BOP Staffing,MCC New York Conditions, Draw Media Scrutiny – Update for June 27, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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BOP STAFFING, PRISON CONDITIONS TAKE IT ON THE CHIN

Last week was a bad one, publicity-wise, for the Federal Bureau of Prisons. First, The New York Times reported that a shortage of correctional officers has grown chronic under President Trump, leading to an increase in assaults on staff and contraband. Then, a New York City magazine ran a hard-hitting story on the deplorable conditions at MCC New York.

punchinface180423The Times said correctional officer vacancies has ballooned to over 2,100 (about 12% of the CO workforce). As a result, the paper said, “the practice of drawing upon other workers has become routine — many prisons have been operating in a perpetual state of staffing turmoil, leaving some workers feeling ill-equipped and unsafe on the job.”

In Obama’s last two years, the BOP hired 2,644 new Cos in 2016. Last year, the number dropped to 372, with the BOP eliminating about 5,000 unfilled jobs, including about 1,500 CO positions.

Cuts are occurring even though Congress increased the BOP budget for salaries and expenses by $106 million this year, and lawmakers have called for hiring more COs. As of March, there were 15,927 officers in federal prisons.

A BOP press officer said the cuts “will not have a negative impact on public safety or on our ability to maintain a safe environment for staff and inmates.” But assaults on prison staff have risen more than 8% last year over the previous year.

dungeon180627Meanwhile, The Gothamist (a magazine published by public radio station WNYC) last week savaged conditions at MCC New York. The article described “a rat-infested, high-rise hell just yards from the federal courts… That could be exactly the way jailers and prosecutors want it. Pre-trial detention, which often lasts years, can become not only unsafe, but coercive; as a result, individuals are pressured to provide information to prosecutors or accept plea deals in their desperation to be released, say former prisoners.” 

“You want to plead guilty and get out of this dump to a prison,” one former inmate told the magazine. “The feds have a 98% conviction rate for a reason,”, another former prisoner said. “They mentally break you… There are certain things that go on in these places that the government covers so the public would never know.”

The New York Times, Safety Concerns Grow as Inmates Are Guarded by Teachers and Secretaries (June 17, 2018)

The Gothamist, Prisoners Endure A Nightmare ‘Gulag’ In Lower Manhattan, Hidden In Plain Sight (June 19, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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California Kiddie Porn Statute Encompasses Too Much for Federal Purposes – Update for June 26, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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9TH CIRCUIT FINDS STATE SEX OFFENSE PRIORS OVERBROAD FOR 2252 SENTENCE ENHANCEMENT

kittyporn170420People convicted of receiving child porn can receive a 10-year mandatory minimum under 18 U.S.C. 2252(b)(2) if they have a prior state conviction “relating to” possession of such porn. Last week, the 9th Circuit applied a Taylor-type analysis to California’s child porn possession law and child sexual exploitation law, ruling that both statutes were overbroad and thus could not be used to increase Melvin “Buck” Reinhart’s Sec. 2252 minimum sentence to 10 years.

The Circuit said Cal. Penal Code Sec. 311.11(a) sweeps in “depictions of a broader range of sexual conduct than the federal statute and is not divisible. The panel likewise held that Sec. 311.3(a) is categorically overbroad as compared to the federal definition of “sexually explicit conduct,” and that it is not divisible.

Because the terms “child pornography” and “sexually explicit conduct,” are explicitly defined in California law, the statutory text “tug[s]… in favor of a narrower reading” of the phrase “relating to.” The holding is at odds with 8th and 10th Circuit decisions, and may “have the effect of making Sec. 2252(b)(2) inapplicable in numerous states that define child pornography more broadly than the federal definition.”

United States v. Reinhart, Case No. 16-10409 (June 18, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Kinder and Gentler Robbery Not ACCA ‘Violent’ – Update for June 25, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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5TH CIRCUIT HOLDS TEXAS SIMPLE ROBBERY IS NOT CRIME OF VIOLENCE

The 5th Circuit last week ruled that a conviction for Texas robbery is not a crime of violence for purposes of the Armed Career Criminal Act.

BettyWhiteACCA180503Latroy Burris, convicted of being a felon-in-possession of a gun, was sentenced under the ACCA for priors of drug distribution, robbery and aggravated robbery. He conceded the drug conviction counted for ACCA purposes, and the 5th Circuit last year said aggravated robbery was a crime of violence. But Latroy argued that Texas robbery under § 29.02(a) of the Texas Penal Code was not a crime of violence.

Texas robbery requires that in the course of committing theft, a person intentionally, knowingly, or recklessly cause bodily injury to another; or intentionally or knowingly threaten or place someone in fear of imminent bodily injury or death.

The Circuit agreed with Latroy, finding that Texas law interprets “bodily injury” expansively, encompassing even “relatively minor physical contacts so long as they constitute more than mere offensive touching.” The Circuit said the Supreme Court decision on “physical force,” Curtis Johnson v. United States, suggests that causing “relatively minor physical contacts” does not entail the “violent force” required to make the state robbery offense a “crime of violence.”

Latroy will be resentenced without the ACCA 15-year mandatory minimum.

United States v. Burris, Case No. 17-10478 (5th Cir. June 18, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Amid the Capitol Hill Ruckus, There’s Still FIRST STEP – Update for June 21, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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KUSHNER LOBBYING SENATE IN SUPPORT OF FIRST STEP ACT

It’s not like there isn’t any turmoil in Washington this week, with crying kids in cages all along the Rio Grande, Paul Manafort in a cage somewhere in Virginia, and a state supreme court chief justice being fitted for a cage by the Feds. But there remains legislative work to be done, and Jared Kushner – while not a legislator – has been doing it.

nascarwreck180622Kushner met with Senators on Capitol Hill last week to whip support for the White House-backed FIRST STEP Act (H.R. 5682) (an acronym for the unwieldy “Formerly Incarcerated Reenter Society Transformed Safely Transitioning Every Person Act“) that passed in the House last month. But despite his efforts (as well as editorial support for FIRST STEP and the Sentence Reform and Corrections Act [S.1917] appearing in both left- and right-leaning publications this week), Congress appears to be watching the unfolding immigration “family separation” situation like mesmerized NASCAR fans watching a five-car pileup.

Senators Charles Grassley (R-Iowa), Dick Durbin (D-Illinois), Kamala Harris (D-California) and Cory Booker (D-New Jersey) remain adamantly opposed to any bill that does not modify mandatory minimums. Nevertheless, the conservative Koch-backed group Freedom Partners announced last week that it was embarking on a spending pitch urging senators to support FIRST STEP despite Republican disagreement. The first round of mailings from Freedom Partners targets 15 Democratic senators and two Republicans: Grassley and Sen. Orrin Hatch (R-Utah).

CNN commentator Van Jones, a progressive who founded the criminal justice reform advocacy group #cut50, has been working closely with Kushner urging passage of prison reform. He told The Marshall Project this week:

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                              Van Jones

Where is this strong bipartisan coalition for sentencing reform [that some claim exists]? I know that they were able to get the Sentencing Reform and Corrections Act out of committee in judiciary, which is good on the Senate side, but there is zero chance that that bill is going to be brought for a vote by Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell in its present form, and there’s not even a strategy to get McConnell to check it out, that I can tell. A lot of the Republicans do want sentencing reform, but they can’t start there with a critical mass of their other colleagues.

An opinion piece in The Hill last week noted that “the problem of prison overcrowding and systemic biases against African Americans cannot be solved by presidential pardons alone. Nonetheless, Trump’s attention to these issues might help drive reforms through legislation and prosecutorial decisions. Significant criminal justice reforms are necessary, beginning with addressing the root causes of offending, which include mental illness and lack of family, education, employment and/or social opportunities.”

Axios, Kushner whipping support for prison reform in the Senate (Jun. 12, 2018)

The Hill, Criminal justice reform in the era of reality TV-style government (Jun. 13, 2018)

Politico, Koch group unveils six-figure prison reform campaign (June 11, 2018)

 – Thomas L. Root

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Pardon Rumors Abound… – Update for June 20, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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TRUMP HAS A LITTLE LIST

list180620For all of us who are Gilbert & Sullivan fans (and counting me, there may be two of us), all of the current buzz about President Trump’s current list of 3,000 people he says he’s reviewing for pardons or commutations is reminiscent of the Mikadoin which the Lord High Executioner explains that he’s “got a little list.” But where Gilbert & Sullivan’s “little list” was of “people who would not be missed,” the President’s list is of people who are being missed.

After we reported last week on Trump’s commutation of Alice Johnson’s federal sentence, we got a number of inmate emails asking for the President’s address (which is 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue N.W., Washington, D.C. 20500). Almost as many people asked about the list itself, and how they could get on it. A few asked me to get them on the list (oh, if only I had anywhere near that kind of power).

But there is a “little list,” and rumors abound that the President will be using it soon. One person who recently spoke with Trump advisor and son-in-law Jared Kushner told the pop culture and fashion magazine Vanity Fair last week (you never know where you’re going to find interesting material these days) that Kushner is gearing up for a big pardon push. The source said Kim Kardashian gave Kushner a list of people to pardon, some of whom are hip-hop artists. “They’re going to be pardoning a lot of people — pardons that even Obama wouldn’t do,” the person said.

clemency170206The magazine also reported on the budding relationship between Kushner and CNN host and criminal-justice reform advocate Van Jones. Jones, who is as politically to the left as Kushner is to the right, told the magazine, “Jared and I have 99 problems but prison ain’t one. I’ve found him to be effective, straightforward, and dogged.”

The Washington Examiner reported last week that Kushner and White House counsel Don McGahn met with a right-leaning policy advocate who handed them lists of dozens of inmates serving long sentences, according to a person involved in the discussions. McGahn reportedly reacted favorably to the case of Chris Young, a 30-year-old Tennesseean doing life since age 22 for a drug conspiracy. Young’s sentencing judge called the sentence “way out of whack” but said he had no choice. Young’s name was supplied to the advocate by his attorney Brittany Barnett, who also represented Alice Johnson. Dozens of other names were supplied by the CAN-DO Foundation, which championed Johnson, and FAMM.

eligible180523Topping a list of 20 marijuana inmates assembled by CAN-DO were Michael Pelletier and John Knock, who are doing life for pot smuggling and who unsuccessfully requested clemency from President Obama. Another list of 17 women and six men prepared by CAN-DO was topped by Michelle West (drug conspiracy) and Connie Farris (mail fraud).

The Examiner said it is unclear if other advocates have come to the White House as part of Trump’s “unconventional early-term approach to clemency that until now has relied heavily on the recommendations of celebrities and political allies.” One advocate who brought lists to the White House received the impression that officials may be considering setting up an internal clemency commission to circumvent or supplement the work of the Justice Department’s Office of the Pardon Attorney.

Jones told Vanity Fair that Trump liked the positive media coverage that followed his pardon of Alice Johnson. “Trump was pleasantly surprised,” Jones said. “I hope the president feels encouraged to do more.”

injustice180620Longtime Harvard law professor Alan Dershowitz, who has consulted with the President on two pardons and one commutation thus far, told the Examiner recently that with Trump, “you have to appeal to his sense of injustice. He feels he is now being subject to injustice, and so he’s very sensitive to injustices. I think if you write a letter to the president and you set down the case in a compassionate way, I think his staff knows that he’s looking for cases of injustice. This president may want to go down in history as somebody who has given pardons in places where other presidents would not have done it.”

Margaret Colgate Love, who served as DOJ Pardon Attorney from 1990-1997, wrote recently in the Washington Post:

There is nothing surprising or necessarily alarming about Trump’s embrace of this broad executive power — even if it has been unconventional. His grants to date, at least as he explains them, represent a classic and justifiable use of the pardon power to draw attention to injustice and inefficiency in the law. While many may disagree with the president’s choices, each of them speaks to some widely acknowledged dysfunction in the criminal-justice system…

In sum, Trump’s grants to date send a message that business as usual in the criminal-justice system will not be tolerated. That is how the pardon power was designed to work by the framers of the Constitution.

Nevertheless, Attorney Love is concerned that Trump appears to be relying exclusively on random, unofficial sources of information and advice (who would have ever expected him to do that?) “to select the lucky beneficiaries of his official mercy.” She believes that  “this makes a mockery of the pardon power’s historical operation as part of the justice system,” and suggests instead that what is needed is a new, reliable and fair system for vetting pardon and commutation requests. And not DOJ, either, which she says has a  “culture and mission… that have become irreconcilably hostile to pardon’s beneficent purposes and to its regular use by the president. That agency’s failed stewardship of the power is aggravated in Trump’s case by the same sort of dysfunctional relationship with his attorney general that Clinton had with his.”

Vanity Fair, “He Hate, Hate, Hates It”: Sessions Fumes as Kushner Gets Pardon Fever (June 13, 2018)

Washington Examiner, Trump asks for clemency names and lists promptly arrive at White House (June 11, 2018)

Washington Post, Trump’s pardons really aren’t out of the ordinary (June 8, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Supremes Hand Down a Federal Criminal Pair – Update for June 19, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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HIGH COURT DECIDES A COUPLE OF PROCEDURAL ISSUES, DRY BUT IMPORTANT

vacation180618I had no sooner gotten done writing in yesterday morning’s newsletter to federal inmates that the Supreme Court still had a plateful of decisions to hand down – including five criminal cases – than the Court reduced its remaining opinion load by 25 percent, dropping five decisions at Monday’s session, including two federal criminal procedure opinions.

For those keeping score, SCOTUS has 14 opinions yet to issue, and has scheduled an extra opinion day for Thursday this week in order to push decisions out the door before vacation begins on June 30th.

SUPREME COURT SAYS GUIDELINES ERROR ALMOST ALWAYS WARRANTS RELIEF

Every year, a lot of sentencing guidelines mistakes appear in presentence reports but never get caught by defense counsel or the court.

errorB160425On appeal, errors not raised in the district court may only be addressed by Federal Rule of Criminal Procedure 52(b), and then only as long as (1) the error was not “intentionally relinquished or abandoned,” (2) the error is plain, and (3) the error “affected the defendant’s substantial rights.” If those conditions are met, “the court of appeals should exercise its discretion to correct the forfeited error if the error “seriously affects the fairness, integrity or public reputation of judicial proceedings.” These standards were adopted by the Supreme Court in United States v. Olano. Thus, an appellant wanting to raise a mistake at sentencing to which no one objected has to ring Olano’s first three bells. If he or she does that, the Court of Appeals then muses about whether the error seriously affected the fairness, integrity or public reputation of judicial proceedings – you might say, whether it makes the courts look bad – and, if it does, the Court of Appeals will do something about it. Maybe.

If you ever wanted to see the legal equivalent of a stacked deck, Olano’s “plain error” test is it.

The issue in the first of yesterday’s decisions, Rosales-Mireles v. United States, was whether a Guidelines error that satisfies Olano’s first three conditions warrants relief under the fourth prong. The 5th Circuit, not content with loaded dice Olano had already given it, decided that unless the complained-of error “shocked the conscience,” it did not meet Olano’s fourth prong. This is tough for people like me, because the older I get, the harder it is for my conscience to be shocked. And unsurprisingly, the ages of the judges on the courts of appeal skew much more toward Metamucil than they do Monster energy drinks. So (and this will come as no surprise), the 5th’s conscience is not easily shocked.

metamucil180619Florencio Rosales-Mireles pleaded guilty to illegal reentry into the United States. In calculating the Guidelines range, the Probation Office’s presentence report mistakenly counted a state misdemeanor conviction twice. As a result, the report yielded a Guidelines range of 77 to 96 months, when the correctly calculated range would have been 70 to 87 months. No one caught the mistake at sentencing.

On appeal, Flo challenged the incorrect Guidelines range for the first time. The 5th Circuit found that the Guidelines error was plain and that it affected Flo’s substantial rights because there was a “reasonable probability that he would have been subject to a different sentence but for the error.” The Circuit nevertheless declined to remand the case for resentencing, concluding that Flo had not established that the error would seriously affect the fairness, integrity, or public reputation of judicial proceedings because neither the error nor the resulting sentence “would shock the conscience.”

shocked180619As an aside, I would observe that someone whose conscience is not shocked that a judicial blunder would deprive a human of liberty for as much as 26 months has never been locked up. But no matter. The defendants serve the sentences, not the judges.

But to its credit, the Supreme Court disagreed with the 5th Circuit. Yesterday’s decision held that a miscalculation of a Guidelines sentencing range that has been determined to be plain and to affect a defendant’s substantial rights requires a court of appeals to exercise its discretion under Rule 52(b) to vacate the defendant’s sentence “in the ordinary case.”

Although Rule 52(b) is permissive, not mandatory, the Court said, it is well established that courts “should” correct a forfeited plain error affecting substantial rights “if the error ‘seriously affects the fairness, integrity or public reputation of judicial proceedings.” The 5th Circuit’s shock-the-conscience standard too narrowly confines the extent of the court of appeals’ discretion. It is not reflected in Rule 52(b), nor in how the plain-error doctrine has been applied by the Supreme Court, which has before reversed judgments for plain error based on inadvertent or unintentional errors by the court or the parties. The errors are not required to amount to a “powerful indictment” of the system.

An error resulting in a higher range than the Guidelines provide usually establishes a reasonable probability that a defendant will serve a prison sentence greater than “necessary” to fulfill the purposes of incarceration. That risk of unnecessary deprivation of liberty particularly undermines the fairness, integrity, or public reputation of judicial proceedings in the context of a plain Guidelines error, the Court said, because Guidelines miscalculations ultimately result from judicial error, as the district court is charged in the first instance with ensuring the Guidelines range it considers is correct.

bell180619Ringing the first three Olano bells will not make 52(b) relief inevitable, however, the Court ruled, because any exercise of discretion at the fourth prong of Olano inherently requires “a case-specific and fact-intensive” inquiry. Countervailing factors may satisfy the court of appeals that the fairness, integrity, and public reputation of the proceedings will be preserved absent correction. But for now, an appellate judge’s conscience need not be shocked in order for him to do the right thing.

Rosales-Mireles v. United States, Case No. 16-9463 (June 18, 2018)
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COURT LEAVES QUESTION OF ADEQUACY OF DISTRICT COURT EXPLANATION FOR SENTENCE TO ANOTHER DAY

Adaucto Chavez-Meza pled guilty to possessing methamphetamine with intent to distribute. The judge reviewed the Guidelines, determined the range to be 135 to 168 months, and imposed a sentence at the bottom of the range. The Sentencing Commission later lowered the relevant range to 108 to 135 months, and Adaucto sought a sentence reduction under 18 USC 3582(c)(2) to the bottom of the new range. The judge reduced his sentence to 114 months instead. The order was entered on a form certifying that the judge had “considered” Adaucto’s “motion” and had “taken into account” the 18 USC 3553(a) factors and the relevant Guidelines policy statement.

On appeal, Adaucto argued the sentencing judge did not adequately explain why he rejected petitioner’s request for a 108-month sentence. The 10th Circuit Court of Appeals disagreed.

can180619A lot of us thought the Supreme Court would use this case to explain the degree of detail a judge had to provide on sentences, even in-Guidelines sentences. But yesterday the Court punted, holding simply that because the record as a whole demonstrated the judge had a reasoned basis for his decision, the judge’s explanation for Adaucto’s sentence reduction was adequate.

The government argued Adaucto was not entitled to an explanation at all because the statute governing sentence-modification motions does not expressly require a sentencing judge to state his reasons for imposing a particular sentence at all. While implying it might have sympathy to that view, the Court said, “it is unnecessary to go as far as the government urges, however, because, even assuming the District Court had a duty to explain its reasons when modifying petitioner’s sentence, what the court did here was sufficient.”

Chavez-Meza v. United States, Case No. 17–5639 (June 18, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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4th Circuit Denies Government Rehearing, May Force SCOTUS Review on 2241 – Update for June 18, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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GOVERNMENT DENIED REHEARING ON 4TH CIRCUIT WHEELER CASE

We reported last April that in United States v. Wheelerthe 4th Circuit had reversed years of enforcing a policy of denying collateral review to people who improperly received higher sentences due to prior convictions, in a decision that defined when the 28 USC 2255(e) “savings clause” would let someone file a 28 USC 2241 habeas corpus action.

savings180618Gerald Wheeler had gotten a higher sentence because of a prior North Carolina drug felony that years later was ruled in United States v. Simmons to not be a felony. But Simmons retroactivity came too late for Jerry, whose 2255 motion had already been denied. He filed a 2241 motion, which was denied by the district court because he could only show he was actually innocent of the sentence, not of the underlying conviction.

Whether the 2255(e) savings clause applies to sentences as well as to convictions was left hanging in the 2016 United States v. Surratt case, which was dismissed on rehearing in the 4th Circuit when Mr. Surratt got a commutation from President Obama. After Mr. Wheeler won, the government requested rehearing en banc. Such requests from the government are rare and are usually granted by appeals courts. But last week, the 4th Circuit denied rehearing, making Wheeler binding precedent.

The 10th and 11th Circuits have held that a 2241 is never available to correct a change in the law. But seven other circuits permit a 2241 under the “savings clause” where a change in the law makes a defendant actually innocent of the underlying offense. Now, three circuits – the 4th, 6th and 7th – even permit a sentencing-based claim to proceed on 2241 via the saving clause.

wheelin180618Two 4th Circuit judges filed concurrences on the rehearing denial. One said that to deny Wheeler the right to test the legality of his sentence would be a miscarriage of justice. The other blasted the decision as defeat the Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act by letting inmates endlessly relitigate, saying “the issues in this case are of significant national importance and are best considered by the Supreme Court at the earliest possible date in order to resolve an existing circuit split that the panel decision broadens even farther.  Because of the potential that the case may become moot if Wheeler is released from incarceration in October 2019, as projected, I have not requested a poll of the Court upon the petition for rehearing en banc in order to expedite the path for the Government to petition for certiorari to the Supreme Court.”

Supreme Court review of Wheeler might delay some inmates who can use the decision right away, but a review of the circuit split on proper use of the “savings clause” is long overdue. Professor Doug Berman of Ohio State University law school predicted in his sentencing blog last week that “this issue, if not this case, will be taken up by SCOTUS relatively soon. But I have said this and been wrong before, so maybe I will be blogging in six months saying, ‘Hey, I was wrong’. But I don’t know that I’ll ever admit that, but I’ll find some kind of an excuse for why my SCOTUS prediction was off.”

Order, United States v. Wheeler (4th Cir., June 11, 2018)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Spotlighting lower-court divides over AEDPA’s savings clause and consideration of sentencing errors (June 12, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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More Steps Taken on FIRST STEP? – Update for June 13, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues. 

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THE WIND MAY BE SHIFTING

imageWe have previously reported that the prison reform bill named FIRST STEP Act, H.R. 5682, faces a tough battle in the Senate, starting with the unwillingness of Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell to bring it to a vote, and Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Charles Grassley (R-Iowa) pledging that no FIRST STEP Act will pass without the Sentencing Reform and Corrections Act (S.1917) being written into FIRST STEP’s provisions.

But it was a wild week in the nation’s capital last week, and as a result, the goal may be closer than ever. In one of Washington’s most interesting plot twists, historic criminal justice reform legislation now finds itself atop Trump’s policy agenda, and one floor vote away from his signature.

A detailed story in Foreign Affairs last week suggested that a deal that includes some first-step changes to harsh sentencing laws is now likelier in the wake of the Alice Johnson commutation of the life sentence of Alice Marie Johnson. Even Sessions has said he could support reforms to “stacking” provisions in 18 USC 924(c), which results in first-timers getting three or more stacked 924(c) enhancements for a single course of conduct, with sentences of 62 years or more for what should be a 12-year bit.

While the SRCA proposal to reform what are generally (and misleadingly) called “851” enhancements (provisions in 21 USC 841(b) that double mandatory minimum sentences for prior state felony drug convictions), might not make it, a compromise could include a broader safety valve, which would give judges more discretion to depart from mandatory minimums when circumstances warrant.

compromise180614Senators Mike Lee (R-Utah) and Rand Paul (R-Kentucky), both longtime SRCA supporters, will be key brokers in any deal. Lee could help bring Democrats such as SRCA supporters Richard Durbin (D-Illinois) and Cory Booker (D-N.J.) to the table, and Paul shares a backyard with McConnell, who will determine if the bill even gets a vote.

Also heartening was McConnell’s unpopular announcement last week that the Senate will not take the month of August off, as it usually does, but instead stay in town to complete a lot of unfinished business.

cotton171226All is not roses, however. Senator Tom Cotton (R-Arkansas), one of the few Americans who believes the country has an “underincarceration problem,” has mounted a guerrilla campaign to undermine FIRST STEP’s support on the right. For example, he is reportedly pushing law-enforcement groups to oppose the bill. His efforts have borne fruit recently, as the Federal Law Enforcement Officers Association withdrew its endorsement of the bill after being pressured by Cotton’s office. Also, last week, the National Association of Assistant U.S. Attorneys slammed FIRST STEP, but that group hardly needed Cotton’s urging to do so.

Foreign Affairs, The Art of a Deal on Criminal Justice Reform (June 8, 2018)

Townhall, The FIRST STEP Prison Reform Bill Should Be a No-Brainer (June 8, 2018)

National Review, A Prison-Reform Bill Passed the House 360–59. It’ll Probably Die in the Senate (June 6, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Mandatory Guideline Career Offenders Get an ACCA Break – Update for June 12, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues. 

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7TH CIRCUIT EXTENDS JOHNSON TO PRE-BOOKER CAREER OFFENDERS

BettyWhiteACCA180503When Johnson v. United States declared the residual clause of the Armed Career Criminal Act’s definition of “crime of violence” to be unconstitutionally vague, prisoners who had ACCA convictions, 18 USC 924(c) convictions and Guidelines “career offender” sentences based on crimes of violence started a land rush to district courts to get resentenced.

But their enthusiasm cooled off when the Supreme Court, in Beckles v. United States, ruled that the ruling did not apply to the several places in the Guidelines that used a “crime of violence” residual clause that read like the one in the ACCA. Beckles held that the vagueness concerns that made the ACCA residual clause unconstitutional were not present where the Sentencing Guidelines were concerned, because the Guidelines were merely advisory: that is, a judge did not have to follow them.

However, some inmates were still serving sentences handed down before the Supreme Court in 2005 declared the Guidelines to be merely advisory in United States v. Booker. Beckles simply did not address their situation.

Last week, the 7th Circuit did so, holding that “under Johnson, the guidelines residual clause is unconstitutionally vague insofar as it determined mandatory sentencing ranges for pre-Booker defendants.”

advisoryguidelines180613In Beckles, the Circuit said, the Supreme Court “took care… to specify that it was addressing only the post-Booker, advisory version of the guidelines.” In fact, the 7th said, “Beckles’ logic for declining to apply the vagueness doctrine rests entirely on the advisory quality of the current guidelines… Beckles reaffirmed that the void-for-vagueness doctrine applies to ‘laws that fix the permissible sentences for criminal offenses.’ As Booker described, the mandatory guidelines did just that. They fixed sentencing ranges from a constitutional perspective… The residual clause of the mandatory guidelines did not merely guide judges’ discretion; rather, it mandated a specific sentencing range and permitted deviation only on narrow, statutorily fixed bases.”

The 7th Circuit concluded that the career offender provisions of “the mandatory guidelines are thus subject to attack on vagueness grounds.”

Cross v. United States, Case No. 17-2282 (7th Cir., June 7, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Pardon me, Mr. President: Enthusiasm Waxes After Johnson Commutation – Update for June 11, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues. 

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TRUMP SAYS HE’S CONSIDERING CLEMENCY FROM LIST OF 3,000 PEOPLE

pardon160321In the wake of widespread approval for President Trump’s commutation last Thursday of federal inmate Alice Johnson’s drug conspiracy life sentence, the President said that he was considering other pardons drawn from a list of 3,000 names.

The president was praised for granting clemency to the 63-year old grandmother, who had already served 21 years. Her case was championed by reality TV celebrity Kim Kardashian West, who met with Mr. Trump a week ago to urge grant of commutation to the Memphis woman.

Trump did not say whether he was only considering pardons or was looking at commutations as well, but he seems to be willing to use his clemency power to either pardon outright or just to commute sentences. Without explaining the origin of the list of 3,000, the President said, “Many of those names really have been treated unfairly.”

Trump also asked NFL players to suggest people worthy of clemency, an apparent attempt to end his battle with the NFL over players kneeling during the National Anthem to protest social injustice. “If the players, if the athletes have friends of theirs or people they know about that have been unfairly treated by the system, let me know,” Trump said.

clemencyjack161229There is some irony in Trump reviewing the cases of 3,000 federal inmates incarcerated for drug offenses, given his criticism of President Obama for doing the same thing, and Trump’s permitting Attorney General Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III to rescind Obama-era charging policies for nonviolent drug offenders.

The DOJ pardon office has a reputation for slow decision-making. Only 26% of the backlog of 11,200 pardon and commutation cases were filed since Trump became president. Trump has thus far denied 180 pardon and sentence-reduction applications, but that was before Trump realized that exercising his clemency power without DOJ input could be such fun.

FAMM president Kevin Ring and Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman expressed concern last week that there may be “enormous excitement among inmates,” given Trump’s clemency record to date.  Berman pointed out that Trump has only commuted two sentences so far, “and I have no reason to believe he has plans to start issuing dozens (let along hundreds) of additional commutations anytime soon.  Political realities have seemed to be influencing all of Prez Trump’s clemency work to date, and precious few federal prisoner have political forces in their favor.” While Berman hopes Trump will pleasantly surprise people, he says, “hopes ought to be tempered for now.”

trumpbird180611One commentator suggested that perhaps Trump can be talked into backing the Sentencing Reform and Corrections Act, (S.1917), which includes a retroactive rollback of some mandatory-minimum sentences, if he realizes how much it will annoy Sessions, whom he reportedly has wanted to fire. Sessions, of course, is the loudest and most vitriolic opponent of the SRCA. Just last Thursday, Trump announced his support for a Senate bill that would limit Sessions’ DOJ from bringing marijuana enforcement actions in states where it is legal, an announcement Buzzfeed described as a real “F— You” to Sessions

The New York Times, Trump Says He’s Considering a Pardon for Muhammad Ali (June 8, 2018)

The Hill, Trump says he is considering pardon for Muhammad Ali (June 8, 2018)

Business Insider, Trump’s commutation of a 63-year-old grandmother’s sentence is an example of where his disregard for institutions pays off (June 7, 2018)

The New York Times, Pardon System Needs Fixing, Advocates Say, but They Cringe at Trump’s Approach (June 1, 2018) 

– Thomas L. Root

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