Tag Archives: first step

Appeals Courts Continue to Flesh Out Fair Sentencing Act – Update for August 4, 2020

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

A TRIO OF FAIR SENTENCING ACT DECISIONS

crack-coke200804The Fair Sentencing Act, passed in 2010 (“FSA”) reduced the horrific 100:1 crack-to-powder ratio previously enshrined in the law, a policy that meant that one gram of cocaine base was sentenced as though it were a quarter-pound of cocaine powder. This vestige of the crack panic, passed in the Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1988, meant that defendants convicted of crack received much longer sentences than those who sold cocaine powder. And – because crack was primarily sold by black defendants while powder was primarily sold by white defendants – all of that resulted in a gross racial disparity in sentencing and imprisonment.

You can read more of the background here

But the Fair Sentencing Act was not retroactive. That is, it did nothing for people already sentenced under the 100:1 ratio. As I recall, the compromise in the Senate that led to the FSA being passed was that it not be retroactive, a deal needed to get then-Sen. Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III (R-Alabama) aboard. While I find no contemporaneous reports saying as much, Sen. Sessions did kill the 2015 Sentencing Reform and Corrections Act because it sought to make FSA retroactive, and his opposition to the First Step Act is well recalled. So I’m probably right.

We never tire of recalling that Sen. Sessions is gone, gone, gone...
We never tire of recalling that Sen. Sessions is gone, gone, gone…

At any rate, Section 404 of the First Step Act finally made the FSA retroactive, and litigation about that section continues. Here are three very recent examples:

Case 1:  Over 10 years ago, Ralphfield Hudson was convicted of selling cocaine powder and crack. After First Step made the FSA retroactive, Ralphie sought a sentence reduction, which his district court denied after concluding that the First Step Act did not permit the court to reduce a sentence for either a non-covered offense that is grouped with a covered offense or a covered offense when the defendant’s Guidelines range was unaltered by the Fair Sentencing Act.

Ten days ago, the 7th Circuit reversed Ralph’s denial, holding that if a defendant’s aggregate sentence includes both covered and non-covered offenses, a district court may reduce the sentence for the non-covered offenses, and even if the FSA did not alter the Guidelines range for a defendant’s covered offense, the district court may reduce the sentence for uncovered offense.

Case 2:  Vincent Corner did his time on a crack case, but then violated his supervised release by using drugs. The judge gave him another 18 months and some more supervised release time after that.

While Vince was serving his supervised release violation, the First Step Act passed, and Vince applied for retroactive FSA credit on his underlying sentence. The district judge denied him, saying that “deciding whether Vince was eligible for relief under the First Step Act was unnecessary because the court would deny his request for a reduction even if he was.”

denied190109Last week, the 7th Circuit reversed. First Step contemplates a “full review” for retroactive FSA relief, the Circuit said. The requirement that a Sec. 404 motion get a “complete review” suggests “a baseline of process that includes an accurate comparison of the statutory penalties – and any resulting change to the sentencing parameters – as they existed during the original sentencing and as they presently exist… A resentencing predicated on erroneous or expired guideline calculation or a decision to decline resentencing without considering at all the guidelines, would seemingly run afoul of Congressional expectations.”

Case 3:  Chandar Snow was convicted in 1998 of the 21 USC 848(e)(1)(A) offense of murdering someone while engaged in a violation of 21 USC 841(a) and (b)(1)(A), in this case, a conspiracy to distribute 50 grams or more of crack. He got life in prison for the offense. After the Fair Sentencing Act was made retroactive, his underlying drug crime was no longer punishable as an 841(b)(1)(A) offense, because the conviction was not for 280 grams or more.

Chandar took a chance. He argued that under the FSA – made retroactive by § 404 of the First Step Act – meant he no could be guilty of an 848(e)(1)(A) killing offense. The district court turned him down, and refused to lift the life sentence. Last week, the 6th Circuit agreed.

Badlaw200804The question is whether Chandar’s 848(e)(1)(A) is a “covered offense” under Sec. 404. The provision says a “covered offense” is a violation of a Federal criminal statute, the statutory penalties for which were modified by the FSA. “Modified” means reduced by some degree, the 6th said. Here, the FSA did not reduce the sentencing range that applied to the conviction for murder while engaged in a conspiracy to distribute 50 grams of crack. Instead, after the FSA, “those elements no longer amount to an offense under § 848 at all and there is no applicable statutory sentencing range. The elimination of statutory penalties cannot be called a ‘modification’ of statutory penalties without putting great strain on the ordinary meaning of the word ‘modify’.”

Thus, Chandar’s 848(e)(1)(A) conviction could not be considered a “covered offense” under § 404, and he was not entitled to a sentence reduction.

Chandar thus came to understand that no court was going to find a way to release someone guilty of murder when it could find a technical reading of the statute to avoid that outcome. Hard cases do indeed make bad law.

United States v. Hudson, 2020 U.S. App. LEXIS 22887 (7th Cir. July 22, 2020)

United States v. Corner, 2020 U.S. App. LEXIS 23387 (7th Cir. July 24, 2020)

United States v. Snow, 2020 U.S. App. LEXIS 23929 (6th Cir. July 29, 2020)

– Thomas L. Root

Congress Lurching Toward Easing Compassionate, Elderly Offender Release? – Update for June 29, 2020

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

COVID-19 SPURS LAWMAKERS, CDC

corona200313Last week’s upsurge in COVID-19 cases nationally has begun to translate to an increase in Federal Bureau of Prisons inmates with coronavirus. A number that had dwindled last week to 1,256 by last Thursday shot back up to 1,429 as of last night. The inmate death count is 93, with COVID-19 present on 71 prison compounds throughout the BOP system (57% of all facilities).

As of yesterday, the BOP had tested 21,400 inmates, up about 12% from last week. The Bureau is still showing about 30% of inmates tested as positive for COVID-19, and it has only tested about now out of six inmates.

The noteworthy developments in COVID-19 last week, however, were not viral, but rather legislative and medical.

Legislative: Senators Richard Durbin (D-Illinois) and Charles Grassley (R-Iowa), principal authors of the First Step Act, last week jointly introduced S.4034, bipartisan legislation to reform the Elderly Offender Home Detention (EOHD) Program and compassionate release.

Sen. Charles Grassley (R-Iowa)
                  Sen. Charles Grassley (R-Iowa)

EOHD, authorized by First Step as part of 34 USC § 60541(g), permits the BOP to place prisoners who are 60 years old or older, convicted of non-violent offenses, and with good conduct in home detention for the remainder of their sentences. Compassionate release, expanded by First Step, permits a court to reduce a prisoner’s sentence for extraordinary and compelling reasons, pursuant to 18 USC § 3582(c)(1).

S.4034, dubbed the COVID-19 Safer Detention Act, would reform the EOHD and compassionate release by:

• Clarifying that the percentage of time an inmate needs to qualify for EOHD should calculated based on an inmate’s net sentence, including reductions for good time. Currently, the BOP charily calculates it as two-thirds of the total sentence, not two-thirds of the 85% of the sentence the inmate actually serves. This change has already passed the House by voice vote in HR 4018, which las been languishing in the Senate since last Christmas;

• Cutting the percentage of time an inmate must serve to qualify for  EOHD from two-thirds of the sentence to one-half;

• Making “old law” federal prisoners (those convicted prior to 1988) eligible for compassionate release;

• Making DC offenders housed in BOP facilities eligible for EOHD;

• Making denial of EOHD release subject to court review; and

• Providing that during the pandemic, COVID-19 vulnerability is deemed a basis for compassionate release, a statutory change that would prevent the government from trying to convince courts (and some have been convinced) that the pandemic is hardly extraordinary; and

• Shortening the period prisoners must wait for judicial review for elderly home detention and compassionate release from 30 to 10 days. Currently, there is no judicial review of a BOP denial of EOHD, and inmates must ask the BOP to file for compassionate release on their behalf, and wait 30 days for an answer before filing themselves.

Sen. Richard Durbin (D-Illinois)
Sen. Richard Durbin (D-Illinois)

It is unclear whether the bill will pass, but sponsorship by a Democrat and Republican increases its odds. Hamodia reported that the bill “will likely be attached it to another bill, such as a stimulus bill or the police-reform bill currently being crafted by Sen. Tim Scott (R-S.C.)”

Medical: The other COVID-19 major development last week was medical. Last Thursday, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in Atlanta released updated COVID-19 guidelines to adjust the ages and expand the health problems that could make people more likely to have severe complications. The move comes amid the rising number of younger patients and new studies that show the effects of certain conditions.

The new CDC guidelines are crucial for prisoners, because courts determine whether movants for compassionate release qualify according to whether the inmates have one or more of the CDC risk factors.

First, the CDC walked back the “65 and over” risk factor, which many judges have interpreted as being a hard number, denying any health-concern consideration for a 64-year old but treating a 66-year old prisoner as knocking on death’s door.

death200330Instead, CDC highlights that all ages could catch the coronavirus but effects of the infection may get worse as people get older. “There’s not an exact cutoff of age at which people should or should not be concerned,” Jay Butler, the CDC’s deputy director of infectious diseases, said in a news briefing.

Of more relevance to prisoners, the CDC has found that risks associated with obesity start at a much lower level. The CDC had held that only the morbidly obese (body mass index of 42+) were at risk. Now, the CDC says anyone with a BMI of 30 or more is at risk.

Under the old standard, a 50-year old 6-foot tall man would have to weigh 310 lbs. to be at risk. Now, the same guy only has to tip the scales at 225 lbs. to exceed a 30 BMI.

Other conditions CDC identified as elevating COVID-19 risk included chronic kidney disease, COPD, weaker immune system due to organ transplant, heart conditions, sickle cell disease, type 1 and 2 diabetes, asthma, dementia, cerebrovascular diseases, cystic fibrosis, high blood pressure, liver disease, pulmonary fibrosis, and an inherited blood disorder known as thalassemia. The CDC also added pregnancy to the list.

A number of inmates have been denied compassionate release because judges decided their risk factors – such as hypertension and dementia – did not match the risk factors on the prior CDC list. There is no statutory limitation to the number of times an inmate may file for compassionate release (other than the judge’s ire, perhaps), meaning that the changing COVID-19 risk landscape offers prisoners a new shot at release.

COVID-19 Tracker: The Marshall Project is running a state-by-state COVID-19 prison tracker website, which includes “Federal” as a category. The site charts total cases, inmates and staff currently sick, deaths, and new cases by date.

S.4034, COVID-19 Safer Detention Act (introduced June 22, 2020)

Hamodia, New Senate Legislation Expands Early Release (June 23)

CDC, People of Any Age with Underlying Medical Conditions (June 25, 2020)

Medical Daily, CDC Updates Guidelines On Coronavirus Risk Factors (June 26)

The Marshall Project, A State-by-State Look at Coronavirus in Prisons (June 25)

– Thomas L. Root

Obligatory “There’s Hope for 2020” Post – Update for January 2, 2020

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

A CHANGE IN ATTITUDES – AND RHETORIC – ABOUT INCARCERATION?

annus200102Every Journalism 101 course teaches collegians who aspire to be reporters and editors that it is as obligatory to start a calendar year with a “look-ahead” story as it is to end the year with an “annus horribilis” review. Sure, a lot of writers look ahead and see only doom and gloom – after all, good news doesn’t sell newspapers (really, nothing sells newspapers anymore). But back in the day, we wrote about the next 12 months with optimism and good cheer.

I very cautiously tread into those waters today. This nation has tried to solve the crime problem by locking up the perpetrators for horrific lengths, not because research suggested that draconian sentences solved the problem but rather because such sentences made the voters feel good and secured re-election for the politicians. Seriously, when was the last time a politician lost an election by being too tough on crime?

Until now. That “lock-em-up” attitude has clearly changed in the last few years, evidence of which is Sen. Kamala Harris (D-California) quitting her presidential campaign because, among other reasons, she could not defend her record as a too-tough prosecutor.

The Hill, a publication that circulates largely among Washington DC policymakers, said last week, “After decades of failed policies and devastating consequences, Americans on both ends of the political spectrum strongly agree about the need for bold action to reform the nation’s drug and criminal justice policies.” A recent poll found that most Americans believe drug addiction should be treated more as a health problem than a criminal problem, and there is strong support for expanding programs that send people arrested for drug use to treatment instead of prison.

usaincarceration200102Americans are also starting to recognize that only by helping formerly incarcerated people and others with criminal records be more successful in their reentry will we ensure they are able to access the employment, education, housing and public benefits necessary to become contributing members of their communities.

“We have come a long way since… the “tough-on-crime” approach of the 1980s and 1990s that did little to improve safety but much to foment mistrust and misunderstanding between law enforcement and communities,” Koch Industries general counsel Mark Holden and former federal inmate Alice Johnson wrote last week in a Fox News commentary. “The good news is that, as we have seen in the last few years, momentum for action has accelerated.  The pursuit of criminal justice reform has done what some might have thought unthinkable in this bitter political environment.”

Several 2020 Democratic candidates are beginning to wrestle publicly with the question of what to do about violent offenders amid a party-wide progressive swing on criminal justice policy.

Advocates point to growing research that indicates most people “age out” of violent crime after their 20s and 30s, and to the fact that many states classify as violent some drug crimes and other offenses most Americans do not consider violent.

What to do about violent offenders is becoming part of the discussion, although still a small part. Sen. Harris, before dropping out of the race, said her administration would study “how best to hold individuals convicted of violent offenses accountable.” Her proposals noted that long sentences are not proven to be particularly effective.

massincarceration200102

The ACLU’s smart justice campaign asked candidates whether they would commit to working towards a 50% reduction in incarceration, and almost all have agreed to the target number. “We can do it more than that,” former Vice President Joe Biden said last summer. Doing so, as a simple matter of mathematics, would involve releasing people convicted of violent crimes.

I believe the consensus will lead to further legislation after the 2020 election that will probably make some of the changes in the First Step Act – such as changes in statutory maximums for drug offenses and 924(c) stacking – retroactive. Unfortunately, despite a bipartisan consensus, nothing is likely to get done in 2020, with the toxicity of an impeachment and the drama of a presidential campaign. Perhaps in 2021…

Give me two years on this prognostication, then circle back and tell me I was wrong.

The Hill, Candidates take note: Strong bipartisan consensus on criminal justice reform (Dec. 23, 2019)

The Marshall Project, Can We Fix Mass Incarceration Without Including Violent Offenders? (Dec. 12, 2019)

Fox News, Johnson and Holden: First Step Act working – now here are the next steps in criminal justice reform (Dec. 22)

– Thomas L. Root

Unjust Sentence is an “Extraordinary and Compelling” Reason for Sentence Reduction, District Court Says – Update for November 18, 2019

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

DISTRICT COURT GRANTS SENTENCE REDUCTION BECAUSE OF “INJUSTICE” OF ORIGINAL SENTENCE

Since the First Step Act passed 11 months ago, a number of observers (me included) have predicted that changes in the 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A)(i) sentence reduction procedures that let a defendant petition the district court directly if the Bureau of Prisons failed to do so could be the most consequential provision in the new law.

Sentencestack170404Last week, a district court in Nebraska granted a sentence reduction filed by a defendant whose whopping 895-month sentence for drug trafficking and three stacked 18 USC § 924(c) counts. As you recall,  § 924(c) conviction adds a consecutive sentence of at least five years for using or carrying a gun during a drug or violent crime, increasing to a minimum 25 years for a subsequent offense. Due to poor draftsmanship, the statute has been applied so that if a defendant sold pot while carrying a gun on Monday, did it again on Tuesday and again on Wednesday, and then was caught, he or she would face maybe 41 months or so for the pot sales, but a mandatory additional time of five year, 25 years and 25 years, for a whopping 58 years plus in prison. The First Step Act clarified the statute, so that the 25 year subsequent 924(c) offense had to be committed after conviction for a prior offense.

However, to appease the Sen. Tom Cottons (R-Arkansas) of the world, the First Step change was not retroactive. That left a lot of people stranded with unconscionable sentences. People like Jerry Urkevich.

The government opposed Jerry’s sentence reduction motion, arguing that just because he could not have gotten more than 368 months after First Step passed does not make his sentence reduction motion argument “extraordinary and compelling” (as required by the statute). Furthermore, the government argued, even if the defendant’s sentence were cut, he would still have about half of it to serve, making his motion “premature.”

extraordinary191118The court rejected the government’s arguments, noting that the list of “extraordinary and compelling reasons” in Guideline 1B1.13 Note 1 that justify a sentence reduction is not exclusive. Instead, there is a catch-all provision providing that there can be an “extraordinary and compelling reason” other than medical, age or family. That, the judge said, allows a court to consider § 3553(a) factors, as well as criteria in the Sentencing Commission’s policy statement.

Although the Sentencing Commission has not amended 1B1.13 since First Step passed, the court said it “infers that the Commission would apply the same criteria, including the catch-all provision… and that this Court may use Application Note 1(D) as a basis for finding extraordinary and compelling reasons to reduce a sentence.” Here, the court said, a reduction in sentence was warranted by “the injustice of facing a term of incarceration forty years longer than Congress now deems warranted for the crimes committed.”

The court also rejected the government’s strange and unsupported argument that a sentence reduction cannot be granted unless it results in immediate release. “If this Court reduces the defendant’s sentences on [two 924(c) counts] to 60 months each, consecutive,” the judge wrote, “he will not be eligible for immediate release. His sentence would total 368 months, and he would have served somewhat more than half that sentence. Nonetheless, the Court does not consider the Motion premature. A reduction in the sentence at this juncture will help the defendant and the Bureau of Prisons plan for his ultimate release from custody and may assist him in his pending efforts to seek clemency from the Executive Branch.”

In his Sentencing Law and Policy blog, Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman wrote, “I have made much of a key provision of the First Step Act which now allows federal courts to directly reduce sentences under the (so-called compassionate release) statutory provisions of 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A) without awaiting a motion by the Bureau of Prisons. I see this provision as such a big deal because I think, if applied appropriately and robustly, this provision could and should enable many hundreds, and perhaps many thousands, of federal prisoners to have excessive prison sentences reduced.)”

While not precisely a matter of § 3582(c) sentence reduction, the Washington Post reported last week that hundreds of relatives of murder victims, current and former law enforcement officials and former judges have signed letters urging the Trump administration to call off plans to resume federal executions next month.

death170602The letters, signed by current and former officials across the justice system as well as 175 relatives of murder victims, plead with President Trump and Attorney General William P. Barr to stop the executions, which Barr announced last summer that the Trump administration would resume on Dec. 9. The Justice Dept. said five executions were scheduled in the next two months and that more would follow.

Victims’ relatives — the largest single group to sign the letters — denounced the death penalty process as wasteful and something that only extends their grieving. “We want a justice system that holds people who commit violence accountable, reduces crime, provides healing, and is responsive to the needs of survivors,” they write. “On all these measures, the death penalty fails.”

United States v. Urkevich, 2019 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 197408 (D.Neb. Nov. 14, 2019)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Another District Court finds statutory sentence reform among “extraordinary and compelling reasons” for reducing sentence by 40 years under 18 U.S.C. § 3582(c)(1)(A) (Nov. 16)

Washington Post, Hundreds of victims’ relatives, ex-officials ask Trump administration to halt federal executions (Nov. 12)

– Thomas L. Root

Dept. of Low Expectations – Update for October 8, 2019

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

ONE BILL GETS REPORTED FROM ONE COMMITTEE, AND EVERYONE THINKS HE’S GOING HOME

release191008A few readers complained last week that I had not reported the House Judiciary Committee’s vote that sent H.R. 4018 to the House floor. H.R. 4018 is a bill that would modify the Elderly Offender Home Detention Program (34 USC § 60541(g)(5)) to let those over-60 year old prisoners qualify for home detention after doing two-thirds of their net sentence rather than their gross sentence.

Currently, to qualify for the First Step Act’s expanded EOHD program, you must be 60 years old and have served two-thirds of your whole sentence. In other words, if you were sentenced to 100 months, you have to serve 67 months before you go home on home detention, and then you stay in detention until you reach 85 months, when you are released.

H.R. 4018, a single-sponsor bill, would qualify a 60-year old prisoner after he or she did two thirds of the net sentence. If you were sentenced to 100 months, you get out after 85 months with good time. H.R. 4018 would put you in the EOHD with two thirds of 85 months. Thus, you would go home after 57 months, and stay on home detention until 85 months.

longodds191008The House Judiciary Committee reported the bill favorably on Sept. 10 by a 28-8 vote. Nevertheless, Skopos Labs – which tracks federal legislation – gives the bill a 3% chance of becoming law. The legislation, with only 10 House co-sponsors, had little chance of being brought up for a Senate vote even before the impeachment talk ramped up. Recall how the First Step Act, with the House passing a very pro-prisoner version, barely made it to the Senate floor. That bill, with over 40 Senate co-sponsors and President Trump lobbying for passage, finally passed as a well watered-down measure in the closing hours of the Senate.

I did not mention H.R. 4018 for the same reason I did not mention the proposed Prohibiting Punishment of Acquitted Conduct Act of 2019, introduced Sept. 26 by Senators Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) and Dick Durbin (D-Illinois). The bill would prohibit federal courts from considering acquitted conduct at sentencing, defining ‘acquitted conduct’ to include “acts for which a person was criminally charged and adjudicated not guilty after trial in a Federal, State, Tribal, or Juvenile court, or acts underlying a criminal charge or juvenile information dismissed upon a motion for acquittal.”

Grassley, who is Senate president pro tempore, said, “If any American is acquitted of charges by a jury of their peers, then some sentencing judge shouldn’t be able to find them guilty anyway and add to their punishment.” Currently, the Guidelines are written to run up the sentence with acquitted conduct, and judges do it all the time.

mcconnell180219This bill, S.2566, already has five co-sponsors, two Democrats and three Republicans. Grassley has a lot of horsepower in the Senate leadership. Yet, like H.R. 4018, it has no more than a ghost of a chance of passage. Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Kentucky), controls what bills reach the Senate floor for a vote. He has been an opponent of any prison reform, and only brought First Step to a vote because of White House pressure. Now, with President Trump soured on criminal justice legislation and preoccupied with re-election and impeachment, there won’t be any White House support for bringing any criminal justice measure to a Senate vote.

Stories like this don’t help: Last Friday, the Providence, Rhode Island, Journal reported that Joel Francisco, released from a life sentence for crack because of the First Step Act, is wanted for stabbing a man to death in a hookah bar. Remember Wendell Callahan? The Sen. Tom Cottons (R-Arkansas) of the world are always gleeful to have a poster child against sentencing reform like this fall into their laps.

H.R.4018 – To provide that the amount of time that an elderly offender must serve before being eligible for placement in home detention is to be reduced by the amount of good time credits earned by the prisoner (reported favorably by House Judiciary Committee, Sept. 10)

S. 2566: A bill to amend section 3661 of title 18, United States Code, to prohibit the consideration of acquitted conduct at sentencing (Introduced Sept. 26)

Providence, Rhode Island, Journal, He was released early from prison in February. Now he’s wanted for a murder on Federal Hill (Oct. 4)

– Thomas L. Root

Trump’s Not Feeling the Love from First Step Act – Update for October 3, 2019

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

TRUMP SOUR ON CRIMINAL JUSTICE REFORM

When President Trump started planning his reelection last spring, White House senior adviser Jared Kushner told his father-in-law he should highlight last year’s passage of the First Step Act. Kushner reiterated the positive selling points of that bill, but Trump wasn’t interested. He complained and told Kushner he didn’t think his core voters would care much about a bipartisan deal.

angrytrump191003Trump “is telling people he’s mad” at how criminal justice reform has panned out, according to a person close to the president. “He’s saying that he’s furious at Jared because Jared is telling him he’s going to get all these votes of all these felons.”

Politico reported that unidentified White House officials congressional aides and friends of the president, say that Trump no longer sees criminal justice reform as a résumé booster heading into 2020.

Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman said in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog last Tuesday that Trump’s change of heart “portends some dark clouds for federal criminal justice reform efforts in the months and perhaps years ahead.” But one White House official said, “It would be difficult to say it’s a change of heart. I don’t think his heart was ever really in it.”

Politico, Trump snubs Jared Kushner’s signature accomplishment (Sept. 24)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Prez Trump has reportedly soured on politics of criminal justice reform after FIRST STEP Act achievement (Sept 24)

– Thomas L. Root

Sisyphus Had Nothing on Us – Update for September 24, 2019

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

NOTHING HAPPENS FAST – PART 1

sisyphus190924Remember that Greek guy who kept rolling the rock up the hill, only to have it roll back down, and then he’d have to do it again? Yeah, that Sisyphus character… Legal combat with the Bureau of Prisons over the agency’s glacial pace in updating sentences to add the additional 7 days-a-year good time credit is something like that.

Last December, the First Step Act amended the wording of 18 USC 3624(b)(1) to correct a Congressional oversight. Congress had always intended that federal inmates get 54 days per year good-conduct credit, but it had written the statute so badly that the BOP was able to interpret 54 days to really mean 47 days. No fooling. The First Step Act was to fix that.

onecar190924But trust Congress to screw up a one-car parade… even the “fix” was messed up. Congress meant that inmates would immediately retroactively receive seven extra days for every year they had served in their sentences, the be only 47. But the statute was unclear, and the BOP took the position that the extra seven days would only be effective on July 19th (180 days after the statute passed).

Even that hasn’t worked. Since July 19th, I have been bombarded with emails from inmates that the BOP has yet to correct their sentences to add the extra seven days per year. The BOP complains that the process is labor-intensive, and it’s moving as fast as it can.

Attempts to address the problem judicially has thus far come to naught. Case in point: Tim Greene, doing a long sentence for bank robbery, was due to be released August 9th. But with the additional 7 days a year, his release date would be moved back to March 29. He filed a habeas corpus petition in the Northern District of Texas last February, arguing that he was due the extra good time right away, and should be released at the end of March.

The District Court dismissed the petition as premature, because July 19th had not yet come around, and Tim appealed. By now, it was early June. He filed his brief, a motion for expedited consideration, and a request for conditional release. But nothing happened fast. The government filed its brief a month later, and Tim replied on July 18. The next day, the BOP kicked him out the door, which is exactly what would have happened had Tim done nothing.

nothing190924Last week, the 5th Circuit finally ruled. It held the BOP was right that the extra goodtime only became effective on July 19, making Tim’s petition premature. Because Tim got out July 19, the requests for expedited consideration and conditional release were dismissed as moot.

There are undoubtedly habeas cases in the pipeline over the BOP’s failure to update release dates by applying the extra goodtime, a failure that messes with release plans and halfway house/home confinement placement. But as Tim’s case – which took seven months start to finish – shows, nothing happens fast.

Greene v. Underwood, 2019 U.S. App. LEXIS 28512 (5th Cir. Sept. 20, 2019)

– Thomas L. Root

5th Circuit Restricts Fair Sentencing Act Reductions – Update for August 12, 2019

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

5TH CIRCUIT DECISION SHARPLY LIMITS FAIR SENTENCING ACT RESENTENCINGS

Guidelines red text and magnify glassAn arcane but very important question raised by the retroactive sentencing of people with pre-Fair Sentencing Act crack cases has been whether it is an entirely new sentence being imposed – called a plenary resentencing – or just a limited resentencing that cannot consider anything other than a lower Guidelines score.

This is critical, because for a lot of people falling under Sec. 404 of the First Step Act, which authorizes retroactive resentencing under the Fair Sentencing Act of 2010, were sentenced back in the bad old days before Alleyne protected against mandatory minimums being applied by the judge acting without a jury, and even before Booker, when the Sentencing lines were mandatory. A full resentencing would let people get resentenced with full constitutional protections. A limited resentencing would require the judge to apply many of the processes and rules that have since been held to violate a defendant’s rights.

Most district courts have conducted full resentencings, but as I warned a few months ago, some were pretending that the FSA resentencings were nothing different from 3582(c)(2) Guidelines sentence reductions. Last week, the 5th Circuit became the first appeals court to address the issue, and the results were not pretty.

The Circuit concluded that “the First Step Act does not allow plenary resentencing…” It ruled that the plain text of Sec. 404 only “grants a district judge limited authority to consider reducing a sentence previously imposed. The calculations that had earlier been made under the Sentencing Guidelines are adjusted ‘as if’ the lower drug offense sentences were in effect at the time of the commission of the offense. That is the only explicit basis stated for a change in the sentencing.”

Comparativecrack190425The 5th said the limits in Sec. 404 “make the First Step Act similar to Section 3582(c), which opens the door only slightly for modification of previously imposed sentences for certain specified reasons, including the lowering by the Sentencing Commission of the sentencing range that was in effect for the defendant at the time of initial sentencing.” Relying on the 2010 Dillon v. United States  Supreme Court case, the Circuit concluded “Congress intended to authorize only a limited adjustment to an otherwise final sentence and not a plenary resentencing proceeding… The district court decides on a new sentence by placing itself in the time frame of the original sentencing, altering the relevant legal landscape only by the changes mandated by the 2010 Fair Sentencing Act. The district court’s action is better understood as imposing, not modifying, a sentence, because the sentencing is being conducted as if all the conditions for the original sentencing were again in place with the one exception. The new sentence conceptually substitutes for the original sentence, as opposed to modifying that sentence.”

Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman said Saturday in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog that “as a matter of sound policy and practice, I think it makes more sense to approach these cases as full resentencings with all subsequent changes in both applicable sentencing laws and relevant sentencing facts available for, and integral to, the judge’s resentencing decision. Otherwise, as seems to be the case in Hegwood, a defendant already subject to the undue harshness of the old 100-1 crack mandatory minimums is still forced to endure the undue harshness of other problems with the guidelines that have been fixed since his original sentencing.”

The best we can hope for is that other circuits will split in the other direction, setting this issue up for Supreme Court review.

United States v. Hegwood, Case No. 19-40117 (5th Cir. Aug. 8, 2019)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Fifth Circuit articulates limiting account of FIRST STEP Act crack resentencing (Aug. 9, 2019)

– Thomas L. Root

DOJ Just Trying to be Fair – Update for July 30, 2019

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

SOME AUSAS ARGUING AGAINST FSA RETROACTIVE SENTENCES

Inmates filing for retroactive application of the Fair Sentencing Act to crack sentences imposed before August 2010 have run into a confusing morass of judicial interpretations and U.S. Attorney’s Office positions.

A substantial number (1,610, according to the Dept. of Justice a week ago) have received sentencing reductions. A number of others in a few districts are sitting in limbo, on file for months without action. Still others are like Monae Davis, who walked out of prison March 7 because of the retroactive Fair Sentencing Act (included as Section 403 of the First Step Act) . But as Monae looks for work and re-connects with his family, prosecutors are working to undo the resentencing that shaved six years off his 20-year prison sentence, because the government says the amount of drugs they handled was too large to qualify for a reduced sentence.

smails190730Monae pled guilty to selling 50 grams or more of crack, resulting in his 20-year sentence. Under the retro FSA, that carries a minimum sentence of five years, less than half the time he has already served. But prosecutors say Monae should not get a break, because in his plea deal he admitted to handling between 1.5 kilograms and 4.5 kilograms. That’s too high, even under current law and guidelines, to qualify for a sentence reduction.

DOJ told Reuters last week that it is just trying to ensure that prisoners seeking relief under the First Step Act aren’t treated more leniently than defendants now facing prosecution. DOJ said prosecutors now have a greater incentive than previously to bring charges that more closely reflect the total amount of drugs they believe to be involved. “This is a fairness issue,” a DOJ spokesman said.

Speaking of fairness, Attorney General William Barr announced last Thursday that the BOP would resume executions of inmates sentenced to death in December, with five lethal injections scheduled through the end of January 2020. “The Justice Department upholds the rule of law — and we owe it to the victims and their families to carry forward the sentence imposed by our justice system,” Barr said in a statement.

Reuters, As new U.S. law frees inmates, prosecutors seek to lock some back up (July 23)

Washington Post, Justice Department plans to restart capital punishment after long hiatus (July 25)

9TH CIRCUIT HOLDS THAT ELUDING IMMIGRATION ONLY HAPPENS AT PORTS OF ENTRY

Oracio Corrales-Vazquez, a Mexican citizen, walked into the US over the mountains east of Tecate, California. He only made it about four miles into U.S. territory when Customs and Border Patrol picked him up. Oracio was charged with eluding examination or inspection by immigration officers” in violation of 8 USC § 1325(a)(2).

immigrant190730Last week, a 9th Circuit panel reversed his conviction, holding that an alien who crosses into the country at a non-designated time or place is not guilty of a § 1325(a)(2) offense. Rather, to convict a defendant under § 1325(a)(2), the government must prove that the alien’s criminal conduct occurred at a time and place designated for “examination or inspection by immigration officers,” that is, at a port of entry open for inspection.

United States v. Corrales-Vazquez, 2019 U.S. App. LEXIS 22063 (9th Cir. July 24, 2019)

– Thomas L. Root

First Step Passes Senate Without Cotton’s Killer Amendment – Update for December 19, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

SENATE SHOOTS DOWN COTTON, ADOPTS CRUZ AMENDMENT, PASSES FIRST STEP

The First Step Act, now renamed the Criminal Justice Reform Act, S.756, passed the Senate last night by a vote of 87 – 12, making adoption of federal criminal justice reform virtually a done deal.

firststep1800509A different version passed the House (H.R.5682) earlier this year, so all that remains is to have the House either pass the Senate version, or hold a quick conference committee to work out a compromise before the bill comes to President Trump for a signature. House Speaker Paul Ryan (R-Wisconsin) previously promised quick action on anything the Senate sent over on First Step.

Before passing the measure, the Senate shot down the “poison pill” amendment offered by Sens. Tom Cotton (R-Arkansas) and John Kennedy (R-Louisiana). That amendment would have disqualified anyone with a crime of violence (applying the very restrictive 18 USC 924(c) definition, which is of dubious constitutionality when applied in this setting) from using program credits for early release, required victim notification whenever anyone got early release, and required DOJ to track rearrests of people who got early release. The Senate broke the amendment into three pieces, all of which were defeated by close to 2-1 votes.

As well, the Senate rejected efforts by Sen. Cory Gardner (R-Colorado) to add legalization of marijuana to the measure.

cotton181219At the same time, the Senate adopted two amendments, one from Sen. James Lankford (R-Oklahoma), which permits faith-based groups participate in providing the recidivism-reducing programs envisioned by the bill, and another by Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas), which added a few specific offenses to the list of offenses excluded from early release  and stripped judges of the right to make people with more than four Guidelines criminal history points eligible for the “safety valve” under 18 USC 3553(f).

The Cotton-Kennedy amendment only needed a majority to pass, but none of the three sections even came close.

Trump last night issued a statement hailing the passage of the bill. “America is the greatest Country in the world and my job is to fight for ALL citizens, even those who have made mistakes,” Trump tweeted moments after the Senate vote. “This will keep our communities safer, and provide hope and a second chance, to those who earn it. In addition to everything else, billions of dollars will be saved. I look forward to signing this into law!”

New York Times, Senate Passes Bipartisan Criminal Justice Bill (Dec. 19)

Fox News, Senate passes criminal justice reform bill, sends to House (Dec. 18)

– Thomas L. Root