Tag Archives: compassionate release

Who Ya Gonna Believe, Science or the US Attorney? – Update for April 15, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

COVID IS LOVELIER, THE SECOND TIME AROUND…

ipsedix210415The value of government blandishments has dropped substantially over the past few days, as prior assurances about the safety of the Johnson & Johnson vaccine morphed into a “pause” because some recipients were in the ICU with clotting blood. As one inmate, who watched a third of his unit get the J&J shot the day before the “pause,” told me, “I think this is the nail in the coffin for J&J, not many inmates will take it anymore here from the sound of it.”

I’m not judging J&J, which may or may not have triggered a severe reaction in two out of a million users. But the government’s willingness to speak with authority when it has no basis for the assertion is not an uncommon phenomenon. Take the U.S. Attorney in any of the 94-odd federal districts making up this great nation.

More than one federal prisoner who has already had COVID (and there are a lot of them) has moved for 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A)(i) compassionate release. In many cases, prisoners have filed for compassionate release and then gotten COVID while waiting for the judge to act.  For inmates whose compassionate release motions were not decided at the time they got sick, the government likes to argue that they are immune, or at least that if they get it again, their case would be no worse than the first time around.

ipsed210415Last week, a district court rejected the government’s evidence-free ipse dixit (a gift to posterity from Marcus Tullius Cicero which means, essentially, that “it’s so because I said it’s so”), and accepted an inmate’s expert opinion to the contrary.

Justin Groat filed for compassionate release. He had already had COVID-19, but he had a laundry list of comorbidities that could have made things worse, and would not help matters if he caught it again. The government argued he was immune, and he would be fine (without, of course, citing any basis for its claim, a classic ipse dixit.

But Justin responded that a number of district court decisions had held  a previous positive Covid-19 diagnosis does not block grant of a compassionate release motion  “if compelling and extraordinary reasons justify a reduced sentence.” He also a medical school professor’s opinion that “immunity seems to last approximately 90 days and that ‘reinfection with Covid-19 has been documented, with some individuals presenting with more severe disease than the first infection.”

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The district court granted compassionate release, finding Justin’s evidence “persuasive” that COVID immunity only lasted about 90 days. “The Government has only offered the opinion of its counsel that Mr. Groat’s prior infection suggested he was safe as “amount[ing] to nothing more than impermissible ipse dixit… Because Mr. Groat is currently unvaccinated, exposed to many other inmates who are similarly unvaccinated, being guarded by substantial percentage of staff who (according to defense counsel) have also not been vaccinated, and because it is likely that he is capable of being reinfected, the court finds that Mr. Groat is at risk of being infected with Covid-19.”

Incidentally, over half of the BOP’s workforce has refused vaccination.

United States v. Groat, Case No 2:17cr104, 2021 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 65194 (D.Utah Apr 2, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Groundswell for Judicial Discretion in Compassionate Release Cases – Update for April 13, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

TWO MORE CIRCUITS REJECT GUIDELINES § 1B1.13 AS GOVERNING COMPASSIONATE RELEASE

stampede210413Since United States v. Brooker last fall, four other circuits had held that USSG § 1B1.13, the Guidelines policy statement that severely restricts qualification for 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A)(i) compassionate release, did not apply to motions brought by inmates.

Last week, the 5th and 9th Circuits joined the stampede, bringing the total to seven.

The Guideline, among other terms, requires movants to show that they will not be a danger to the community or others (applying the standards of 18 USC § 3142(g), the statute governing pretrial release), and limits compassionate release for inmate medical conditions, sick partners, unparented kids. Other reasons may be used as well, but only those approved by the BOP.

It is hard to overstate the importance of the tsunami of holdings invalidating the use of §1B1.13 in compassionate release cases. District courts have cited § 1B1.13 in over 7,200 decisions in the last year. The government continues to argue in pleading that courts should reject compassionate release motions as inconsistent with  § 1B1.13, even where the circuit has held otherwise. Just last week, I read a compassionate release response in which the government reluctantly acknowledged – almost as an afterthought – that the Circuit had held that nothing “in the now-outdated version of Guideline § 1B1.13 limits the court’s discretion,” but only after a full page of arguing the court should apply it anyway.

Francesk Shkambi’s compassionate release was thrown out by a district court for lack of jurisdiction, because Frank didn’t fit into any of the four grounds listed in § 1B1.13. But last week, the 5th Circuit reversed, finding § 1B1.13 inapplicable:

§ 1B1.13 says it only applies to ‘motion[s] of the Director of the Bureau of Prisons’. That makes sense because in 2006 (when the Sentencing Commission issued the policy statement) and in November of 2018 (when the Commission last amended it), the BOP had exclusive authority to move for a sentence reduction. When Congress enacted the First Step Act in December of 2018, it gave prisoners authority to file their own motions for compassionate release; but it did not strip the BOP of authority to continue filing such motions on behalf of its inmates. So the policy statement continues to govern where it says it governs — on the ‘motion of the Director of the Bureau of Prisons.’ But it does not govern here — on the newly authorized motion of a prisoner… Just as the district court cannot rely on a money-laundering guideline in a murder case, it cannot rely on the BOP-specific policy statement when considering a non-BOP § 3582 motion.

compassion160208Meanwhile, in California, a district court denied Pat Aruda’s compassionate release motion because it was inconsistent with § 1B1.13. Last week, the 9th Circuit reversed.

We agree with the persuasive decisions of our sister circuits and also hold that the current version of USSG § 1B1.13 is not an ‘applicable policy statement’ for 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A) motions filed by a defendant,” the Circuit wrote. “In other words, the Sentencing Commission has not yet issued a policy statement “applicable” to § 3582(c)(1)(A) motions filed by a defendant. The Sentencing Commission’s statements in USSG § 1B1.13 may inform a district court’s discretion for § 3582(c)(1)(A) motions filed by a defendant, but they are not binding.

So far, the 2nd, 4th, 5th, 6th, 7th, 9th and 10th have ruled that § 1B1.13 does not control inmate-filed compassionate release motions. No circuit has held otherwise.

United States v. Shkambi, Case No 20-40543, 2021 US App. LEXIS 10053 (5th Cir. Apr 7, 2021)

United States v. Aruda, Case No 20-10245, 2021 US App. LEXIS 10119 (9th Cir. Apr 8, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

10th Circuit Greenlights Compassionate Release for Over-Long Sentences – Update for April 5, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

PEELING THE COMPASSIONATE RELEASE ONION

peelingOnion210405A trio of appellate decisions last week – two from the 10th and one from the 4th – continue to peel away the uncertainty from the scope of 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A)(i) sentence reduction and the factors relevant to whether a reduction will be granted or denied.

You recall that 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A)(i) permits the district court that sentenced a defendant to reduce the sentence at any time if the defendant can show “extraordinary and compelling” reasons for doing so, if the reduction is consistent with Sentencing Commission policy statements, and if the reduction is not too much of an affront to the factors listed in 18 USC § 3553(a) that a court is to consider at sentencing.

First, the 10th Circuit joined the 4th in holding that district courts are entitled to broadly interpret “extraordinary and compelling” reasons for granting compassionate release. In two decisions, the 10th reversed district court holdings that the fact Congress had not made First Step Act drug and § 924(c) sentencing changes retroactive does not mean that those changes cannot figure in a compassionate release motion.

Malcom McGee was sentenced to mandatory life back in 2000 for a drug trafficking offense, the stratospheric minimum sentence because he had prior state convictions for drug use and sale. Section 401 of the First Step Act cut the mandatory life minimum in 21 USC § 841(b)(1)(A) to 25 years, but Congress decided against making the change retroactive (a sop Senate Majority Mitch McConnell (R-Kentucky) threw Sens Ted Cruz (R-Texas), Tom Cotton (R-Klingon Empire) and their fellow troglodytes who thought there was nothing wrong with forcing someone sentenced on December 20, 2018, to get life while someone being sentenced two days later to get 25 years).

klingons210405Because First Step did not make the mandatory minimum change retroactive, Malcom found himself in the middle: Congress didn’t cut him a break, and the district court said it could not use compassionate release to grant him a sentence reduction because of Congress’s refusal to apply retroactivity.

The 10th Circuit disagreed:

“The plain text of § 401(c) of the First Step Act makes clear that Congress chose not to afford relief to all defendants who, prior to the First Step Act, were sentenced to mandatory life imprisonment under § 841(b)(1)(A). But nothing in § 401(c) or any other part of the First Step Act indicates that Congress intended to prohibit district courts, on an individualized, case-by-case basis, from granting sentence reductions under § 3582(c)(1)(A)(i) to some of those defendants…The possibility of a district court finding the existence of “extraordinary and compelling reasons” based, in part, on a defendant’s pre-First Step Act mandatory life sentence under § 841(b)(1)(A) does not, in our view, necessarily usurp Congressional power.”

Two days later, the 10th Circuit shut down government arguments in another compassionate release case. Kepa Maumau was convicted of three stacked § 924(c) convictions, receiving a 55-year sentence. The district court granted him compassionate release based on the First Step Act’s change of § 924(c) which was to not impose the 25-year sentence for a subsequent § 924(c) conviction unless the defendant had already been convicted of a prior one. The court also considered Kepa’s youth at the time he committed the crimes and his rehabilitation in prison.

But Kepa stayed in prison because the government appealed, arguing that the U.S. Sentencing Commission alone, not the courts, has power to determine what constitutes an extraordinary and compelling reason for compassionate release. What’s more, the government complained, a district court has no authority to grant compassionate release based on its disagreement with the length of a mandatory sentence.

Sentencestack170404The Circuit bluntly rejected these arguments, holding that the government’s “underlying premise is incorrect. Nothing in the district court’s decision indicates that the district court granted relief to Maumau based upon its general disagreement with the mandatory sentences that are required to be imposed in connection with § 924(c) convictions. Nor was the district court’s decision based solely upon its disagreement with the length of Maumau’s sentence in particular. Rather, the district court’s decision indicates that its finding of “extraordinary and compelling reasons” was based on its individualized review of all the circumstances of Maumau’s case and its conclusion “that a combination of factors” warranted relief, including: “Maumau’s young age at the time of” sentencing; the “incredible” length of his stacked mandatory sentences under § 924(c); the First Step Act’s elimination of sentence-stacking under § 924(c); and the fact that Maumau, “if sentenced today… would not be subject to such a long term of imprisonment.”

Kepa went home last Friday.

Finally, the 4th Circuit handed Ryan Kibble a loss, but in an opinion interesting for its concurring opinion discussing § 3553 factors. Ryan was locked up at FCI Elkton, a notorious BOP COVID-19 hotbed, for 87 months after a conviction for soliciting sex from a female cop (whom Ryan thought was a 14-year old girl).

One of the sentencing factors set out in § 3553(a) is that the sentence be “just punishment” for the offense. District courts have grappled with § 3582(c)(1)(A)’s directive that they “consider[]” the § 3553(a) factors, and more than one has said it already applied the factors at sentencing, and it would stand on its previous position.

lockdowncovid210405But “[s]ection 3582(c)(1) necessarily envisions that the § 3553(a) factors may balance differently upon a motion for compassionate release than they did at the initial sentencing,” Chief Judge Roger Gregory wrote in his concurrence. “An individual requesting compassionate release will, in all cases, be serving a sentence that a district court once held was ‘sufficient but not greater than necessary’. If a district court’s original § 3553(a) analysis could always prove that a sentence reduction would intolerably undermine the 3553(a) factors, then 18 U.S.C. § 3582(c)(1) would, in effect, be a nullity. There is good reason to believe that, in some cases, a sentence that was “sufficient but not greater than necessary” before the coronavirus pandemic may no longer meet that criteria. A day in prison under the current conditions is a qualitatively different type of punishment than one day in prison used to be. In these times, drastically different. Some facilities house inmates who now serve their sentences knowing that they are not equipped to guard against a virus that may result in serious illness or death. Other facilities keep COVID-19 at bay by placing inmates in solitary confinement, ending prison programs, restricting visitation, and limiting access to nonessential medical care… These conditions, not contemplated by the original sentencing court, undoubtedly increase a prison sentence’s punitive effect.”

United States v. McGee, Case No. 20-5047, 2021 U.S. App. LEXIS 9074 (10th Cir. March 29, 2021)

United States v. Maumau, Case No 20-4056, 2021 U.S. App. LEXIS 9510 (10th Cir.  April 1, 2021)

United States v. Kibble, Case No 20-7009, 2021 U.S. App. LEXIS 9530 (4th Cir.  April 1, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Some Reform Advice for Uncle Joe – Update for March 25, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

HOW BIDEN CAN REFORM CRIMINAL JUSTICE

Sometimes, it’s hard to remember the three things my wife wants me to pick up at the local IGA. For that reason, I have empathy for our septuagenarian President trying to wrap his head around the 14 steps that law professors Mark Osler (a clemency expert) and Rachel Barkow (former Sentencing Commission member) proposed last week that he take to reform criminal justice.

henhouse180307Writing in The Appeal, the profs argued (among other things) that “Biden inherits a clemency crisis. There are currently more than 15,000 petitions waiting for an answer, having piled up over the course of the Trump presidency… The current structure bears not one but two fatal flaws: It is overly bureaucratic and is a captive of the deeply conflicted DOJ.” It’s no secret that the fox has been guarding the henhouse – too much of clemency decision-making is embedded in the Department of Justice, the very institution that sought the too-long sentences in the first place and is thus inclined to say no to requests to overturn its initial judgments.

They also called on Biden to reform how the BOP processes sentence reduction motions filed pursuant to 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A)(i), the so-called compassionate release motions. “DOJ needs to shift course,” Barkow and Osler said, “particularly during the pandemic. It should identify elderly and infirm people in prison for release — not merely home confinement — and, at a minimum, it should support their release when requested.”

In addition, they argued the Administration should make CARES Act home confinement permanent for those who have been sent there during the pandemic, and that the DOJ commit to programming that allows people in prison to earn time off their sentence after participating in programming. “During the Trump Administration,” they said, “BOP proposed a rule that would block reduction eligibility for far too many people, make it too difficult to earn credits, and far too easy to lose them. While public comment on that proposal closed on January 25, it is not too late for DOJ to shift course and propose a different rule that makes this programming—and therefore release eligibility—as widely available as possible.”

social210325Most significantly, they argued that “flawed compassionate release and First Step Act implementation are emblematic of larger problems at the BOP. Nearly everyone outside of government who deals with the BOP finds it to be dysfunctional; it’s inefficient, overly bureaucratic, and prone to cruelty.” They propose legislation to shift the BOP to the Department of Health and Human Services. “In the end, the work of the BOP is to not only securely detain people but to prepare them for life after incarceration. They are much better at the first task than the second. A shift to a department dominated by social work would help change the culture that produces the BOP’s current problems.”

Along with that, they argued, the BOP needs to do a better job of the basic “blocking and tackling in their field, and that starts with ensuring adequate staffing throughout the system. There needs to be additional resources for mental health needs, and even for basic issues like ensuring there is a state ID for every person in prison when they are released.”

The Appeal, 14 Steps Biden’s DOJ Can Take Now to Reform America’s Criminal Legal System (March 15, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Despite the Hoopla, Under 10% of BOP Inmates Are Vaccinated – Update for March 16, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

VACCINATIONS CRAWL AHEAD

COVIDvaccine201221The BOP claimed the lowest number of inmate COVID cases yesterday (621) since April 23, 2020, but with the pace of new inmate tests slowing to a crawl, the agency isn’t finding what it isn’t looking for. Staff cases remain as high (at 1,392) as they were the last week of November, and COVID is still present in 124 institutions of thew BOP’s 128 facilities.

The BOP’s vaccination numbers are climbing, but ever so slowly. The first inmates felt the needle in December, but 90 days later, only 9.7% of the inmate population has been inoculated (up from 6.6% a week ago). At this point, 44% of the BOP staff has taken the shot (up from 41% a week before).

Don’t let anyone say BOP employees don’t contribute to their communities. Last week, The Villages, Florida, News reported, “On the day when seven more local COVID-19 deaths were reported, statistics from the BOP showed that 8.55 of cases among staff members across the country are at the massive prison facility in Coleman – just outside the confines of the southern portion of The Villages.”

I have previously expressed skepticism over the BOP’s public numbers of inmates “recovered” from COVID-19. It appears I have company. In United States v. Mathews (reported on yesterday), Judge Karen Nelson Moore noted that “according to the BOP and the Department of Justice, in the federal prison system, 1,804 incarcerated persons have COVID-19, 45,542 have ‘recovered’ from COVID-19, and 222 have died from the virus.” The quotation marks with which she bracketed the word ‘recovered’ suggest the judge has the same trouble accepting the BOP’s reported number as authoritative that many others have.

A New Jersey news outlet reported a story with an all-too-familiar ending. When inmate Dominick Pugliese finally won his CR motion in February, the former Ft Dix inmate was already nearly dead. Dom had told the court in repeated motions that COVID could place him in greater danger of having a serious illness due to his asthma and hypertension, according to court documents.

notsick210316Prosecutors naturally opposed Dom’s motions, saying he had not served enough of his sentence and questioning the seriousness of his medical issues. By the time Dom was finally released – after repeatedly being turned down – his lawyer told the court that Dom was on a ventilator, no longer respond to verbal or tactile stimuli. Medical staff described his condition as “‘extremely grave,’ with a 78% likelihood of mortality,” counsel said. “The defendant, Dominick Pugliese, is dying.”

The judge finally agreed to release Dom, holding that “the severity of his condition suggests that at best he may be facing prolonged hospitalization and rehabilitation.” That turned out to be optimistic. Dom died on March 6. The good news for the BOP, of course, is that its bean counters did not have to add his death to the current 240-deceased inmate tally.

Villages News, 8.5 percent of COVID-19 cases among federal prison staff at Coleman facility (March 8, 2021)

NJ.com, 2 inmates begged for release from federal prison in N.J. where coronavirus raged. They both died of COVID. (March 13, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Any Friend of Bill is a Friend of Mine… – Update for March 15, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

WHAT ARE THE ODDS?

By some accounts, as many as 10,000 motions for sentence reduction (compassionate release) under 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A)(i) because of the COVID-19 pandemic have been filed in the past year. Data regarding grants have been hard to come by, but estimates range from 500 to 1,000 compassionate release motions have been granted.

presjudgeCR210315A Georgetown University study made available last week studied over 4,000 compassionate release decisions issued since last April, comparing the rate of compassionate release grants to the ideology of the judge. The indicator used for the judge’s ideology – not a perfect correlation, probably, but a reasonable compromise – was the identity of the President who appointed the jurist. Obama, the reasoning goes, probably appointed relatively few John Birch Society members to the bench, just as Trump probably avoided card-carrying socialists.

Of the 4,077 decisions studied by the author, Victoria Finkle (an economist and financial journalist turned law student), 17.1% were granted. People with judges appointed by Bill Clinton – remember the FOBs? – did the best at 24.9%, while people with George W. Bush-appointed judges fared the worst at 8.8%. Obama judges granted 20.9%, Trump’s judges only 9.3%.

An unreported 6th Circuit decision last week garnered a lot of legal press attention, as judges took potshots at each other whether COVID-19 data from The Marshall Project, a criminal justice advocacy group that has been out front on reporting on COVID in prisons. But the judges’ spat is not what makes the opinion interesting.

Kwame Mathews, who has multiple sclerosis, filed for compassionate release. His district court turned him down, finding that the “possibility of contracting COVID-19” and multiple sclerosis do not fit into the four extraordinary and compelling circumstances set forth in USSG § 1B1.13, that Kwame “would be a danger to others and the community if released” per § 1B1.13(2). The district court depicted Kwame’s motion as arguing that “the spread of COVID-19 throughout the nation qualifies as a compelling and extraordinary circumstance” and did not address the situation at FCI Terre Haute. “Equally troubling,” the Circuit said, “is the district court’s treatment of Kwame’s multiple sclerosis. The court found without any substantiation that Kwame failed to assert that he has “a serious physical or medical condition or a serious functional or cognitive impairment that prevents him from providing self-care” and suggested that Kwame does not have “an actual medical condition.”

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Noting that there is no cure for multiple sclerosis and that Kwame’s condition is unlikely to improve, the 6th said multiple sclerosis certainly qualifies as an ‘obvious’ serious medical need. “Notified that someone was suffering from multiple sclerosis, an objective layman would deem the condition serious,” the Circuit said. “Among other things, the condition can cause serious and permanent nerve damage that can lead to permanent disabilities.”

Kwame did not get compassionate release because – as in the case discussed next – his criminal history and sentence length argued against it. But the Circuit clearly said that a medical condition does not have to be on the CDC’s list in order to be an extraordinary and compelling reason for a COVID release.

notefrommom210315Johnny Tomes filed for compassionate release, producing a note from his parents that he had asthma. The district court turned him down, holding that USSG § 1B1.13 limits the “extraordinary and compelling reasons” for compassionate release to just a few situations and that John’s poorly documented asthma wasn’t one of them. Johnny hadn’t gotten COVID-19, the district court observed, and the BOP was taking precautionary measures to prevent an outbreak. Thus the district judge reasoned (and I use that term advisedly), John couldn’t prove the BOP would not be able to take care of him if he got sick.

Last week, the 6th Circuit reluctantly affirmed the decision. Although it was wrong to hold § 1B1.13 was binding on John’s case, the district court had also found that John’s extensive criminal history and the fact he had only done a few years of his 20-year sentence were 18 USC § 3553(a) sentencing-factor reasons arguing against compassionate release. Noting that “district courts may deny compassionate-release motions when any of the three prerequisites listed in § 3582(c)(1)(A) is lacking,” the Circuit said it “can affirm a court’s denial of a defendant’s compassionate release motion based on the court’s consideration of the § 3553(a) factors alone.”

Finkle, Victoria, How Compassionate? Political Appointments and District Court Judge Responses to Compassionate Release during COVID-19 (January 22, 2021) 

United States v. Mathews, Case No 20-1635, 2021 U.S. App. LEXIS 6944 (6th Cir. March 8, 2021)

Law & Crime, ‘Absolutely Savage’ Clinton-Appointed Circuit Judge Calls Out Trump-Appointed Colleague in Nearly Full-Page Footnote (March 8, 2021)

United States v. Tomes, Case No 20-6056, 2021 U.S. App. LEXIS 6773 (6th Cir. March 9, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Last Week in Washington… – Update for March 11, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

ODD COUPLE STRIKE AGAIN; CALL TO REPEAL AEDPA

oddcouple210219A few weeks ago, Senators Richard Durbin (D-Illinois) and Charles Grassley (R-Iowa), the top two guys on the Senate Judiciary Committee, teamed up to introduce the COVID-19 Safer Detention Act (S.312), which would make grant of compassionate release for COVID-related reasons easier and relax the Elderly Offender Program age and sentence limits. Last week, the odd couple was at it again, introducing the Prohibiting Punishment of Acquitted Conduct Act (S.601).

The Act, a similar version of which was introduced last year but died without a vote, would prohibit federal courts from using conduct for which a defendant was acquitted as factors to pump up Guidelines scores.  

nuns170427The problem is this: Donnie Dopehead is charged with two drug counts, one for distributing 100 kilos of marijuana and the other for selling 15 grams of cocaine. The Feds have Donnie dead to rights on the coke: as he sold it to his customers, a busload of nuns was stopped at the light, and they all saw it happen. But the marijuana beef is based on the vague testimony of a demented neighbor with poor eyesight, who – on the witness stand – admits it may have been bales of hay, not marijuana, and the guy unloading it may have been Clarence Crackfiend, not Donnie.

The jury acquits Donnie of the pot, but convicts on the coke.

If Donnie had no prior criminal record, his sentencing range for the cocaine of which he was convicted would be 10-16 months. But at sentencing, the court will also consider the marijuana, if it finds by a preponderance of the evidence that Donnie dealt it. In sentencing law, “preponderance” seems to mean that the prosecutor said it, and that’s good enough for the judge.  With the pot added in, Donnie’s Guideline sentencing range is 51-63 months.

hammer160509The thinking (and I employ that term loosely) is that just because the jury said the government hadn’t proved the pot charge beyond a reasonable doubt didn’t mean that it hadn’t been proved by a preponderance of the evidence. And the lower evidentiary standard, coupled with the loosey-goosey procedural protections of a sentencing proceeding, means that the defendant has little of avoiding a five-year sentence for what should be more like 12 months.

The Prohibiting Punishment of Acquitted Conduct Act, simply enough, would have said in Donnie’s case that the court could sentence on the cocaine, but not the pot.

An identical bill, backed by a long list of conservative and liberal advocacy groups, is being introduced in the House by Reps Steve Cohen (D-Tennessee) and Kelly Armstrong (R-North Dakota).

You may reasonably suspect that this bill, along with the Safer Detention Act and other measures may be rolled together in a larger criminal justice package later this year.

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Meanwhile, a Washington Post article last week kicked off a series on the horror that is the Anti-Terrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act (AEDPA). Back in 1996, Congress took a chisel to habeas corpus, adopting procedural limitations that make arguing the merits of 2254 and 2255 motions – especially second ones – a byzantine nightmare, a “thicket of real through-the-looking-glass shit,” according to one long-time defense attorney.

The Post series will “look at how the AEDPA was passed, how it works in the real world, the injustices it has wrought and what we can do to fix it. The good news is that much of this can be fixed. Congress could repeal or reform the AEDPA tomorrow. And for all the criticism of his criminal justice record — most of it justified — Joe Biden was one of the most vocal critics of the AEDPA’s habeas provisions. The then-senator warned of dire consequences if those provisions passed. History has proved him right.”

S.601, A bill to amend section 3661 of title 18, United States Code, to prohibit the consideration of acquitted conduct at sentencing (March 4, 2021)

Press Release, Durbin, Grassley, Cohen, Armstrong Introduce Bipartisan, Bicameral Prohibiting Punishment Of Acquitted Conduct Act (March 4, 2021)

Washington Post, It’s time to repeal the worst criminal justice law of the past 30 years (March 3, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

First, Do Something Futile… And Do It Well – Update for February 19, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

COMPLETENESS COUNTS IN COMPASSIONATE RELEASE REQUEST TO WARDEN

compassionate200928Cory Williams wanted to file for compassionate release based on what he alleged was misconduct by his trial judge. So he dutifully asked his warden to bring the motion, as required by the administrative exhaustion requirement of 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A)(i). The BOP refused, of course (as it always does), so Cory himself filed a compassionate release motion with the federal court that had originally sentenced him.

Early on in the COVID-19 pandemic, a number of federal courts adopted standing orders that all inmates filing their own compassionate release motions would have counsel appointed to assist them. Cory’s court was one of those. The court appointed counsel to represent Cory. As we all know, counsel knows best (probably true in this case, where a defendant was essentially asking a judge to acknowledge his own misconduct was so bad that a defendant should be freed from prison). Counsel wisely scrapped Cory’s “I-should-go-home,-Your-Honor,-because-you’re-a-bum” argument, and filed an amended compassionate release motion that sought Cory’s based solely on COVID-19.

The government argued Cory had not exhausted his remedies with the BOP, because he had not raised his susceptibility to COVID-19 to the warden as a reason for compassionate release. Last week, the 7th Circuit agreed with the government.

“We have not yet had occasion to consider whether, in order properly to exhaust, an inmate is required to present the same or similar ground for compassionate release in a request to the Bureau as in a motion to the court,” the Circuit ruled. “But now that the issue is squarely before us, we confirm that this is the rule — any contrary approach would undermine the purpose of exhaustion.”

negativezero210219“The purpose of exhaustion…” That’s like saying the purpose of taking your kid to see Santa Claus at the Mall is to be sure he brings her the right toys on Christmas morning. Between March and December 2020, the BOP only granted 11 out of 10,940 inmate requests (that’s 0.001005484%, for you math fans). Let’s round that to about one out of 1,000 requests.

The § 3582(c)(1)(A)(i) exhaustion requirement seems like so much Kabuki theater. No matter. A request to the warden is the price of admission, and that request should clearly state the grounds the inmate intend to use when he or she petitions the court without the BOP’s help, as invariably is the case.

United States v. Williams, Case No 20-2404, 2021 USApp LEXIS 3762 (7th Cir. Feb. 10, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Some Guys With Clout Propose Sentence Reform – Update for February 18, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

THE ODD COUPLE ARE BACK… WITH A WELCOME BILL

Senate Judiciary Committee chairman Richard Durbin (D-Illinois) and Sen Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa), Ranking Republican on the Committee are a political odd couple if ever there was one. Liberal lion Durbin from uber-Democrat Illinois and an octogenarian raised-on-the-farm Republican seem to have nothing in common, but…

oddcouple210219But they are the duo who brought you the First Step Act, and last week they jointly introduced a bill to reform the Elderly Home Detention and compassionate release programs.

elderly180517The Elderly Offender program lets old folks (age 60 and above, so that includes your correspondent) – non-violent criminals whose continued incarceration cost the Bureau of Prison so much in medical expenses – serve the last third of their sentences on home confinement (where they pay for their room, board and medical, not Uncle Sam). That seems like a sweet deal for them and for the government. 

But trust the Bureau to manage to screw up a one-car parade. The BOP decided that two-thirds of the sentence meant two-thirds of the whole sentence, not for the good-time adjusted sentence that everyone ends up serving.  So an aged fraudster with a 100-month sentence – who will serve 85 months with good conduct time figured in – doesn’t get home confinement starting at 66.7% of 85 months, but instead must serve 66.7% of 100 months before he goes to home detention.

That’s not what Congress ever meant, as the House explained to the BOP last year in the HEROES Act (H.R.6800), which modified the statute to say as much). But HEROES never got a vote in the Senate.

elderly190109Now, Durbin’s and Grassley’s COVID-19 Safer Detention Act would clarify that the amount of time an inmate must serve to qualify for Elderly Home Detention should be calculated based on his or her 85% date, not the gross sentence. Additionally, the bill would reduce the minimum sentence for Elderly Home Detention from 66% to 50%, and give inmates who are denied Elderly Home Detention the right of judicial review.

The bill also proposes providing that COVID-19 vulnerability is a legitimate basis for compassionate release, and shortening the period prisoners must wait after submitting requests to the BOP to file with their courts from 30 to 10 days.

Three Republican and three Democrats have joined in sponsoring the bill. Ohio State law professor Doug Berman said last week in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog, “Senators Durbin and Grassley are now the leading member of the Senate Judiciary Committee, which would seem to improve the odds of this bill moving forward.”

Press release, Durbin, Grassley Introduce Bipartisan Legislation to Reform Elderly Home Detention and Compassionate Release Amid COVID-19 Pandemic (February 10, 2021)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Senators Durbin and Grassley re-introduce “COVID-19 Safer Detention Act” (February 11, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

Compassionate Release Only Breaks Even in Two Appeals Decisions Last Week – Update for January 11, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

A TALE OF TWO COVID DECISIONS

Two circuits handed down decisions on COVID compassionate release last week. Like Charles Dickens’ “best of times, worst of times,” the rulings represented the best in appellate decision-making and the worst.

tutorial210111The Tutorial: Section 3582 of Title 18, United States Code, governs the imposition of sentences, including regulating the limited circumstances under which a sentence can be modified. Once such circumstance is found in § 3582(c)(1)(A)(i), which provides that a court may reduce a sentence when it finds “extraordinary and compelling” reasons to do so, and concludes that such a reduction is consistent with the factors to be considered when a sentence is imposed (found in 18 USC § 3553(a), and generally called “3553(a) factors“).

Since the advent of COVID-19, courts have granted sentence reduction motions (also called “compassionate release” motions, the same way all tissues are called “Kleenex”) in cases where the prisoner has health conditions that increase his or her susceptibility to COVID-19. The approval rate has been something like 19% of all compassionate release motions, but in a criminal justice system in which 97 out of 100 people charged with a federal crime get convicted, the compassionate release odds seem to a lot of inmates to be a sure thing.

One fly in the ointment has been a § 3582(c)(1)(A)(i) requirement that a compassionate release comply with “applicable” Sentencing Commission policies. The only Sentencing Commission policy has not been updated since before the First Step Act (which is what have inmates the right to file their own compassionate release motions), and the policy contains limitations clearly at odds with the intent of Congress in opening up compassionate release to inmates. As a result, four courts of appeal so far have ruled that district courts need pay no mind to the “applicable policies” language of § 3582(c)(1)(A)(i), at least until the Sentencing Commission gets around to changing the policy.

Now for the two decisions of the week:

best210111The Best: A district court found Lisa Elias’s hypertension (high blood pressure) alone was not an extraordinary and compelling reason to grant a sentence reduction. The 6th Circuit last week upheld the denial, underscoring the broad discretion district judges have in deciding compassionate release cases with thoroughness and careful reasoning.

Noting that three other circuits now agreed with its Jones decision that Guideline 1B1.13 does not limit courts in deciding prisoner-brought compassionate release motions, the 6th said “there has emerged a newfound consensus among the courts, and the government provides no compelling reason for us to disturb the consensus of our sister Circuits. Therefore, we hold that 1B1.13 is not an applicable policy statement for compassionate-release motions brought directly by inmates, and so district courts need not consider it when ruling on those motions. Further… district courts may deny compassionate-release motions when any of the three prerequisites listed in § 3582(c)(1)(A) is lacking and do not need to address the others… And, in the absence of an applicable policy statement for inmate-filed compassionate-release motions, district courts have discretion to define ‘extraordinary and compelling”’ on their own initiative.”

worst210111Now the worst: Chadwick Townsend sought compassionate release because, he claimed, his hypertension, high cholesterol and a 10-year old stroke put him at higher risk from COVID-19. His district judge held Chad’s reasons were not extraordinary and compelling, and Tom appealed.

The 5th Circuit turned him down. It held that while Chad’s “chronic illnesses place him at a higher risk of severe symptoms, should he contract COVID… it is uncertain that he is at a significantly higher risk than is the general inmate population. In fact, nearly half of the adult population in the United States suffers from hypertension. And roughly 12% of Americans suffer from high cholesterol. Thus, we cannot say that either of those conditions makes Thompson’s case “extraordinary.” Unfortunately, both are commonplace.”

The Circuit relied on Guideline 1B1.13 without observing that four other circuits have held it does not apply to inmate-filed compassionate release motions. Acting as though it had just emerged from a cave where it spent the last year, the panel noted with some surprise and puzzlement, “To be sure, courts around the country, in some exceptional cases, have granted compassionate release where the defendant has demonstrated an increased risk of serious illness if he or she were to contract COVID. Even where they have denied release, some courts have assumed that the pandemic, combined with underlying conditions, might be an extraordinary and compelling reason for compassionate release. But that is certainly not a unanimous approach to every high-risk inmate with preexisting conditions seeking compassionate release.”

The Circuit seemed to conflate “extraordinary and compelling” reasons with the separate compassionate release step of considering the 18 USC § 3553(a) sentencing factors: “The courts that granted compassionate release on those bases largely have done so for defendants who had already served the lion’s share of their sentences and presented multiple, severe, health concerns. Even where the court denied the motion on grounds other than the lack of ‘extraordinary and compelling reasons,’ the defendants’ medical conditions oftentimes were more serious than are Thompson’s. Fear of COVID doesn’t automatically entitle a prisoner to release. Tom can point to no case in which a court, on account of the pandemic, has granted compassionate release to an otherwise healthy defendant with two, well-controlled, chronic medical conditions and who had completed less than half of his sentence.”

Sentencing Law and Policy, Sixth Circuit panel reiterates “district courts have discretion to define ‘extraordinary and compelling’ on their own initiative” for 3582(c)(1)(A) motions (January 7, 2021)

United States v. Elias, Case No. 20-3654, 2021 U.S. App. LEXIS 251 (6th Cir. January 6, 2021)

United States v. Thompson, Case No. 20-40381, 2021 U.S. App. LEXIS 194 (5th Cir. January 5, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root