All posts by lisa-legalinfo

Well, Then, Would You Believe…? – Update for July 3, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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IF AT FIRST YOU DON’T SUCCEED…

At their first sentencing, the Vera brothers watched as the Government established the drug amounts implicated in their case for sentencing purposes through an FBI agent who “interpreted” the contents of wiretapped phone conversations to conjure up a drug weight. Drug weight, of course, drives the base offense levels of the Sentencing Guidelines – a kilo of meth will buy you a much higher sentencing range that a blunt of Mary Jane in your back pocket.

code180703The district court accepted the agent’s white-bread explanations of the purported code being used in the phone conversations, and hammered Armando with 360 months and his brother with 262.

After the 9th Circuit threw that out, the brothers were resentenced. This time, the Government – fearful of the FBI “translator” gambit – relied instead on the contents of co-conspirators’ plea agreements to establish drug quantities attributable to the Vera brothers.

Anyone who has been in a federal courthouse for any purpose other than to use the restrooms knows that the government dictates the contents of a plea agreement, and as long as the language in implicating someone else, a defendant will happily sign on. Paragraph 5 says a co-defendant kidnapped the Lindbergh baby? Why not? Despite the fact that using a plea agreement with Defendant A as sentencing evidence for Defendant B is like the government quoting itself, the district court found the approach “more credible” than the PSR and Armando’s sentencing memorandum, because it was the “least dependent on interpretation of the recordings” as well as the government’s “single most significant data source.”

lindbergh180703Last week, the 9th Circuit reversed the Vera brothers’ second sentencing, too. The panel held that the district court relied too heavily upon co-conspirator plea agreements to determine drug quantities, mistaking holding that the plea agreement statements were reliable statements against interest under F.R.Ev. 804(b)(3). The panel said “a defendant signing a plea agreement may adopt facts that the government wants to hear in exchange for some benefit, usually a lesser sentence. In pointing their fingers at the Vera brothers, the co-conspirators were acknowledging neither their own guilt nor conduct that would necessarily enhance their own sentences. Rather, these statements merely helped the government’s prosecution of the Veras.” Due to a co-defendant’s strong motivation to implicate the defendant and to exonerate himself, any statements “about what the defendant said or did are less credible than ordinary hearsay evidence.”

Hearsay is admissible at sentencing, so long as it is accompanied by “some minimal indicia of reliability.” But here, the district court’s primary rationale for relying upon the plea agreements was Evidence Rule 804(b)(3). The Circuit ruled that a district court may not rely solely on Rule 804(b)(3) to use non-self-inculpatory statements in a co-conspirator’s plea agreement to determine a defendant’s drug-quantity liability.

United States v. Vera, Case No. 16-50634 (9th Cir. June 25, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Sen. Grassley is Relevant Again, and So is SRCA – Update for July 2, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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SENATORS SEEK TO RECRUIT TRUMP TO BACK SENTENCE REFORM

The Senatorial Odd Couple – conservative Sen. Charles Grassley (R-Iowa) and liberal Richard Durbin (D-Illinois) – held a joint press conference last Tuesday to try to recruit President Trump as an ally to help move the Sentencing Reform and Corrections Act of 2017 through the Senate.

oddcouple180702Grassley and Durbin – No. 1 and 2 on the Senate Judiciary Committee – urged the president to get involved in the reform process — “in a positive way,” Durbin pointedly suggested. “We need for the president, the president of the United States, to say this is a priority for us as well. Let’s do this criminal justice reform, to include prison reform… What a breakthrough that would be.”

Grassley noted that Trump frequently tweets about Senate Democrats needing “to do something.” He said criminal justice reform is tailor-made for Trump’s action agenda. “It kind of is a good combination between what’s good politics and what’s good policy… This is an opportunity for the president to have a win. It’s an opportunity for our justice system to have a win. … It would help a lot if the president would engage on this very important issue,” Grassley said. 

Attorney General Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III - death to misdemeanants?
Attorney General Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III – death to misdemeanants?

Grassley has engaged Attorney General Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III and White House adviser and Trump advisor and son-in-law Jared Kushner on the issue, which has probably left the Senator 1-1: Kushner is a supporter, while Sessions would likely support expanding the death penalty to cover misdemeanors.

Grassley said Sessions told him that SRCA would not undercut the administration’s “tough on crime” stance. “I thought that I determined an opening. Well that opening hasn’t materialized and obviously I didn’t make an impact,” Grassley said.

That may change very soon. Grassley has suddenly become very important to Donald Trump, because it is the Judiciary Committee that will conduct hearings on Trump’s Supreme Court nominee, who will be announced next Monday. The Republicans badly want to confirm the new justice, who will replace the retiring Anthony Kennedy, and Grassley, as chairman of Judiciary, holds a few of the keys to the kingdom.

That’s good news, because criminal justice reform has largely stalled on Capitol Hill. The House passed the FIRST STEP Act, which only addresses prison reform, and Senators John Cornyn (R-Texas) and Sheldon Whitehouse (D-Rhode Island) have introduced a similar bill in the Senate. But Grassley and Durbin are pushing broader criminal justice reform legislation that include both the sentencing reform changes in SRCA and the prison reform changes of FIRST STEP.

kushner180622Last Tuesday, Kushner met with Cornyn and Whitehouse, as well as FIRST STEP sponsors Reps. Doug Collins (R-Georgia) and Hakeem Jeffries (D-New York) from the House of Representatives, to strategize on how to move FIRST STEP forward following House passage last month, according to a report on the Axios news website.

SRCA has the backing of more than a fourth of the Senate, and Grassley and Durbin reiterated last Tuesday that they believe they have the 60 votes needed to pass the legislation in the Senate if they are able to get the bill to the floor. Bringing the bill up for a vote requires the approval of Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Kentucky). McConnell will do what Trump wants him to do. Trump needs Grassley’s cooperation, and Grassley needs Trump’s backing on comprehensive criminal justice reform. Trump does not much need Sessions, whom has been in Trump’s doghouse for well over a year.

fingers180702Trump’s recent pardons and commutations suggests that maybe the Russia probe has sensitized him to what it feels like to have the Dept. of Justice and FBI gunning for you. Amy Povich of the CAN-DO Foundation said of Trump, “I am encouraged that for the first time we are seeing somebody who possibly understands the complexities of the Office of the Pardon Attorney being controlled by the Department of Justice. There are a lot of dirty cases and they don’t want those to see the light of day, so they let their prosecutors have the largest voice as to which cases go over there. Trump now apparently understands this and that is why he’s asking for a list. We are honored to have been asked to provide a list, so fingers crossed.”

Risk-assessment company Skopos Labs sets the odds of FIRST STEP becoming law at 82% as of today, and rates SRCA’s chances at 63%.

The Hill, Bipartisan senator duo urges Trump to back criminal justice bill (June 26, 2018)

Axios, Jared Kushner huddles with Congress on prison reform (June 26, 2018)

Salon, Is there real hope for prison reform? Nonviolent offenders and the “Kim Kardashian moment” (June 29, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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BOP Staffing,MCC New York Conditions, Draw Media Scrutiny – Update for June 27, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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BOP STAFFING, PRISON CONDITIONS TAKE IT ON THE CHIN

Last week was a bad one, publicity-wise, for the Federal Bureau of Prisons. First, The New York Times reported that a shortage of correctional officers has grown chronic under President Trump, leading to an increase in assaults on staff and contraband. Then, a New York City magazine ran a hard-hitting story on the deplorable conditions at MCC New York.

punchinface180423The Times said correctional officer vacancies has ballooned to over 2,100 (about 12% of the CO workforce). As a result, the paper said, “the practice of drawing upon other workers has become routine — many prisons have been operating in a perpetual state of staffing turmoil, leaving some workers feeling ill-equipped and unsafe on the job.”

In Obama’s last two years, the BOP hired 2,644 new Cos in 2016. Last year, the number dropped to 372, with the BOP eliminating about 5,000 unfilled jobs, including about 1,500 CO positions.

Cuts are occurring even though Congress increased the BOP budget for salaries and expenses by $106 million this year, and lawmakers have called for hiring more COs. As of March, there were 15,927 officers in federal prisons.

A BOP press officer said the cuts “will not have a negative impact on public safety or on our ability to maintain a safe environment for staff and inmates.” But assaults on prison staff have risen more than 8% last year over the previous year.

dungeon180627Meanwhile, The Gothamist (a magazine published by public radio station WNYC) last week savaged conditions at MCC New York. The article described “a rat-infested, high-rise hell just yards from the federal courts… That could be exactly the way jailers and prosecutors want it. Pre-trial detention, which often lasts years, can become not only unsafe, but coercive; as a result, individuals are pressured to provide information to prosecutors or accept plea deals in their desperation to be released, say former prisoners.” 

“You want to plead guilty and get out of this dump to a prison,” one former inmate told the magazine. “The feds have a 98% conviction rate for a reason,”, another former prisoner said. “They mentally break you… There are certain things that go on in these places that the government covers so the public would never know.”

The New York Times, Safety Concerns Grow as Inmates Are Guarded by Teachers and Secretaries (June 17, 2018)

The Gothamist, Prisoners Endure A Nightmare ‘Gulag’ In Lower Manhattan, Hidden In Plain Sight (June 19, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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California Kiddie Porn Statute Encompasses Too Much for Federal Purposes – Update for June 26, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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9TH CIRCUIT FINDS STATE SEX OFFENSE PRIORS OVERBROAD FOR 2252 SENTENCE ENHANCEMENT

kittyporn170420People convicted of receiving child porn can receive a 10-year mandatory minimum under 18 U.S.C. 2252(b)(2) if they have a prior state conviction “relating to” possession of such porn. Last week, the 9th Circuit applied a Taylor-type analysis to California’s child porn possession law and child sexual exploitation law, ruling that both statutes were overbroad and thus could not be used to increase Melvin “Buck” Reinhart’s Sec. 2252 minimum sentence to 10 years.

The Circuit said Cal. Penal Code Sec. 311.11(a) sweeps in “depictions of a broader range of sexual conduct than the federal statute and is not divisible. The panel likewise held that Sec. 311.3(a) is categorically overbroad as compared to the federal definition of “sexually explicit conduct,” and that it is not divisible.

Because the terms “child pornography” and “sexually explicit conduct,” are explicitly defined in California law, the statutory text “tug[s]… in favor of a narrower reading” of the phrase “relating to.” The holding is at odds with 8th and 10th Circuit decisions, and may “have the effect of making Sec. 2252(b)(2) inapplicable in numerous states that define child pornography more broadly than the federal definition.”

United States v. Reinhart, Case No. 16-10409 (June 18, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Kinder and Gentler Robbery Not ACCA ‘Violent’ – Update for June 25, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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5TH CIRCUIT HOLDS TEXAS SIMPLE ROBBERY IS NOT CRIME OF VIOLENCE

The 5th Circuit last week ruled that a conviction for Texas robbery is not a crime of violence for purposes of the Armed Career Criminal Act.

BettyWhiteACCA180503Latroy Burris, convicted of being a felon-in-possession of a gun, was sentenced under the ACCA for priors of drug distribution, robbery and aggravated robbery. He conceded the drug conviction counted for ACCA purposes, and the 5th Circuit last year said aggravated robbery was a crime of violence. But Latroy argued that Texas robbery under § 29.02(a) of the Texas Penal Code was not a crime of violence.

Texas robbery requires that in the course of committing theft, a person intentionally, knowingly, or recklessly cause bodily injury to another; or intentionally or knowingly threaten or place someone in fear of imminent bodily injury or death.

The Circuit agreed with Latroy, finding that Texas law interprets “bodily injury” expansively, encompassing even “relatively minor physical contacts so long as they constitute more than mere offensive touching.” The Circuit said the Supreme Court decision on “physical force,” Curtis Johnson v. United States, suggests that causing “relatively minor physical contacts” does not entail the “violent force” required to make the state robbery offense a “crime of violence.”

Latroy will be resentenced without the ACCA 15-year mandatory minimum.

United States v. Burris, Case No. 17-10478 (5th Cir. June 18, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Amid the Capitol Hill Ruckus, There’s Still FIRST STEP – Update for June 21, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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KUSHNER LOBBYING SENATE IN SUPPORT OF FIRST STEP ACT

It’s not like there isn’t any turmoil in Washington this week, with crying kids in cages all along the Rio Grande, Paul Manafort in a cage somewhere in Virginia, and a state supreme court chief justice being fitted for a cage by the Feds. But there remains legislative work to be done, and Jared Kushner – while not a legislator – has been doing it.

nascarwreck180622Kushner met with Senators on Capitol Hill last week to whip support for the White House-backed FIRST STEP Act (H.R. 5682) (an acronym for the unwieldy “Formerly Incarcerated Reenter Society Transformed Safely Transitioning Every Person Act“) that passed in the House last month. But despite his efforts (as well as editorial support for FIRST STEP and the Sentence Reform and Corrections Act [S.1917] appearing in both left- and right-leaning publications this week), Congress appears to be watching the unfolding immigration “family separation” situation like mesmerized NASCAR fans watching a five-car pileup.

Senators Charles Grassley (R-Iowa), Dick Durbin (D-Illinois), Kamala Harris (D-California) and Cory Booker (D-New Jersey) remain adamantly opposed to any bill that does not modify mandatory minimums. Nevertheless, the conservative Koch-backed group Freedom Partners announced last week that it was embarking on a spending pitch urging senators to support FIRST STEP despite Republican disagreement. The first round of mailings from Freedom Partners targets 15 Democratic senators and two Republicans: Grassley and Sen. Orrin Hatch (R-Utah).

CNN commentator Van Jones, a progressive who founded the criminal justice reform advocacy group #cut50, has been working closely with Kushner urging passage of prison reform. He told The Marshall Project this week:

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                              Van Jones

Where is this strong bipartisan coalition for sentencing reform [that some claim exists]? I know that they were able to get the Sentencing Reform and Corrections Act out of committee in judiciary, which is good on the Senate side, but there is zero chance that that bill is going to be brought for a vote by Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell in its present form, and there’s not even a strategy to get McConnell to check it out, that I can tell. A lot of the Republicans do want sentencing reform, but they can’t start there with a critical mass of their other colleagues.

An opinion piece in The Hill last week noted that “the problem of prison overcrowding and systemic biases against African Americans cannot be solved by presidential pardons alone. Nonetheless, Trump’s attention to these issues might help drive reforms through legislation and prosecutorial decisions. Significant criminal justice reforms are necessary, beginning with addressing the root causes of offending, which include mental illness and lack of family, education, employment and/or social opportunities.”

Axios, Kushner whipping support for prison reform in the Senate (Jun. 12, 2018)

The Hill, Criminal justice reform in the era of reality TV-style government (Jun. 13, 2018)

Politico, Koch group unveils six-figure prison reform campaign (June 11, 2018)

 – Thomas L. Root

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Pardon Rumors Abound… – Update for June 20, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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TRUMP HAS A LITTLE LIST

list180620For all of us who are Gilbert & Sullivan fans (and counting me, there may be two of us), all of the current buzz about President Trump’s current list of 3,000 people he says he’s reviewing for pardons or commutations is reminiscent of the Mikadoin which the Lord High Executioner explains that he’s “got a little list.” But where Gilbert & Sullivan’s “little list” was of “people who would not be missed,” the President’s list is of people who are being missed.

After we reported last week on Trump’s commutation of Alice Johnson’s federal sentence, we got a number of inmate emails asking for the President’s address (which is 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue N.W., Washington, D.C. 20500). Almost as many people asked about the list itself, and how they could get on it. A few asked me to get them on the list (oh, if only I had anywhere near that kind of power).

But there is a “little list,” and rumors abound that the President will be using it soon. One person who recently spoke with Trump advisor and son-in-law Jared Kushner told the pop culture and fashion magazine Vanity Fair last week (you never know where you’re going to find interesting material these days) that Kushner is gearing up for a big pardon push. The source said Kim Kardashian gave Kushner a list of people to pardon, some of whom are hip-hop artists. “They’re going to be pardoning a lot of people — pardons that even Obama wouldn’t do,” the person said.

clemency170206The magazine also reported on the budding relationship between Kushner and CNN host and criminal-justice reform advocate Van Jones. Jones, who is as politically to the left as Kushner is to the right, told the magazine, “Jared and I have 99 problems but prison ain’t one. I’ve found him to be effective, straightforward, and dogged.”

The Washington Examiner reported last week that Kushner and White House counsel Don McGahn met with a right-leaning policy advocate who handed them lists of dozens of inmates serving long sentences, according to a person involved in the discussions. McGahn reportedly reacted favorably to the case of Chris Young, a 30-year-old Tennesseean doing life since age 22 for a drug conspiracy. Young’s sentencing judge called the sentence “way out of whack” but said he had no choice. Young’s name was supplied to the advocate by his attorney Brittany Barnett, who also represented Alice Johnson. Dozens of other names were supplied by the CAN-DO Foundation, which championed Johnson, and FAMM.

eligible180523Topping a list of 20 marijuana inmates assembled by CAN-DO were Michael Pelletier and John Knock, who are doing life for pot smuggling and who unsuccessfully requested clemency from President Obama. Another list of 17 women and six men prepared by CAN-DO was topped by Michelle West (drug conspiracy) and Connie Farris (mail fraud).

The Examiner said it is unclear if other advocates have come to the White House as part of Trump’s “unconventional early-term approach to clemency that until now has relied heavily on the recommendations of celebrities and political allies.” One advocate who brought lists to the White House received the impression that officials may be considering setting up an internal clemency commission to circumvent or supplement the work of the Justice Department’s Office of the Pardon Attorney.

Jones told Vanity Fair that Trump liked the positive media coverage that followed his pardon of Alice Johnson. “Trump was pleasantly surprised,” Jones said. “I hope the president feels encouraged to do more.”

injustice180620Longtime Harvard law professor Alan Dershowitz, who has consulted with the President on two pardons and one commutation thus far, told the Examiner recently that with Trump, “you have to appeal to his sense of injustice. He feels he is now being subject to injustice, and so he’s very sensitive to injustices. I think if you write a letter to the president and you set down the case in a compassionate way, I think his staff knows that he’s looking for cases of injustice. This president may want to go down in history as somebody who has given pardons in places where other presidents would not have done it.”

Margaret Colgate Love, who served as DOJ Pardon Attorney from 1990-1997, wrote recently in the Washington Post:

There is nothing surprising or necessarily alarming about Trump’s embrace of this broad executive power — even if it has been unconventional. His grants to date, at least as he explains them, represent a classic and justifiable use of the pardon power to draw attention to injustice and inefficiency in the law. While many may disagree with the president’s choices, each of them speaks to some widely acknowledged dysfunction in the criminal-justice system…

In sum, Trump’s grants to date send a message that business as usual in the criminal-justice system will not be tolerated. That is how the pardon power was designed to work by the framers of the Constitution.

Nevertheless, Attorney Love is concerned that Trump appears to be relying exclusively on random, unofficial sources of information and advice (who would have ever expected him to do that?) “to select the lucky beneficiaries of his official mercy.” She believes that  “this makes a mockery of the pardon power’s historical operation as part of the justice system,” and suggests instead that what is needed is a new, reliable and fair system for vetting pardon and commutation requests. And not DOJ, either, which she says has a  “culture and mission… that have become irreconcilably hostile to pardon’s beneficent purposes and to its regular use by the president. That agency’s failed stewardship of the power is aggravated in Trump’s case by the same sort of dysfunctional relationship with his attorney general that Clinton had with his.”

Vanity Fair, “He Hate, Hate, Hates It”: Sessions Fumes as Kushner Gets Pardon Fever (June 13, 2018)

Washington Examiner, Trump asks for clemency names and lists promptly arrive at White House (June 11, 2018)

Washington Post, Trump’s pardons really aren’t out of the ordinary (June 8, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Supremes Hand Down a Federal Criminal Pair – Update for June 19, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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HIGH COURT DECIDES A COUPLE OF PROCEDURAL ISSUES, DRY BUT IMPORTANT

vacation180618I had no sooner gotten done writing in yesterday morning’s newsletter to federal inmates that the Supreme Court still had a plateful of decisions to hand down – including five criminal cases – than the Court reduced its remaining opinion load by 25 percent, dropping five decisions at Monday’s session, including two federal criminal procedure opinions.

For those keeping score, SCOTUS has 14 opinions yet to issue, and has scheduled an extra opinion day for Thursday this week in order to push decisions out the door before vacation begins on June 30th.

SUPREME COURT SAYS GUIDELINES ERROR ALMOST ALWAYS WARRANTS RELIEF

Every year, a lot of sentencing guidelines mistakes appear in presentence reports but never get caught by defense counsel or the court.

errorB160425On appeal, errors not raised in the district court may only be addressed by Federal Rule of Criminal Procedure 52(b), and then only as long as (1) the error was not “intentionally relinquished or abandoned,” (2) the error is plain, and (3) the error “affected the defendant’s substantial rights.” If those conditions are met, “the court of appeals should exercise its discretion to correct the forfeited error if the error “seriously affects the fairness, integrity or public reputation of judicial proceedings.” These standards were adopted by the Supreme Court in United States v. Olano. Thus, an appellant wanting to raise a mistake at sentencing to which no one objected has to ring Olano’s first three bells. If he or she does that, the Court of Appeals then muses about whether the error seriously affected the fairness, integrity or public reputation of judicial proceedings – you might say, whether it makes the courts look bad – and, if it does, the Court of Appeals will do something about it. Maybe.

If you ever wanted to see the legal equivalent of a stacked deck, Olano’s “plain error” test is it.

The issue in the first of yesterday’s decisions, Rosales-Mireles v. United States, was whether a Guidelines error that satisfies Olano’s first three conditions warrants relief under the fourth prong. The 5th Circuit, not content with loaded dice Olano had already given it, decided that unless the complained-of error “shocked the conscience,” it did not meet Olano’s fourth prong. This is tough for people like me, because the older I get, the harder it is for my conscience to be shocked. And unsurprisingly, the ages of the judges on the courts of appeal skew much more toward Metamucil than they do Monster energy drinks. So (and this will come as no surprise), the 5th’s conscience is not easily shocked.

metamucil180619Florencio Rosales-Mireles pleaded guilty to illegal reentry into the United States. In calculating the Guidelines range, the Probation Office’s presentence report mistakenly counted a state misdemeanor conviction twice. As a result, the report yielded a Guidelines range of 77 to 96 months, when the correctly calculated range would have been 70 to 87 months. No one caught the mistake at sentencing.

On appeal, Flo challenged the incorrect Guidelines range for the first time. The 5th Circuit found that the Guidelines error was plain and that it affected Flo’s substantial rights because there was a “reasonable probability that he would have been subject to a different sentence but for the error.” The Circuit nevertheless declined to remand the case for resentencing, concluding that Flo had not established that the error would seriously affect the fairness, integrity, or public reputation of judicial proceedings because neither the error nor the resulting sentence “would shock the conscience.”

shocked180619As an aside, I would observe that someone whose conscience is not shocked that a judicial blunder would deprive a human of liberty for as much as 26 months has never been locked up. But no matter. The defendants serve the sentences, not the judges.

But to its credit, the Supreme Court disagreed with the 5th Circuit. Yesterday’s decision held that a miscalculation of a Guidelines sentencing range that has been determined to be plain and to affect a defendant’s substantial rights requires a court of appeals to exercise its discretion under Rule 52(b) to vacate the defendant’s sentence “in the ordinary case.”

Although Rule 52(b) is permissive, not mandatory, the Court said, it is well established that courts “should” correct a forfeited plain error affecting substantial rights “if the error ‘seriously affects the fairness, integrity or public reputation of judicial proceedings.” The 5th Circuit’s shock-the-conscience standard too narrowly confines the extent of the court of appeals’ discretion. It is not reflected in Rule 52(b), nor in how the plain-error doctrine has been applied by the Supreme Court, which has before reversed judgments for plain error based on inadvertent or unintentional errors by the court or the parties. The errors are not required to amount to a “powerful indictment” of the system.

An error resulting in a higher range than the Guidelines provide usually establishes a reasonable probability that a defendant will serve a prison sentence greater than “necessary” to fulfill the purposes of incarceration. That risk of unnecessary deprivation of liberty particularly undermines the fairness, integrity, or public reputation of judicial proceedings in the context of a plain Guidelines error, the Court said, because Guidelines miscalculations ultimately result from judicial error, as the district court is charged in the first instance with ensuring the Guidelines range it considers is correct.

bell180619Ringing the first three Olano bells will not make 52(b) relief inevitable, however, the Court ruled, because any exercise of discretion at the fourth prong of Olano inherently requires “a case-specific and fact-intensive” inquiry. Countervailing factors may satisfy the court of appeals that the fairness, integrity, and public reputation of the proceedings will be preserved absent correction. But for now, an appellate judge’s conscience need not be shocked in order for him to do the right thing.

Rosales-Mireles v. United States, Case No. 16-9463 (June 18, 2018)
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COURT LEAVES QUESTION OF ADEQUACY OF DISTRICT COURT EXPLANATION FOR SENTENCE TO ANOTHER DAY

Adaucto Chavez-Meza pled guilty to possessing methamphetamine with intent to distribute. The judge reviewed the Guidelines, determined the range to be 135 to 168 months, and imposed a sentence at the bottom of the range. The Sentencing Commission later lowered the relevant range to 108 to 135 months, and Adaucto sought a sentence reduction under 18 USC 3582(c)(2) to the bottom of the new range. The judge reduced his sentence to 114 months instead. The order was entered on a form certifying that the judge had “considered” Adaucto’s “motion” and had “taken into account” the 18 USC 3553(a) factors and the relevant Guidelines policy statement.

On appeal, Adaucto argued the sentencing judge did not adequately explain why he rejected petitioner’s request for a 108-month sentence. The 10th Circuit Court of Appeals disagreed.

can180619A lot of us thought the Supreme Court would use this case to explain the degree of detail a judge had to provide on sentences, even in-Guidelines sentences. But yesterday the Court punted, holding simply that because the record as a whole demonstrated the judge had a reasoned basis for his decision, the judge’s explanation for Adaucto’s sentence reduction was adequate.

The government argued Adaucto was not entitled to an explanation at all because the statute governing sentence-modification motions does not expressly require a sentencing judge to state his reasons for imposing a particular sentence at all. While implying it might have sympathy to that view, the Court said, “it is unnecessary to go as far as the government urges, however, because, even assuming the District Court had a duty to explain its reasons when modifying petitioner’s sentence, what the court did here was sufficient.”

Chavez-Meza v. United States, Case No. 17–5639 (June 18, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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4th Circuit Denies Government Rehearing, May Force SCOTUS Review on 2241 – Update for June 18, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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GOVERNMENT DENIED REHEARING ON 4TH CIRCUIT WHEELER CASE

We reported last April that in United States v. Wheelerthe 4th Circuit had reversed years of enforcing a policy of denying collateral review to people who improperly received higher sentences due to prior convictions, in a decision that defined when the 28 USC 2255(e) “savings clause” would let someone file a 28 USC 2241 habeas corpus action.

savings180618Gerald Wheeler had gotten a higher sentence because of a prior North Carolina drug felony that years later was ruled in United States v. Simmons to not be a felony. But Simmons retroactivity came too late for Jerry, whose 2255 motion had already been denied. He filed a 2241 motion, which was denied by the district court because he could only show he was actually innocent of the sentence, not of the underlying conviction.

Whether the 2255(e) savings clause applies to sentences as well as to convictions was left hanging in the 2016 United States v. Surratt case, which was dismissed on rehearing in the 4th Circuit when Mr. Surratt got a commutation from President Obama. After Mr. Wheeler won, the government requested rehearing en banc. Such requests from the government are rare and are usually granted by appeals courts. But last week, the 4th Circuit denied rehearing, making Wheeler binding precedent.

The 10th and 11th Circuits have held that a 2241 is never available to correct a change in the law. But seven other circuits permit a 2241 under the “savings clause” where a change in the law makes a defendant actually innocent of the underlying offense. Now, three circuits – the 4th, 6th and 7th – even permit a sentencing-based claim to proceed on 2241 via the saving clause.

wheelin180618Two 4th Circuit judges filed concurrences on the rehearing denial. One said that to deny Wheeler the right to test the legality of his sentence would be a miscarriage of justice. The other blasted the decision as defeat the Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act by letting inmates endlessly relitigate, saying “the issues in this case are of significant national importance and are best considered by the Supreme Court at the earliest possible date in order to resolve an existing circuit split that the panel decision broadens even farther.  Because of the potential that the case may become moot if Wheeler is released from incarceration in October 2019, as projected, I have not requested a poll of the Court upon the petition for rehearing en banc in order to expedite the path for the Government to petition for certiorari to the Supreme Court.”

Supreme Court review of Wheeler might delay some inmates who can use the decision right away, but a review of the circuit split on proper use of the “savings clause” is long overdue. Professor Doug Berman of Ohio State University law school predicted in his sentencing blog last week that “this issue, if not this case, will be taken up by SCOTUS relatively soon. But I have said this and been wrong before, so maybe I will be blogging in six months saying, ‘Hey, I was wrong’. But I don’t know that I’ll ever admit that, but I’ll find some kind of an excuse for why my SCOTUS prediction was off.”

Order, United States v. Wheeler (4th Cir., June 11, 2018)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Spotlighting lower-court divides over AEDPA’s savings clause and consideration of sentencing errors (June 12, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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More Steps Taken on FIRST STEP? – Update for June 13, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues. 

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THE WIND MAY BE SHIFTING

imageWe have previously reported that the prison reform bill named FIRST STEP Act, H.R. 5682, faces a tough battle in the Senate, starting with the unwillingness of Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell to bring it to a vote, and Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Charles Grassley (R-Iowa) pledging that no FIRST STEP Act will pass without the Sentencing Reform and Corrections Act (S.1917) being written into FIRST STEP’s provisions.

But it was a wild week in the nation’s capital last week, and as a result, the goal may be closer than ever. In one of Washington’s most interesting plot twists, historic criminal justice reform legislation now finds itself atop Trump’s policy agenda, and one floor vote away from his signature.

A detailed story in Foreign Affairs last week suggested that a deal that includes some first-step changes to harsh sentencing laws is now likelier in the wake of the Alice Johnson commutation of the life sentence of Alice Marie Johnson. Even Sessions has said he could support reforms to “stacking” provisions in 18 USC 924(c), which results in first-timers getting three or more stacked 924(c) enhancements for a single course of conduct, with sentences of 62 years or more for what should be a 12-year bit.

While the SRCA proposal to reform what are generally (and misleadingly) called “851” enhancements (provisions in 21 USC 841(b) that double mandatory minimum sentences for prior state felony drug convictions), might not make it, a compromise could include a broader safety valve, which would give judges more discretion to depart from mandatory minimums when circumstances warrant.

compromise180614Senators Mike Lee (R-Utah) and Rand Paul (R-Kentucky), both longtime SRCA supporters, will be key brokers in any deal. Lee could help bring Democrats such as SRCA supporters Richard Durbin (D-Illinois) and Cory Booker (D-N.J.) to the table, and Paul shares a backyard with McConnell, who will determine if the bill even gets a vote.

Also heartening was McConnell’s unpopular announcement last week that the Senate will not take the month of August off, as it usually does, but instead stay in town to complete a lot of unfinished business.

cotton171226All is not roses, however. Senator Tom Cotton (R-Arkansas), one of the few Americans who believes the country has an “underincarceration problem,” has mounted a guerrilla campaign to undermine FIRST STEP’s support on the right. For example, he is reportedly pushing law-enforcement groups to oppose the bill. His efforts have borne fruit recently, as the Federal Law Enforcement Officers Association withdrew its endorsement of the bill after being pressured by Cotton’s office. Also, last week, the National Association of Assistant U.S. Attorneys slammed FIRST STEP, but that group hardly needed Cotton’s urging to do so.

Foreign Affairs, The Art of a Deal on Criminal Justice Reform (June 8, 2018)

Townhall, The FIRST STEP Prison Reform Bill Should Be a No-Brainer (June 8, 2018)

National Review, A Prison-Reform Bill Passed the House 360–59. It’ll Probably Die in the Senate (June 6, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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