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Multiplicitous Indictment Is Three Too Many – Update for December 6, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

INDICTMENT “PILING ON” VIOLATES DOUBLE JEOPARDY

Pablo Chilaca was convicted of four counts of possessing child pornography in violation of 18 USC 2252(a)(4)(B). He got four concurrent 66-month prison terms. Chilaca appealed, arguing that his four counts of conviction were multiplicitous.

piling181206An indictment is not multiplicitous merely because it charges more than one violation of the same statute based on related conduct; instead, a defendant can be convicted of multiple violations of the same statute if the conduct underlying each violation involves a separate and distinct act. However, where a single act or transaction is alleged to have resulted in multiple violations of the same statutory provision, the proper inquiry involves the determination of what Congress has made “the allowable unit of prosecution.”

Last week, the 9th Circuit held that under 18 USC 2252(a)(4)(B), which makes it a crime to knowingly possess one or more matters containing any visual depiction of child pornography, simultaneous possession of different matters containing offending images at a single time and place constitutes a single violation. The panel held that the four counts charging the defendant with possession of child-pornography images on separate hard drives found at the same time and in the same place were multiplicitous and constituted double jeopardy.

The panel held the error was not harmless, but that because the record clearly shows that evidence presented at trial would have been the same regardless of the number of counts charged, no new trial was warranted. The panel remanded with instructions to vacate three of the four counts of convictions and to resentence the defendant on the remaining count.

United States v. Garrido Chilaca, Case No. 17-10296 (9th Cir. Nov. 26, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Supreme Court and the Gimme Gimmes – Update for December 5, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

SUPREME COURT HEARS TWO CONSEQUENTIAL CASES

The Supreme Court heard oral arguments last week on forfeiture and whether someone screwed up in leaving a big chunk of Oklahoma as Indian Country.

gimmee181205Tyson Timbs, an Indiana man who lost his 2012 Land Rover after he pleaded guilty to drug charges. The state argued that it could seize the car because it had been used to transport drugs, but Tyson countered that requiring him to forfeit the $42,000 car – which he had bought with inheritance money – would violate the 8th Amendment’s ban on excessive fines, because the value of the vehicle was nearly four times the maximum fine that could have been imposed. The question before Court in Timbs v. Indiana was simply whether the 8th Amendment’s prohibition of excessive fines applies to the states at all.

The justices appeared to agree that it does. However, there is wide disagreement on what kind of forfeiture is excessive. Federal defendants can hope for the Court to define when forfeiture is too much, but observers think that the justices are likely to say that excessive fines clause applies to the states, but not much more.

Carpenter v. Murphy asked whether a large part of eastern Oklahoma, including where Patrick Murphy is alleged to have committed murder and the entire City of Tulsa, still lies within the borders of a reservation granted to the Creek Nation when it was forcibly relocated to the Oklahoma Territory in the early 19th century. If so, then Oklahoma had no jurisdiction to try Murphy: The Major Crimes Act would give exclusive jurisdiction over that murder to federal authorities, because Murphy is a Native American. The formal procedures that Congress followed when it organized the state of Oklahoma did not explicitly terminate the reservation on which the crime occurred. Because the Supreme Court’s earlier cases have emphasized the importance of statutory language explicitly terminating a reservation, the lower court concluded that the reservation remains in place.

The case is important to a number of federal defendants, whose prior convictions could be wiped out, affecting not only ACCA convictions and 21 USC 851 drug enhancements, but Guidelines criminal histories as well.

indian181205The Court is clearly grappling with the law that plainly makes eastern Oklahoma Indian Country versus the wholesale dislocation that upholding the Tenth Circuit would cause. Yesterday afternoon, the Court took the unusual step of calling for additional briefing on two questions that suggest it is looking for a creative way to decider the case. The first is whether some statute out there may authorize Oklahoma prosecutions “irrespective of the area’s reservation status.” If Oklahoma has such authority, then the criminal-law disruption from recognizing the reservations as still existing would be substantially less.

The second question is whether there “are circumstances” in which land that still qualifies as Indian Country might nevertheless not be  “Indian country as set forth in 18 USC 1151(a).” If so, the Major Crimes Act would not divest Oklahoma of the authority it has exercised through the years to prosecute offenses committed by Native Americans.

SCOTUSBlog.com, Court appears ready to rule that Constitution’s bar on excessive fines applies to the states (Nov. 28, 2018)

SCOTUSBlog.com, Justices dubious about ramifications of broad Indian reservation in Oklahoma (Nov. 27, 2018)

The Atlantic, Who owns Oklahoma? (Nov. 20, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Doing Time: A Little or A Lot? – Update for December 4, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

STATE TIME MAY NOT BE BETTER… BUT IT IS SHORTER

Federal inmates (and especially their families) often complain that the prisoner would be better off with a state conviction, because he or she would have gotten a shorter sentence? True? Or just a federal inmate myth?

The Bureau of Justice Statistics released a report last Wednesday reporting on how much time offenders serve in state prisons, and it is illuminating.

The average time served by state prisoners released in 2016, from initial admission to initial release, was 2.6 years. By comparison, in 2016, federal prisoners served an average of 3.6 years.

statetime181204All of those who thought they would have been better off killing someone than, say, looking at child porn or selling drugs, now have some hard numbers to back up their beef: defendants sentenced for murder or non-negligent manslaughter served an average of 180 months in state prison before their initial release. This means that if a federal inmate has more than 206 months – like the guy who contacted us the other day with a 360-month sentence for a marijuana conspiracy – he or she should have just shot that meth customer instead of dealing to him.

Bureau of Justice Statistics, Time Served in State Prison, 2016 (Nov. 28, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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FIRST STEP Going Nowhere Fast – Update for December 3, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

MCCONNELL EQUIVOCATES AS COTTON YELLS “SEX OFFENDER!” IN BID TO TANK FIRST STEP ACT

Sen. Charles Grassley (R-Iowa), chairman of Judiciary Committee, introduced the long-awaited hybrid FIRST STEP Act (S.3649) last Monday, and moved it out of Committee to the floor of the Senate the same day. That’s pretty much good news of the week.

whipping181203President Trump is still pressing the Senate to take action this year, and the ACLU is running ads in Kentucky demanding that Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Kentucky) schedule a floor vote. McConnell said last Tuesday that he will go where the votes are within the Republican Party. “We will be whipping that to see whether — what the consensus is — if there is a consensus in our conference about not only the substance, but the timing of moving forward with that particular piece of legislation,” McConnell told reporters.

Sen. Roy Blunt (R-Missouri) said last Friday that at least half of the Republican conference supported the bill. “If we get to it this year, it’ll be largely because of White House pressure,” said Blunt, a member of the GOP Senate leadership. “My guess is that at least half of our members are for it and most of the Democrats.”

As of yesterday, McConnell was declining to talk about his plans for FIRST STEP. An unnamed attendee at a White House meeting last Tuesday, which McConnell attended as well, assessed the prospect that McConnell will put FIRST STEP on the floor at “less than 50/50.”

nothappen181016The Washington Post reported last Tuesday that Republicans are actively discussing changes to FIRST STEP in order to win more GOP support. One change being discussed privately is tightening the “safety valve” provision. Although the most recent draft of the bill broadens the people eligible for “safety valve” treatment, Sen. David Perdue (R-Georgia) said senators are talking about reducing the people who would qualify for the “safety valve” provision.

Breitbart.com reported Saturday that a Senate document circulating among FIRST STEP opponents lists 20 violent crimes it says would be eligible for early release under the bill. The letter lists crimes including failing to register as a sex offender, drug trafficking, assaulting law enforcement, and making death threats against U.S. lawmakers, asks, among other things, whether the Senate can “trust the BOP to correctly categorize who is high vs. low risk?”

This is consistent with vocal complaints last week from Sen. Tom Cotton (R-Arkansas), FIRST STEP’s biggest opponent, that sex offenders could get off easy. He based his claim on a Dept. of Justice report that the bill could make people convicted of some sex crimes eligible for early release.

Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman lamented last week in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog that, while it seems “a super-majority of all Senators (representing a super-super majority of the nation’s population) want this legislation enacted… that a few Senators from a few states can, in essence, exercise a heckler’s veto highlights why thoughtful federal criminal justice reform has been so very hard.”

CNN, Mitch McConnell faces tough choice on criminal justice proposal (Dec. 2, 2018)

Politico, White House makes last-ditch push on criminal justice reform bill (Nov. 27, 2018)

Washington Post, Senate Republicans mull changes to controversial criminal justice bill (Nov. 26, 2018)

Breitbart.com, Exclusive — GOP Senate document lists 20 violent crimes eligible for early release under criminal justice reform bill (Dec. 1, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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BOP’s Horrible, No Good, Very Bad Week – Update for November 29, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

BOP WALKS INTO BAD PRESS BUZZSAW

baddayA181130BOP Acting Director Hugh J. Hurwitz probably felt more like the dinner than the diner by the time Thanksgiving rolled around a week ago, after the beating his agency took in the media in the preceding days.

First, the New York Times published a long story detailing the sexual harassment suffered by female BOP staff. “For women who work in federal prisons, where they are vastly outnumbered by male colleagues and male inmates,” the Times wrote, “concealing every trace of their femininity is both necessary and, ultimately, futile… Some inmates… stare… grope, threaten and expose themselves. But what is worse, according to testimony, court documents, and interviews with female prison workers, male colleagues can and do encourage such behavior, undermining the authority of female officers and jeopardizing their safety. Other male employees join in the harassment themselves.”

The Times found that women who reported harassment “face retaliation, professional sabotage and even termination,” while the careers of many male BOP harassers and those who protect them flourish. The Times named names.

But The Gray Lady wasn’t done with the BOP. Two days later, the paper ran a detailed piece questioning how Whitey Bulger ended up at Hazleton general population, where he was promptly murdered. The Times reported, “Several prison workers questioned why so many people at Coleman and in the Texas office would have approved a transfer of Mr. Bulger to Hazelton, a facility that houses some inmates tied to organized crime and that has a reputation for being dangerous for snitches. The workers also questioned why staff members at Hazelton would have approved placing Mr. Bulger in the prison’s general population. Mr. Bulger was the third inmate to be killed at Hazelton this year.”

The paper quoted one unnamed worker who said, “That was a monumental failure and a death sentence for Whitey.”

The Times said the BOP issued a statement saying that Bulger’s transfer to Hazelton was made in accordance with its policy, including a review of whether inmates there were known to be a threat to him.

mental181130Meanwhile, The Marshall Project suggested that the BOP’s 2014 policy that promised better care and oversight for inmates with mental-health issues was a fraud. “Data obtained through a Freedom of Information Act request shows that instead of expanding treatment, the bureau has lowered the number of inmates designated for higher care levels by more than 35 percent.” TMP says prison staff are determining that prisoners—some with long histories of psychiatric problems—don’t require any routine care at all. As of last February, the BOP classified just 3% of inmates as having a mental illness serious enough to require regular treatment. By comparison, more than 30% of California state prisoners receive care for a “serious mental disorder.” In New York, its 21%, and In Texas, it’s about 20%.

TMP says that when BOP changed its rules, “officials did not add the resources needed to implement them, creating an incentive for employees to downgrade inmates to lower care levels.”

The New York Times, Hazing, Humiliation, Terror: Working While Female in Federal Prison (Nov. 17, 2018)

The New York Times, The Whitey Bulger Murder Mystery: Two Assailants and a Prison Full of Suspects (Nov. 19, 2018)

The Marshall Project, Treatment Denied: The Mental Health Crisis in Federal Prisons (Nov. 20, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Time for the Turkey to Pardon People? – Update for November 28, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

TURKEYS PARDONED, NOW HOW ABOUT PEOPLE?

turkey181128President Trump “pardoned” two turkeys at the annual White House ceremony held last week, but told reporters afterwards that he hadn’t considered  giving any people clemency for Thanksgiving.

Speaking to reporters, Trump side-stepped a question about whether he would issue holiday pardons. “I love the pardons for the turkey,” Trump said. Asked if he would pardon any people, Trump said: “I haven’t thought of it — it’s not a bad thing.”

Behind bars, Trump has generated enormous hope for presidential clemency. Two weeks ago, he endorsed the FIRST STEP Act, after saying in October that “a lot of people” are jailed for “no reason” and that he was “actively looking” for inmates to release.

There are signs that the White House and the Dept. of Justice Office of Pardon Attorney are processing commutation requests from prisoners and pardon requests from already released inmates, making clemency advocates hopeful for near-term reprieves. Trump already has been more generous than recent predecessors early in his first term, issuing nine pardons and prison commutations. He hasn’t given any clemency grants in four months, however, in an apparent pause for the midterm elections.

Last week, New York University law professor and former federal prosecutor Mark Osler wrote that “the process used to choose which turkey might be pardoned is far more rational, efficient and effective than the one used to evaluate clemency for humans.

obtaining-clemencyFirst, he said, the pardons occur regularly, every year, not just in the last days of an administration. Second, decisions are made by objective specialists with the current chairman of the National Turkey Federation responsible for managing a thorough selection process. Third, there are defined criteria. The finalists are selected based on their willingness to be handled, their health and their natural good looks. Fourth, attention is paid to making sure they thrive after their grant of clemency. After the ceremony, they are sent to Virginia Tech’s “Gobbler’s Rest” exhibit, where they are well cared for.

By contrast, Osler said, the clemency process “is irregular, run largely by biased generalists, devoid of consistent, meaningful criteria, and it does little to ensure success of individuals after their release.”

Osler said the DOJ Pardon Attorney is part of the problem. The DOJ, “after all, is the entity that prosecutes these individuals in the first place. Within that office, staff members evaluate cases and provide a report to the pardon attorney, who decides on a recommendation after seeking out the opinion of the very US attorney’s office that prosecuted the case.

But then, instead of going to the President, the Pardon Attorney’s recommendation is routed to an aide to the deputy attorney general, who makes a recommendation to the DAG, the same DAG who is “the direct supervisor of and closely allied with the United States attorneys in the field, whose offices chose to pursue the challenged convictions and sentences in the first place.”

If the recommendation has survived this far, it goes to the White House, where some assistant to the White House counsel evaluates it and makes yet another recommendation to the boss. And, of course, that boss, who has many other duties, also has a conflict: “this time, the tendency to protect the President from risk, something that is inherent in any use of the pardon power.”

presidential_pardon_thanksgiving_tile_coasterWhat’s missing, Osler argued, is “all the things that make the turkey process work. It’s irregular, as inattention by any one of the numerous sequential evaluators stops the whole thing. And instead of objective specialists, we have decisions being made by the deputy attorney general, who is neither objective nor a specialist. The criteria are poorly articulated and currently issued by the stiflingly conflicted DOJ. And finally, there is little to no connection between the process and what comes after, as prison gives way to freedom.”

Osler suggested that the process be taken from DOJ altogether and be given to an independent clemency board, as most states do. “If we did that,” Osler claimed, “the clemency process would finally be at least as functional as the one that informs a silly holiday tradition.”

Washington Examiner, Trump pardons turkeys, says he hasn’t considered human clemency for Thanksgiving (Nov. 20, 2018)

CNN, The process to pardon turkeys is more rational than the one used for humans (Nov. 19, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Tennessee “Complicated” Sentencing Scheme Saves Defendant ACCA Sentence – Update for November 27, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

TENNESSEE SENTENCING SCHEME MAKES SOME STATE DRUG CONVICTIONS INELIGIBLE FOR ACCA

Dwayne Rockymore, who had some prior felonies, got caught with a gun. His three prior Tennessee delivery-of-cocaine convictions seemed to qualify him for a 15-year Armed Career Criminal Act conviction. But the district court refused.

BettyWhiteACCA180503Last week, the 6th Circuit agreed. Complaining that “Tennessee’s criminal sentencing scheme is sufficiently complicated that even Tennessee courts have experienced difficulty in understanding the different classes, ranges, and tiers involved in making a sentencing determination,” the Circuit decided that while the cocaine charges were punishable by more than 10 years in prison, a separate statute “takes each felony class’s authorized sentence and narrows those sentences into ‘ranges’ that correspond with the defendant’s prior record.” A defendant with no criminal background who commits a Class C felony like Dwayne’s must be sentenced to no more that 6 years in prison.

The ACCA classifies a serious drug offense as one with a max sentence of more than 10 years. The 6th said it has to look at “all the relevant law that Tennessee applies to sentencing,” and because Dwayne faced a six-year-maximum sentence for two of the cocaine charges, those priors did not qualify him for ACCA.

United States v. Rockymore, Case No. 18-5148 (Nov. 20, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Still Some Life Left in FIRST STEP? – Update for November 26, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

FELLOW REPUBLICANS URGE MCCONNELL TO PUT FIRST STEP TO A VOTE

intimidation181126Republican senators last week put a full-court press on Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Kentucky) to bring the modified FIRST STEP Act to the Senate floor before Congress adjourns for the year on Dec. 14. 

[Update: The Senate Judiciary Committee reported the modified FIRST STEP Act, now S.3649, to the floor on Monday, November 26, 2018].

McConnell has been coy about the bill’s prospects, even with the backing of President Donald Trump and his son-in-law and senior adviser, Jared Kushner. McConnell’s intransigence in the face of Trump’s urging and the demands of his own party could open a new divide between McConnell and Trump weeks after they worked together to widen the Senate majority in the midterm elections.

If the Senate does not pass FIRST STEP in the next two weeks, the bill would have to be reintroduced in January, and would a Democrat-controlled House that would probably include a lot of sentencing reform provisions that would be non-starters in the Senate.

“This really does need to get done this year,” Sen. Mike Lee (R – Utah) said in an interview. “Saying that we’ll do it next year is tantamount to saying this just isn’t going to get done.”

In general, McConnell doesn’t like voting on legislation that divides Senate Republicans. FIRST STEP has been controversial among a few conservative Republicans for months, even sparking a Twitter argument between Lee and Sen. Tom Cotton (R – Arkansas), last Monday.

“Unaccountable politicians and those who live behind armed guards may be willing to gamble with your life,”  Cotton wrote in a USA Today op-ed piece Nov. 15. “But why should you?”

cotton171226And Sen. John Kennedy (R-Louisiana) argued earlier this month, “A dangerous person who is properly incarcerated can’t mug your sister. If we’re not careful with this, somebody is going to get killed.”

In the past three years, Sen. Charles E. Grassley (R-Iowa), chairman of the Judiciary Committee, blocked a Democratic Supreme Court nominee, pushed through an army of conservative judges and secured confirmation two Trump nominees.

Grassley had some chits to call in when he spoke to McConnell last Monday morning about FIRST STEP. I have been there for you, Grassley told McConnell, and I would hope this is something that you would help me make happen, the New York Times reported that three people familiar with the call said.

Meanwhile, Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-South Carolina) told NBC a week ago that he’s confident FIRST STEP would receive 80 votes in the Senate, and would be a positive first step for the government in the wake of a contentious midterm election cycle. “Let’s start 2019 on a positive note,” Graham said. “I’m urging Sen. McConnell to bring the bill to the floor of the Senate. It would get 80 votes. Mr. President, pick up the phone and push the Republican leadership… The Republicans are the problem here, not the Democrats.”

FIRST STEP proponents fear McConnell will let the short window for consideration this year slide shut rather let a vote go forward on a complicated issue that divides Republicans. Republican senators allied with Grassley, including Lee, Graham and Tim Scott of South Carolina, began last week to contact wavering colleagues by phone. Kushner convened a call with business groups to praise the changes, and the White House circulated a USA Today op-ed that Kushner wrote with Tomas J. Philipson, a member of the White House Council of Economic Advisers. Donald Trump Jr. and Ivanka Trump, the president’s eldest son and daughter, blasted supportive messages to their millions of Twitter followers urging Congress to move quickly.

firststepslamduck181126Kushner reportedly plans to ask Trump to lobby McConnell directly by phone, but is waiting to line up more Republican support first, according to two people familiar with his thinking. Trump is not waiting for Kushner’s request, already using Twitter last Friday to urge McConnell and Minority Leader Chuck Schumer to pass the “badly needed” criminal justice reform bill.

McConnell has not yet budged. In a statement Friday, a spokesman for McConnell told The New York Times: “The support for, and length of time needed to move the new bill is not knowable at this moment.”

Earlier this month, McConnell told the Louisville Courier Journal, “We don’t have a whole lot of time left, but the first step is to finalize what proponents are actually for. There have been a lot of different versions floating around. And then we’ll whip it and see where the vote count is.”

Wall Street Journal, McConnell Controls Fate of Criminal-Justice Overhaul Bill (Nov. 20, 2018)

CNBC, Trump pushes Mitch McConnell and Chuck Schumer to pass ‘badly needed’ bipartisan criminal justice reform bill that’s stalled in the Senate (Nov. 23, 2018)

The New York Times, McConnell Feels the Heat From the Right to Bring Criminal Justice Bill to a Vote (Nov. 20, 2018)

The Hill, Graham urges GOP leadership to bring vote on criminal justice reform (Nov. 18, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Cotton’s Price is Too High – Update for November 20, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

COTTON SAID TO HAVE NAMED HIS PRICE FOR SUPPORTING FIRST STEP

cotton181120If the modified FIRST STEP Act makes it to the floor of the Senate, a likelihood that is dimming day by day, Sen. Tom Cotton (R-Arkansas) has already staked out his price for abandoning his vitriolic opposition to the bill. Cotton and former Attorney General Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III, recently departed from DOJ, have been the most ardent foes of FIRST STEP and the Sentencing Reform and Corrections Act of 2017. Now, Sen. Cotton is the last man standing.

Cotton has maintained his opposition to FIRST STEP — a sweeping package of criminal-justice reforms designed to reduce incarceration rates and recidivism — despite broad bipartisan support, even provoking a Twitter war yesterday with Sen. Mike Lee (R-Utah), a former federal prosecutor who strongly supports FIRST STEP and co-sponsored the doomed SRCA (which donated several provisions to the modified FIRST STEP).

In defending his opposition on Twitter yesterday, Cotton accused FIRST STEP’s proponents of trying to push the measure through Congress without allowing time for an adequate review of its contents, and warned that it would grant early release to fentanyl dealers, violent criminals and “criminal immigrants” (as though non-citizens convicted of felonies are not promptly deported after their sentences are completed). Lee accused Cotton’s criticisms of being “fake news.”

pricesIt turns out that Cotton had a price, albeit it a high one, for remaining neutral on FIRST STEP. Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman wrote at his Sentencing Law and Policy Blog Sunday that Cotton previously offered to remain neutral or even support FIRST STEP if the bill were modified to (1) exclude heroin and fentanyl traffickers from early release for programming credits; (2) make the change from 47 to 54 days of good time non-retroactive; (3) adjust the weight of fentanyl under the drug trafficking statute (21 USC 841(b)) to reflect its potency; and (4) fix the Armed Career Criminal Act to undo the Johnson holding.

Berman wrote that the proposals (except for a part of the first one) were rejected by FIRST STEP sponsors.

Meanwhile, the Democrats’ recapture of the House in the midterm elections complicates FIRST STEP’s chances. Many progressive Democrats and advocacy groups opposed the FIRST STEP Act in the House and insisted that it include stronger sentencing reforms. Many of those same lawmakers would like to see the sentencing reforms in the Senate version be made retroactive, something that would almost surely reignite conservative opposition to the bill.

flipflop170920Sens. Cory Booker, D-New Jersey, and Kamala Harris, D-California, who are both running for president, have opposed criminal justice. Harris claims now to support reform, but she opposed it as California’s attorney general. Booker, who claims to support reform in principle, seems to be calculating whether its passage will help or harm his presidential campaign.

The Washington Examiner, however, predicted last week that “if Trump applies pressure, he will find that the numbers are there in Congress to defeat both Cotton’s faction and the Democrats in opposition – specifically, the ones blocking reform because it would hurt their own presidential bids if it passes during Trump’s presidency.”

Reason.com, Trump Endorses Criminal Justice Bill, Giving Momentum to Long-Delayed Reforms (Nov. 14, 2018)

Washington Examiner, Trump is right to embrace criminal justice reform (Nov. 15, 2018)

National Review, Mike Lee Accuses Tom Cotton of Spreading ‘Fake News’ on Criminal-Justice-Reform Bill (Nov. 19, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Mitch Rains on FIRST STEP Parade – Update for November 19, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

MCCONNELL KNEECAPITATES FIRST STEP ACT


kneecap181119After asking Democrats earlier this week to work more collaboratively with Republicans, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Kentucky) last Thursday mugged the FIRST STEP Act, Congress’s best remaining chance to accomplish something bipartisan this year. McConnell told President Trump in a private meeting on Thursday that the Senate lacks the floor time to bring the FIRST STEP prison reform measure to a vote this year, regardless of how much support the measure has.

On Wednesday, shortly after Trump announced his support for the modified FIRST STEP Act, amended to add some sentencing reform provisions, McConnell cautioned (without outright spindling the Act), “We don’t have a whole lot of time left, but the first step is to finalize what proponents are actually for. There have been a lot of different versions floating around. And then we’ll whip it and see where the vote count is.”

A day later, McConnell said the measure would not get a vote, because he estimated he would need ten floor days to get FIRST STEP passed. There are only 15 legislative days left in the year, and other legislative priorities – such as passing bills related to government funding and farming – would get priority. The Senate is recesses for the year on December 14th.

Notimeforthat181119

McConnell reluctantly promised in September that if FIRST STEP secured the support of at least 60 senators, he would be bring the bill to a vote. Earlier last week, McConnell hedged his bets, saying he would still assess the amount of support for the measure, but he cautioned that he would have to “see how it stacks up against our other priorities going into the end of our session.”

Every Congress is a two-year session that begins in January of an odd-numbered year and ends in December of the next even-numbered year. The last two years has been the 115th Congress, which ends next month. Whenever a session of Congress ends, any bill that has been introduced but not passed dies. This means that if FIRST STEP does not pass the Senate by mid-December, the measure will expire. It will have to start over again in House and Senate committees in January 2019.

As Senate Majority Leader, McConnell controls the Senate floor.

Lawmakers from both parties have been working feverishly to pass the compromise legislation. At the urging of son-in-law and White House advisor Jared Kushner, Trump enthusiastically endorsed FIRST STEP this week, and House Speaker Paul D. Ryan (R-Wisconsin), who controls the House of Representatives, pledged to move it across the finish line in the House “this term.” But McConnell’s refusal to schedule FIRST STEP for floor time all but drives a stake through prison reform’s heart.

If the bill had enough support, McConnell said, he would be willing to bring it up next year after the new Congress is seated. Because the measure would have to go through committees again, and due to the change in control of the House from the Republicans to the Democrats, some argue McConnell’s commitment is half-hearted at best. Supporters of the legislation believe that is being a less-than-neutral arbiter, saying that even if it could be brought to the floor quickly next session, Democrats in the House who favor farther-reaching retroactive sentencing reform could collapse the current compromise.

mcconnell180219McConnell’s slow-motion strangulation of FIRST STEP is not the first-time criminal justice reform has run into the Majority Leader. A similar coalition of legislators and interest groups made a higher-profile and more expansive attempt to pass the Sentencing Reform and Corrections Act of 2015 two years ago, a measure that had Ryan’s support as well as plenty of Senate backing. But McConnell, worried that passing the bill would hurt Republicans at the polls in the 2016 elections, refused to bring that bill to a vote.

Holly Harris, executive director of the nonprofit Justice Action Network said on Saturday that 70 to 80 senators already support the proposal. “Leader McConnell made a promise to us that if he had 60 votes, he would make time to move our bill,” Harris said. “I still believe he will keep that promise, especially now with President Trump’s endorsement.”

Delaying a vote on criminal justice reform would not be in McConnell’s best interest, Harris said. “If there is any sort of political concern,” Harris said. “it should be in not supporting this bill.”

In a statement to the Louisville Courier Journal, Sen. Rand Paul (R-Kentucky) said McConnell is “nothing if not a smart politician” and that he believes McConnell will allow a vote before the end of 2018.

Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman said last Friday in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog, “I am now inclined to fear that no significant form of federal criminal justice reform will be completed as long as Senator McConnell is the Senate’s majority leader.”

New York Times, McConnell Tells Trump a Criminal Justice Bill Is Not Likely This Year (Nov. 16, 2018)

Louisville Courier-Journal, Mitch McConnell tells Trump prison reform vote unlikely (Nov. 17, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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