sometimes, nice guys do not finish last after all.

United States v. D.M., Case No. 16-50243 (9th Cir., Sept. 7, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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3rd Circuit Expands Second-and-Successive 2255 Rights – Update for September 12, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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ZAX’S PATIENCE REWARDED IN THE 3RD CIRCUIT

We reported several weeks ago that the 4th Circuit had joined the 6th in dodging the lingering question of whether Johnson v. United States applied to mandatory Guidelines sentences. Now, the 3rd Circuit has stepped into the breach.

violence151213The Armed Career Criminal Act provides that people with three prior convictions for serious drug offenses or crimes of violence face stiff mandatory minimum sentences. A crime of violence is defined as one of four specific offenses – burglary, extortion, arson or use of explosives – or any other crime that has as an element the actual or threatened use of physical force.

Up to two years ago, the ACCA’s definition has a third subcategory known as the residual clause. A crime of violence also included any crime that carried a substantial risk of physical harm to another. In Johnson, the Supreme Court ruled that this residual clause was so vague that the average person could not tell what offenses counted and what did not. Such a vague statute violates a defendant’s 5th Amendment due process rights. Because Johnson meant that a number of people serving ACCA sentences were in fact innocent of their offense, the Supreme Court held that it was retroactive, that is, that people already convicted could apply to courts with a 28 USC 2255 motion to obtain relief.

At the time, the ACCA definition of “crime of violence” appeared elsewhere in the criminal code as well as in the Guidelines, where it was used in several sections, especially in Chapter 4 to label someone a “career offender.” A “career offender” under the Guidelines faces dramatically increased sentencing ranges. Naturally, defendants serving long career offender sentences promptly filed for relief as well, despite the fact that Johnson only encompassed the ACCA, and not the Guidelines.

limitone170912Every federal criminal defendant is entitled to file one and only one 2255 motion after conviction, that filing being due within a year of the conviction becoming final. In order to file a second 2255, the defendant must request permission from the Court of Appeals first. Permission is granted only under limited circumstances, where there is newly discovered evidence that convincingly proves innocence, or where a new rule of constitutional law – like the Johnson holding – is made retroactive.

Soon after Johnson was decided in June 2015, Tom Hoffner asked the 3rd Circuit for permission to file a second 2255. He argued that Johnson was the new rule of constitutional law that should apply to his career offender sentence, which was handed down in 2000. Back then, judges were required by law to follow the Guidelines, which only changed in 2005 when the Supreme Court declared mandatory Guidelines unconstitutional in United States v. Booker.

zax170912Remember Dr. Seuss’s story of a North-Going Zax and a South-Going Zax, who run into each other? Both are trying to get to their desired locations, but neither will move out of the way to let the other one pass. While both stand facing each other, unmoving, the world continues on moving and time passes by.

Tom’s case was something like that. The statute directs courts of appeal to decide applications to file second 2255s within 30 days. Holding that the 30-day language in 28 USC 2244 is merely “advisory,” the 3rd Circuit required over two years to decide whether Tom should be allowed to file a second 2255.

While Tom patiently waited, toe to toe with the government like the two Zaxes, the world did not stand still. First, the Supreme Court decided in Welch v. United States that the Johnson holding should be retroactive. Then, the Supreme decided last March in Beckles v. United States that Johnson would not be extended to people who were career offenders under the advisory Guidelines, leaving open the question of whether Johnson could be extended to people like Tom who had become career offenders under the mandatory Guidelines.

After that, two cases that many thought would decide whether Johnson extended to mandatory Guidelines people the 6th Circuit in United States v. Raybon and the 4th Circuit in United States v. Brown – ended up turning on the decidedly procedural question of whether the 2255s had been filed on time.

rely170912Finally, Tom’s time came last Thursday. The 3rd Circuit handed down 25 pages of careful thought-out analysis on the issue, concluding that while Johnson did not necessarily address Tom’s precise issue, 2244(b) only looks at whether the movant’s claim “relies” on the new rule of constitutional law. Nothing mandates that it be precisely the same point that the movant wants to claim. Thus, if Johnson is a new rule of constitutional law applying to language in the ACCA, and Tom “relies” on that rule in his argument that the same vagueness infirmity afflicts a guideline used to sentence him, that reliance is enough to come within the statute.

The Circuit held that in analyzing 2244 motions, the court needed to lean toward grant.

The context of Section 2244(b)… supports interpreting “relies” permissibly and flexibly… As explained above, Congress has mandated that the “grant or denial of an authorization… shall not be appealable and shall not be the subject of a petition for rehearing or for a writ of certiorari.” 28 U.S.C. § 2244(b)(3)(E). This creates an asymmetry in the impact of our gatekeeping decision on a particular case… On one hand, if we erroneously deny authorization, the petitioner “will have no opportunity to appeal or seek rehearing.” On the other hand, “if we err in granting certification, ample opportunity for correcting that error will remain.” The district court will have the opportunity to determine anew whether the petitioner has “shown that the claim satisfies the requirements of this section,” and whether the habeas petition has merit… In turn, we may review the district court’s decision.

It’s not a done deal that Tom will win the 2255 motion he now has permission to file (although you could be forgiven for reading it like the 3rd thinks he will). But the Circuit seems pretty convinced that there’s some merit in his claim.

The significance of this decision, which the 3rd Circuit issued as precedential, is its thoroughness in discussing the 2244 process. In a world where most decisions on second-and-successive 2255s are three-page affairs, and where the statutory limitations on certiorari mean that the Supreme Court will never be able to opine on the matter, this decision is as much guidance as any court has ever given on 2244 practice.

In re Hoffner, Case No. 15-2883 (3rd Circuit, Sept. 7, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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Hurricane Buncombe Strikes Federal Prisons – Update for Monday, September 11, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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TURNING A BREEZE INTO A HOPEMONGERING HURRICANE

Buncombe170911The hopemongers are at it again. Several inmates readers have written to us about an email newsletter they received during the past couple of weeks, from a Chicago-area group talking about something it calls the “First Offender initiative.”

Under the Sentencing Guidelines, someone with zero or one criminal history point is considered to have a Criminal History of I. It’s a good place to be: Criminal History I people are on the left-hand column of the Sentencing Table, and get the lowest sentencing ranges.

Yet, there are some Criminal History I folks who have prior offenses that have timed out (and are not counted) or even a point for some recent misdemeanor. Others are as pure as Mother Teresa. Last December, the USSC proposed an amendment for 2017 to give the Mother Teresas of the federal criminal world a break. It floated the idea of a reduction in offense level for those folks, and asked for public comment.

teresa170911Then the USSC ran out of members, as terms expired and too few were left for a quorum. The Senate finally approved two new members in late March, but by then, it was too late for any 2017 amendments. So this November 1, 2017, there will be no Guidelines changes.

A few weeks ago, the USSC re-issued the same proposals it had announced last December, including the proposal for a break for some Crim History I people. The Commission wants public comment on the idea, including on whether it should go with a 1- or a 2-level reduction, and whether to be eligible, a defendant just needs zero criminal history points or a completely clean record for his or her entire life up to that point.

No one knows whether the USSC will decide this should become an amendment. If it does, no one knows which options it will go with. Even if the Commission adopts it next April as a proposed amendment, it will not go into effect until November 2018.

If it does become effective, it will not be retroactive at that time. Retroactivity will require a whole new notice-and-comment process (and six-month waiting period). For the Guidelines change to benefit anyone currently locked up, retroactivity has to be approved by the USSC and not vetoed by Congress. Think maybe spring 2019 at the earliest.

snwowhite170911Enter the hopemongers. An Illinois outfit we will not name sent an inmate newsletter in the last week or so saying “while the Sentencing Commission works to incorporate final comments into the holdover 2016 changes before they are published in the Federal Register, and the 180-day countdown begins, there is plenty of time to study those individuals who appear initially to qualify for this retroactive First Offender relief…” The newsletter urges people to get an “individualized analysis of their case so that it can be incorporated into a petition for relief.”

So what’s wrong with this nonsense? Plenty. First, these are not final comments; they are a complete do-over. Comments are due in October and reply comments in November. The USSC has given no indication it intends to start the 180-day clock until next April, for effectiveness in November 2018, as usual.

Second, no one yet knows who will be eligible and what the eligible will be eligible for. That makes it pretty hard to “study those individuals who appear initially to qualify…”

Third, calling it a “retroactive First Offender relief” is an utter falsehood. The USSC has not even suggested, let alone said, anything that would lead people to believe that this amendment – even if adopted – will be retroactive.

snakeoil170911But the hopemongers’ primary purpose is to get prisoners and their families to pay money for a bogus “individualized analysis.” Guess there’s nothing wrong with turning a slight breeze of a hope into a get-out-of-prison hurricane is all right: after all, the targets are just inmates, and they deserve any misfortune that befalls them, right?

U.S. Sentencing Commission, Proposed Amendments to the Sentencing Guidelines (Aug. 25, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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