All posts by lisa-legalinfo

Enough is Still Too Much in the 6th Circuit – Update for October 16, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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WHEN TIME SERVED AIN’T GOOD ENOUGH
Sweet Brown should have been Steve's judge.
Sweet Brown should have been Steve’s judge.

Steve Mitchell did 17 years on a 21-year Armed Career Criminal Act conviction before his sentencing court, applying Johnson v. United States, held that one of his three predicate crimes of violence was not violent at all. The District Court sentenced him to time served plus three years of supervised release, and cut him loose.

Steve appealed. Yeah, you read that right. He appealed the decision that set him free. But Steve’s claim was anything but frivolous: he argued that because his conviction for being a felon in possession of a gun (18 USC 922(g)) could not be enhanced by the ACCA, the maximum sentence was only 10 years, and the District Court should have resentenced him to 10 years, not time served (which worked out to 17 years). What Steve wanted, of course, was for the District Court to recognize that he had served seven years extra, and therefore cut him loose from supervised release, too.

Last week, the 6th Circuit agreed with Steve that his “time-served” corrected sentence is unlawful. Absent the ACCA enhancement, Steve could have received only a ten-year-maximum sentence. But when the district court corrected his sentence to remove the enhancement, it gave him a “time-served” — or 17-year – sentence. The Circuit said that sentence in excess of the statutory maximum is unlawful.

doover181015The appellate court remanded Steve’s case to the district court for a re-do that recognized (1) a time-served sentence that is equivalent to a term-of-months sentence above the statutory maximum is invalid, and (2) while a district court has the discretion to select appropriate proceedings for correcting a sentence, the corrected sentence must comply with substantive and procedural reasonableness.

The Circuit did not rule on the district court’s reimposition of 3 years’ supervised release, holding that “on remand, the district court should take the opportunity to provide an appropriate rationale for its supervised release decision.”

Who knows? Maybe the sentencing court will decide that Steve has suffered enough.

United States v. Mitchell, Case No. 17-5904 (6th Cir. Oct. 10, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root
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Senate Will Take Up Compromise FIRST STEP Act After Mid-Terms – Update for October 15, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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MCCONNELL WILL BRING FIRST STEP TO SENATE VOTE NEXT MONTH IF SUPPORT IS THERE

A chance for criminal justice reform returned to the Senate last week, when Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Kentucky) told reporters that he intends to bring the compromise FIRST STEP Act up for a Senate vote after the Nov. 6th election, if he determines there are at least 60 votes in favor of passage.

wereback170921The bill merges some of the most important mandatory sentence and 924(c) stacking provisions of the Sentencing Reform and Corrections Act with the House-passed FIRST STEP Act, that offers increased halfway house or home detention for programming, corrects good time and makes favorable changes to compassionate release, the elderly offender home detention program and other aspects of prison life.

“Criminal justice has been much discussed,” McConnell told reporters Wednesday. “What we’ll do after the election is take a whip count and if there are more than 60 senators who want to go forward on that bill, we’ll find time to address it.” 

It’s a significant commitment from McConnell who has resisted bringing criminal justice reform legislation to the floor because support for it divides the Republican conference. As a result, a bill that easily cleared the House with bipartisan support last May has languished in the Senate, where McConnell controls what comes up for a vote.

Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman noted in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog last week that President Trump said last August he had secured 30 to 32 ‘yes’ votes among Republican senators and hoped that “the number of GOP supporters could eventually grow as many as 40 to 46.” Berman predicted in August that the compromise FIRST STEP Act could “perhaps garner up to 90 votes in the Senate, and I do not think this head-counting is likely to change all that dramatically after the election (though one never knows).” He predicts that the prospect of the FIRST STEP Act becoming law before the end of the year “might be pretty darn good.”

firststepB180814Former South Carolina Sen. Jim DeMint, who leads a conservative coalition favoring FIRST STEP passage, said last week that the Senate’s lame duck session (after the November mid-term elections) is the best chance for reformers to actually get something done. “We’ve got the votes to do it,” DeMint said, “and the normal characters who sometimes Mitch McConnell has to protect from taking a tough vote would, I think, be very comfortable with it.” 

A sign of how this will play out showed up late last week. A poll, commissioned by a group representing the National Association of Assistant United States Attorneys found that 66% of Americans opposed FIRST STEP’s provision that let prisoners earn extra halfway house and home confinement by completing programming. The poll misrepresented FIRST STEP, falsely asserting the programming would award good time (which it does not):

“FIRST STEP’s primary effect, if implemented, would be to reduce the number of federal prisoners by altering the system’s “good time” credit rules, making it easier for convicts to be released early if they completed certain education, training, and other reformatory programs”

liar151213That is the kind of misrepresentation for which members of NAAUSA (pronounced like “nausea,” we think) love to prosecute people. In truth, all FIRST STEP awards is a chance for prisoners completing such programs to spend more of the end of their sentence in halfway house or on home confinement, still within the custody of the Federal BOP and confined except for well-monitored activities such as job searches, church services and medical appointments.

The poll and reporting on it leave little doubt, however, that the lobbying by NAAUSA and other people whose livelihoods may be threatened by FIRST STEP will be intense.

Curiously, an independent study sponsored by the National Institute of Justice released last Thursday found that half of Americans favored community-based sentences for drug and property crimes.

Sentencing Law and Policy, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell promises floor vote on FIRST STEP Act after midterm election if more than 60 Senators want to move forward (Oct. 10, 2018)

The Hill, McConnell looking at criminal justice reform after midterms (Oct. 10, 2018)

Louisville Courier-Journal, Conservatives want prison reform, and they’re making moves in McConnell’s Louisville (Oct. 11, 2018)

Washington Examiner, Jim DeMint: This is how criminal justice reform gets done this year (Oct. 11, 2018)

Washington Free Beacon, Poll: Three-Fourths of Americans Oppose Central Plank of FIRST STEP Act (Oct. 11, 2018)

The Conversation, Reduced sentencing for nonviolent criminals: What does the public think? (Oct. 11, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root
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6th Circuit Make Showing Prejudice on Botched Plea Deals Easier – Update for October 11, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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6TH CIRCUIT EASES PREJUDICE SHOWING REQUIRED FOR INEFFECTIVE ASSISTANCE OF COUNSEL ON PLEA AGREEMENT

plea161116One of the biggest hurdles facing an inmate filing a post-conviction motion under 28 USC 2255 who argues his lawyer gave bad advice on taking a plea deal is proving that he would have gone to trial but for the bad advice. That is the old Hill v. Lockhart prejudice standard for ineffective plea advice. The problem is that often, there is no way the defendant would have gone to trial under any circumstances, but he would have tried to negotiate a different plea deal or even entered a blind “straight-up” guilty plea without a plea deal at all.

Until recently, unless you could show you would have gone to trial but for the bad advice, you could not win a 2255 ineffective plea claim. Last week, the 6th Circuit has joined five other circuits in holding that a 2255 defendant may demonstrate prejudice if he can show that, had he been properly advised, he would have bargained for a more favorable plea.

Daynel Rodriguez-Penton argued in a 28 USC 2255 motion that his lawyer failed to warn him that pleading guilty would get him deported. The district court denied his motion, relying on the Hill v. Lockhart prejudice standard.

The 6th Circuit reversed, holding that “the legal landscape for such claims has changed in material ways since Hill.” In Missouri v. Frye, the Supreme Court explained that “Hill applies in the context in which it arose. Hill does not, however, provide the sole means for demonstrating prejudice arising from the deficient performance of counsel during plea negotiations.” The Frye court ruled that petitioners who allege ineffective assistance of counsel during the plea process may satisfy the prejudice prong even without a showing that they would have gone to trial were it not for counsel’s deficient performance.

prejudice181011The Circuit said last week that such a prejudice showing may be made in different ways, such as by identifying similar plea agreements reached by others charged with similar crimes, by showing that the petitioner would have gone to trial, or by proving his decision-making process would somehow have been different. What is necessary, the Court said, is that, “no matter the route he takes, [the defendant] must still end up at the same place: he must present evidence sufficient to undermine confidence in the outcome of the plea-negotiation process.”

Daynel will now get a chance to prove he could have cut a plea agreement that would have kept him in the US.

Rodriguez-Penton v. United States, Case No. 15-6306 (6th Cir. Oct. 2, 2018)

Thomas L. Root

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3rd Circuit Issue Rare FOIA Rebuke of DOJ – Update for October 10, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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3RD CIRCUIT SHUTS DOWN SOME GOVERNMENT FOIA GAMESMANSHIP

bread181011Anyone who has ever sought government records under the Freedom of Information Act knows how maddening the experience can be. Government agencies take much longer than the law allows because they’re so busy (which is like saying it is all right to steal bread from the store because you’re so hungry). Then, they ask you to rewrite your request to make it more specific. If you don’t, your FOIA request gets dismissed. If you do, the agency has you narrow it until it releases nothing. And if you do get any of the records you request, pages are omitted and lines blacked out with only vague references to FOIA exemptions.

Inmate Jim Beiar took on the DOJ over its employment of the usual roadblocks to granting his FOIA request. Last week the 3rd Circuit gave him some relief.

When Jim requested all records that mentioned his name, the DOJ told him to provide a more specific description. When Jim did not do so, the DOJ closed the file on his request because he failed to identify the Criminal Division section he believed would have or maintain responsive records. On Jim’s FBI FOIA request, he sued after the Bureau failed to respond. After he sued, the FBI produced some 1,100+ pages, some of which were blanked out entirely and others of which had large sections excised. The district court dismissed Jim’s claim as moot because the FBI had produced documents to him.

OPRFOIA180814DOJ claimed Jim had not exhausted his FOIA rights because he did not tell the agency which section or subagency might have his records. The 3rd Circuit rejected the government’s position, saying Jim had asked for records mentioning his name, and that was specific enough. “It would be counterintuitive in the extreme,” the Court said, “to require such an individual to have sufficient knowledge of an agency’s organizational units to be able to identify the specific units of an agency that might contain the records sought.”

The Circuit also reversed the district court’s dismissal of the FBI suit, agreeing with Jim that a FOIA claim is not moot where there remain unresolved issues about the adequacy of an agency’s production. The burden of proving that an agency’s refusal to produce records rests with the agency. Where an agency has released documents, but issues about the adequacy of the release are unresolved, a district court cannot dismiss an action as moot.

Biear v. Attorney General, Case No. 15-3873 (3rd Cir. Oct. 1, 2018)

Thomas L. Root

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Convicted CEO Wins Back Gun Rights – Update for October 9, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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DISTRICT COURT SAYS NOT ALL FELONIES MAKE YOU A FELON-IN-POSSESSION

carriefgun170807One of the most popular offenses charged by U.S. Attorneys is 18 USC 922(g)(1), the felon-in-possession statute. The section prohibits people who have been convicted in any court of a crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year from possessing firearms or ammunition that have traveled in interstate commerce.

There’s a twist, however (isn’t there always?) Under 18 USC 921(20), a “crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year” does not include any federal or state offenses “pertaining to antitrust violations, unfair trade practices, or other similar offenses relating to the regulation of business practices…”

Greg Reyes, a corporate executive who did 18 months in 2010 for fraudulent backdating of corporate stock options, has sued the Dept. of Justice, arguing that his securities law convictions were “similar offenses relating to the regulation of business practices,” and thus he was not prohibited from buying a handgun.

gunknot181009The government responded that “other similar offenses relating to the regulation of business practices…” were only those relating to antitrust or unfair trade practices. The district court, however, held a week ago that a similar offense is any other offense “if an examination of either its primary purpose or the elements of the violation reveals that the offense statute is designed primarily to address economic harm to consumers or competition.”

Under this standard, none of Greg’s prior convictions for securities fraud, falsifying corporate books and records, and making false statements to accountants required the government to prove an effect on competition or consumers. Nevertheless, the court ruled, each offense was clearly enacted for the purpose of protecting consumers.

The district court concluded that Greg’s felony convictions did not prevent him from possessing guns or ammo. The court did not have to reach Greg’s secondary issue, that the statute violated equal protection by artificially parsing the convictions which would or would not prevent possession of firearms.

gun160711The court  denied a motion by DOJ to dismiss Greg’s lawsuit and set deadline this week to decide whether final relief should be granted in favor of the former executive.

Reyes v. Sessions, Case No. 17-1643 (D.D.C. Sept. 28, 2018)

Guns.com, Convicted securities fraud exec may get gun rights back (Oct. 3, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Another Circuit Sets Impossible Bar for Dimaya 924(c) Claims – Update for October 8, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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CIRCUITS BUSY SHUTTING DOWN 924(C) DIMAYA CLAIMS

violence160110In the wake of Sessions v. Dimaya, a lot of people doing time for using or carrying a gun during a crime of violence have hoped to attack their 18 USC 924(c) convictions by arguing the underlying crime was not violent. Two courts of appeals – the most recent one last week – are making that pretty hard. A third circuit may be on the way there.

Section 924(c) makes it punishable by a minimum five-year consecutive sentence, to use, carry, or possess a firearm in connection with a “crime of violence.” The “residual clause” of 924(c) defines “crime of violence” to mean a felony “that by its nature, involves a substantial risk that physical force against the person or property of another may be used in the course of committing the offense.” In Johnson v. United States and, later, in Dimaya, the Supreme Court invalidated similar residual clauses, because what might or might not constitute a “substantial risk” was so vague that a reasonable person was unable to determine beforehand what the legal effect of conduct would be. For example, while murder certainly carried a substantial risk that physical force may be used against the victim, how about drunk driving (which, if it were the defendant’s fourth or tenth offense – depending on the state – might be a felony)?

Due to Johnson and Dimaya, all manner of offenses that may sound like they’re violent have been held not to be “crimes of violence.”

Irma Ovalles, convicted of being part of a carjacking crew that used baseball bats and assault rifles, filed a 2255 motion challenging her 924(c) conviction on the grounds that carjacking in its ordinarily sense is not a crime of violence. Last week, the 11th Circuit handed down a ruling that all but dooms her effort.

violent170315To determine whether a prior offense is a “crime of violence,” which is what Johnson and Dimaya address, a court is to use a “categorical approach,” which requires a reviewing court not to look at what the defendant actually did to, for example, assault a police officer in, say, Tennessee. Instead, the court is to ‘imagine’ an “idealized ordinary case of the crime,” and figure out whether it could be done without using violent physical force. Sure punching a cop would use violent physical force. But what if the defendant spit on the police officer instead? If Tennessee state law would permit prosecuting such an act, would that – disgusting though it might be – be held not to be “violent physical force?” If so, the predicate crime is not a “crime of violence.”

So assume the defendant were packing a gun hidden in her waistband while assaulting the officer? Or pulled the gun and pistol-whipped him? Would the fact that she reasonably been prosecuted for spitting on him instead mean that the crime was not violent, and thus render the 924(c) residual clause impermissibly vague?

categorical181008The 11th Circuit cleanly cut the “categorical approach” Gordian knot. “On the flip side,” the Court said, “Johnson and Dimaya also make clear… that if 924(c)(3)’s residual clause is instead interpreted to incorporate what we’ll call a conduct-based approach to the crime-of-violence determination, then the provision is not unconstitutionally vague.” Unlike the categorical approach, the conduct-based approach does not focus on legal definitions and “hypothetical ordinary case,” but instead looks at how the defendant actually committed the underlying crime. The 11th held that where the crime of violence being weighed is not a prior offense, but instead a contemporaneous one (and you cannot commit a 924(c) offense without simultaneously committing a crime of violence or drug trafficking offense), then the conduct-based approach had to be used under the rule of “constitutional doubt.” The rule of “constitutional doubt” holds that any reasonable construction available must be used in order to save a statute from unconstitutionality. “Accordingly,” the Circuit ruled, “we hold that 924(c)(3)(B) prescribes a conduct-based approach, pursuant to which the crime-of-violence determination should be made by reference to the actual facts and circumstances underlying a defendant’s offense.”

Under the conduct-based approach, Irma is clearly going to be in deep trouble when her case gets back to the district court. As one 11th Circuit judge asked in his concurring opinion, “How did we ever reach the point where this Court, sitting en banc, must debate whether a carjacking in which an assailant struck a 13-year-old girl in the mouth with a baseball bat and a cohort fired an AK-47 at her family is a crime of violence? It’s nuts.”

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The 4th Circuit just last month heard en banc arguments in United States v. Simms, which may go the same way as Barrett and Ovalles.

Ovalles v. United States, Case No. 17-10172 (11th Cir., Oct. 4, 2018)

United States v. Barrett, Case No. 14-2641 (2nd Cir., Sept. 10, 2018)

United States v. Simms, Case No. 15-4640 (4th Cir., decision pending)

– Thomas L. Root

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Pay Your Money and Take Your Chance on Rule 11(c)(1)(C) Sentence – Update for October 3, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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VACATED STATE CONVICTION DOES NOT LEAD TO LOWER RULE 11(c)(1)(C) SENTENCE

Brian Hoskins, a man with two prior felony drug convictions, made a deal under Federal Rule of Criminal Procedure 11(c)(1)(C) to plead to 112 months on a federal drug trafficking case. A so-called (c)(1)(C) plea specifies a precise sentence which the court may accept or reject, but not change. The (c)(1)(C) deal brought Brian’s sentence in way below what his Sentencing Guidelines “career offender” status would have gotten him.

jailfree140410But after sentencing, Brian was able to get his Vermont drug felony conviction – one of the two prior convictions that qualified him as a “career offender” – set aside because his state lawyer had screwed up the plea. All of a sudden, he no longer qualified as a career offender, dramatically lowering his sentencing range. His  112-month plea no longer looked like such a good deal.

Brian filed a 28 USC 2255 motion, arguing that his Rule 11(c)(1)(C) plea should be set aside. The district court agreed, holding that his “now-vacated state conviction clearly led to a significant enhancement of his sentence.” The district judge cut Brian’s sentence to 86 months, which Brian has now completed.

Not so fast, Brian. Last week, the 2nd Circuit upheld a government appeal of the 2255 grant. Noting that a non-constitutional error – like the state court conviction that had now gone away – can be recognized on a 2255 motion only if “the claimed error constituted ‘a fundamental defect which inherently results in a complete miscarriage of justice.’”

Here, the Circuit said, there was no miscarriage. Brian’s 112-month deal fell within his non-career offender sentencing range of 100-125 months. What’s more, the 2nd said, “Sec. 2255 does not encompass all claimed errors in conviction and sentencing.” Id. at 185. Rather, those instances where an error in conviction or sentencing rise to the level to be a cognizable basis for a collateral attack are reserved for when the “error of fact or law is of the fundamental character that renders the entire proceeding irregular and invalid… A “later development” that “did not affect the lawfulness of the judgment itself—then or now,” is not enough to vacate the sentence imposed.

The appellate court said Brian’s plea deal agreed he was a career offender, but applied a sentencing range well below it. The deal also let Brian avoid a superseding indictment with enhanced mandatory minimum sentence of ten years. “Together, these circumstances show that, even with a career offender enhancement applied to calculate Hoskins’s Guidelines range at 155 to 181 months, in securing agreement to a sentence of 112 months, Hoskins left the bargaining table with a deal that secured him real benefit, hardly indicating a a miscarriage of justice.”

welcomeback181003Second, because the Guidelines are advisory, the district court necessarily had to make an individualized determination that the 112-month sentence was right for Brian. The district court obviously did so, the 2nd Circuit said, and the fact the 112-month deal was in the middle of his non-career offender range made it clear Brian’s sentence was no miscarriage of justice.

The 2255 grant was reversed, and Brian will have to return to prison.

United States v. Hoskins, Case No. 17-70-cr (2nd Cir. Sept. 26, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Senate Quibbles Over Kavanaugh While FIRST STEP Molders – Update for October 2, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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FIRST STEP ACT STANDING STILL

It’s no surprise to anyone that the Senate’s version of the FIRST STEP Act, which reportedly will be amended to include some mandatory minimum sentence patches contained in the Senate Reform and Corrections Act of 2017, has been standing still since the White House deal brokered in late August.

mcconnell180219Recall that the White House convinced warring Republicans, led by Sen. Charles Grassley (R-Iowa), chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, to accept FIRST STEP as the vehicle to push prison and sentence reform through Congress. The irony was that Sen. Grassley and others did not think that FIRST STEP gave inmates too much. Instead, they complained that FIRST STEP gave inmates too little, because they see reform of drug mandatory minimums, Fair Sentencing Act retroactivity, and unstacking multiple 18 USC 924(c) sentences as essential.

Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Kentucky) fecklessly announced a month ago that he would not bring FIRST STEP to a floor vote until after the November mid-term elections, because he did not want to put Republican senators running for re-election in the position of having to take a stand on prison or sentencing reform. It hardly seems to be fraught with electoral peril: a recent University of Maryland poll found that over 70% of Americans favor reducing drug mandatory minimums and making the change retroactive.

The Brett Kavanaugh nomination fight could affect the chances of FIRST STEP passage, but what is going on in the nomination process is so unprecedented that no one can assess what that change will be. After one of the most bitter Senate battles in modern history, both parties might be eager to show the nation that the Senate can pass a measure with bipartisan support. As one commentator noted about the FIRST STEP Act last week, “The prison population is a lot smaller than the entirety of the American people and the ‘everyone wants this’ rationale doesn’t always work. In this case, however, bipartisanship is the truth.”

done160530On the other hand, the Republicans could be too bitter over Kavanaugh or even suffer a loss of the Senate. Right now, the Real Clear Politics poll predicts 47 solid Republican seats, 44 solid Democrat seats, and nine that are too close to call. It is entirely possible that the November election will cause Sen. McConnell to use the remaining few weeks of the 115th Congress to do things he will not be able to do in 2019. If that is the case, the FIRST STEP Act could become a casualty of political forces that have nothing to do with animosity toward federal inmates.

Last week, BOP inmate and former Illinois Governor Rod Blagojevich published a commentary in the Washington Examiner supporting prison reform, arguing that the government’s 97% conviction rate are strong arguments for reform. He wrote, “shouldn’t that fact raise an alarm bell to all freedom loving people? Michael Jordan, as great as he was, only made half the shots he attempted. And knowing what I now know through my experience, this almost perfect success rate is convincing proof that the federal criminal justice system works against the accused. It is neither a place to expect a fair trial nor is it a place where the promise of justice for all is a promise kept.”

Although you can be sure that there are good practical reasons for Congress to pass FIRST STEP, there is no guarantee that it will Another thing you can be sure of is that very little about the FIRST STEP Act will be heard in the next five weeks.

Civilcandor.com, Sentencing Reform Bills Won’t Help the Guilty by Accusation (Sept. 29, 2018)

Real Clear Politics, Election 2018 – Senate (Sept. 30, 2018)

fiWashington Examiner, Rod Blagojevich: My plea for prison reform (Sept. 28, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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New-Found Respect for “Nondelegation Doctrine?” – Update for October 1, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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FIRST MONDAY IN OCTOBER

The Supreme Court’s new year begins today and runs through next June. The term, known as October Term 2018, should begin with a bang for federal defendants.

newyear181001As we mentioned last week, the Supreme Court will hear arguments tomorrow in Gundy v. United States, a case which asks whether the Attorney General can lawfully be given the power by Congress to determine who has to register under the Sex Offender Registration and Notification Act.

How the Supreme Court decides Gundy could have sweeping implications. Since SORNA was enacted, 4,000 sex offenders have been convicted of federal sex-offender registry violations: the government argues that “many of those offenders who failed to register would go free” if the Court were to invalidate Congress’ delegation to Attorney General in SORNA. What’s more, there are “hundreds of thousands” of pre-SORNA offenders now covered by the Attorney General’s designation, and the Court’s decision will determine whether or not they will face criminal liability for failure to comply with SORNA’s registration requirements.

Beyond sex-offender registration, the approach the Supreme Court takes in Gundy could affect many laws involving the administrative state. The nondelegation doctrine, which holds that Congress cannot delegate to the executive branch the power to declare that something is a crime or to specify the appropriate punishment, has been honored in the breach for well over 80 years, with federal agencies exercising increasing power to establish criminal offenses by administrative fiat. There was a time that the Supreme Court covered naked violations of the nondelegation doctrine with the fig leaf that such delegations were permissible as long as Congress furnishes a declaration of policy or a standard of action, “primary standards, devolving upon others the duty to carry out the declared legislative policy.”

perv160201In Gundy, the statute simply provides that “the Attorney General shall have authority to specify the applicability of the requirements of this subchapter.” 34 USC 20913(d). As the Cato Institute described it in a Supreme Court amicus filing, “He may require sex offenders to register based on the severity of their crime, the time since their conviction, or at random based on the first letter of their last names. He may consult the laws of the various states or various astrological charts. SORNA grants him “an unlimited authority to determine the policy and to lay down the prohibition, or not to lay it down, as he may see fit. And disobedience to his order is made a crime punishable by fine and imprisonment.”

Broad delegations of authority to the executive branch form the foundation of modern regulatory government. But given a dissent from Justices Scalia and Ginsburg (who, although good friends, were truly the odd couple in the same dissent) in Reynolds v. United States, a recent concurrence by Justice Thomas in Department of Transportation v. American Association of Railroads, and a Justice Gorsuch dissent from his time on the 10th Circuit in United States v. Nichols, a case involving SORNA, it is quite possible that Gundy will revive the nondelegation doctrine from its 80-year slumber.

A "train wreck" for eh administrative state?
                                                 A “train wreck” for the administrative state?

This could spell “train wreck” for everything from securities fraud – SEC specifies what is and is not fraud in Rule 10b-5 – to analogue drugs, which the DEA is empowered to declare controlled substances under the Controlled Substances Act. A “train wreck”, indeed, one that we might enjoy watching.

Gundy v. United States, Case No. 17-6086 (argument set for Oct. 4, 2018)

SCOTUSBlog.com, Argument preview: Justices face nondelegation challenge to federal sex-offender registration law (Sept. 25, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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#themtoo: BOP Not Doing Right By Female Inmates, DOJ Says – Update for September 26, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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A LITTLE BIT OF NOTHING FOR THE LADIES

womenprison170821Sure, they’re all inmates. But only the most callous observer would suggest that forcing female inmates to undergo strip searches in front of male Bureau of Prisons personnel is all right, because, after all, “if you can’t do the time, don’t do the crime…” and all that claptrap. It turns out that a critical shortage of BOP correctional officers is having a disparate effect on the 10,567 female inmates held in the system, the Dept. of Justice Inspector General reported last Thursday. “The lack of sufficient staff is most noticeable at larger female institutions,” the OIG Report said.

As of September 2016,  female inmates represented 7% of the BOP sentenced inmate population of 146,084. The OIG review was sparked in part by Congress and public interest groups raising concerns with DOJ about deficiencies in BOP’s current management of female inmates.

magicrabbit180927Although BOP policy requires that female prisoners can only be searched by female correctional officers, the BOP is unable to ensure a female officer is available at each post where such searches are required, the report says. The report also concluded that 90% of the female inmate population would benefit from trauma treatment, but staffing shortages make it nearly impossible to provide eligible inmates with the care they need, according to the report.

In a response attached to the report, Hugh Hurwitz, acting BOP director, said he agrees with the IG’s recommendations and vowed to improve both staffing and training.  How he is going to pull that off in light of the BOP’s budget reductions ought to be a neat trick.

Washington Times, Staffing shortages blocking female inmates from critical services (Sept. 18, 2018)

Dept. of Justice Office of Inspector General, Review of the Federal Bureau of Prisons’ Management of Its Female Inmate Population (Sept. 17, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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