Tag Archives: commutation

A “Totally Decimated” DOJ Pardon Office Sidelined by “Corrupt” Clemency Process – Update for March 2, 2026

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

PARDON OUR MESS AT THE OFFICE OF PARDON ATTORNEY

The Dept of Justice Office of Pardon Attorney has always been rather opaque. Last week, we got a glimpse of President Trump’s OPA, and what we saw was not good.

Under the Constitution, the President holds unreviewable clemency power. However, since 1789, various government offices have provided the President with administrative support for the exercise of executive clemency. In 1865, a DOJ office was formally delegated the responsibility of assisting the President in vetting clemency petitions. It became the “Office of Pardon Attorney” in 1894. Historically, presidents have relied on OPA’s pardon review process to rely on the pardon attorney process before making pardons, but they are not required to do so.

OPA used to apply five standards for someone to be considered for clemency, including conduct since conviction, seriousness of the offense, acceptance of responsibility for the crime, the extent of punishment already suffered (especially collateral consequences), and references from other people who could attest to the applicant’s good character and rehabilitation.

Not anymore. A troubling New York magazine article last week detailed the mess that OPA has become, and the implications for federal prisoners without rich parents or powerful friends.

Elizabeth Oyer, who headed OPA when Trump came into office, was the first former public defender to serve as Pardon Attorney. Her staff of 45 was responsible for reviewing the cases of thousands of offenders to determine who was worthy of clemency. But within hours of President Trump taking office, “she was cut out of the process, which was rerouted from the top down.” Oyer told New York that she began learning about Trump clemency grants “when they popped up in the news.”

Oyer was fired last March when she refused to agree that actor and friend of Trump Mel Gibson should have his gun rights restored. Gibson was disqualified under 18 USC § 922(g)(9) because of a misdemeanor conviction for violence against his ex-girlfriend and the mother of his 1-year-old daughter at the time.  New York described Oyer’s firing as “a death knell for the office, according to some former staffers.”

“The office has been totally decimated,” an ex-staffer was quoted as saying. The office is down from 45 to about 15 employees. Many took buyouts when Elon Musk’s DOGE offered them last April. “Others,” New York said, “quit rather than stick around in an office where their work was being ignored.” (DOJ, of course, denies that OPA has been sidelined).

Two people appear to be in charge. Alice Marie Johnson, the “pardon czar” Trump appointed a year ago – a former federal prisoner serving life for a cocaine trafficking conspiracy before Trump commuted her sentence in 2018 (and later upgraded her to a full pardon) – works out of the White House. “Some ex-staffers hoped Johnson would maintain the office’s mission-based work…” one former OPA employee said. “But I don’t know that she has a staff,” says another former employee.

The official head of OPA is Edward Martin, named Pardon Attorney as a consolation prize after he was found to be too controversial to pass the Senate appointment process to be US Attorney for Washington, D.C. New York reported that Martin is uninterested in the Pardon Attorney position and apparently appears at the office about once a week.  “He’s just not there that much,” the staffer said.

The best way to obtain clemency in the current environment is to pay big in order to go around OPA. Lobbying for clemency is big business. Billionaire Changpeng Zhao, who violated money-laundering prevention statutes at his crypto exchange, Binance, was pardoned last fall, about a month after hiring the lobbying firm of Donald Trump Jr.’s friend Ches McDowell. The cost for a month’s lobbying? $450,000. (It helped that Binance was also a major backer of the Trump family’s cryptocurrency stablecoin). Nursing-home magnate Joseph Schwartz paid conservative lobbyists nearly $1 million last April to lobby for a pardon on tax-fraud charges; by November, Schwartz was free.

“Attorneys close to Trump are now seeking fatter fees,” New York reported. “Rudy Giuliani was reportedly shopping around a $2 million price last year. One former pardon-office lawyer… said they were hearing lobbyists go as high as $5 million to work their connections in the White House.”

Last Tuesday, in his State of the Union address, Trump asked that Congress “pass tough legislation to ensure that violent and dangerous repeat offenders are put behind bars and importantly, that they stay there.” Trump is not a friend of federal inmates who have neither connections nor a lot of money. Yet I hear weekly from prisoners believing that Trump is about to grant a large number of commutations to federal prisoners.

Not likely. All that is certain is that OPA has been broken and made irrelevant by the White House. “It’s heartbreaking,” one attorney who left OPA shortly after Oyer was fired told New York. “It’s not that they’re doing it differently that makes it heartbreaking. It’s that it’s corrupt.”

New York magazine, Trump’s Pardon Office Is ‘Totally Decimated’ The team has been virtually replaced by highly paid lobbyists and friends of the president. (February 27, 2026)

Politico, Trump showcases gruesome stories throughout the night (February 24, 2026)

~ Thomas L. Root

‘Fortunate Sons’ and Clemency In The Trump Era – Update for January 22, 2026

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

TRUMP PARDONS 13, COMMUTES 8

For those who think that the old can be new again, recall Creedance Clearwater Revival’s 1969 protest song, Fortunate Son, and lay those lyrics next to President Donald Trump’s clemencies granted last week to 13 people (pardons) and 8 people (sentence commutations).

The pardons included five people who had served their sentences years ago, one woman whom Trump had pardoned five years ago for a fraud who was now indicted for a new fraud, and three currently facing a political bribery scandal in Puerto Rico.

The commutations included one mortgage fraud defendant serving 62 months and seven drug cases, two of whom were serving life sentences and four others serving 20 years or more.

One of the commutations went to James Phillip Womack — son of Arkansas Republican Congressman Steve Womack — who was sentenced in May of last year to eight years behind bars after being convicted of methamphetamine distribution.

The clemencies garnering the most reporting were pardons of Puerto Rico’s former governor, Wanda Vázquez Garced, who pled guilty last year in a federal public corruption case, and her two co-defendants, her aide Mark Rossini and billionaire Venezuelan-Italian banker Julio Martin Herrera Velutini.

Herrera Velutini’s daughter, Isabel Herrera, donated $2.5 million in December 2024 and $1 million last July to the pro-Trump political action committee MAGA Inc., according to public records. A White House official told CBS News that the donations had nothing to do with the pardon.

In a related story, the Washington Post reported yesterday that the pardoned January 6th defendants are demanding return of restitution payments paid as part of their criminal sentences. A judge ruling on a demand of one of them, Yvonne St. Cyr (who served half of her 30-month sentence before being pardoned), said in an order returning her $2,270.00), “Sometimes a judge is called upon to do what the law requires, even if it may seem at odds with what justice or one’s initial instincts might warrant. This is one such occasion.”

The Post said, “The ruling revealed an overlooked consequence of Trump’s pardon for some Jan. 6 offenders: Not only did it free them from prison but it emboldened them to demand payback from the government. At least eight Jan. 6 defendants are pursuing refunds of the financial penalties paid as part of their sentences, according to a Post review of court records… Others are filing civil lawsuits against the government seeking millions of dollars, alleging politically tainted prosecutions and violations of their constitutional rights. Hundreds more have filed claims accusing the Justice Department, the FBI and other law enforcement agencies of inflicting property damage and personal injuries, according to their lawyer.”

Washington Monthly observed last week that

It is safe to say that Trump’s abuse of the pardon power has no parallel in American history. Almost every president has granted a few that seem dodgy in retrospect; many have used them as an instrument of partisan politics; a few have used them as instruments of corruption. But in extent and scale, Trump’s pardons fall well below the subterranean ethical floor established even over the past 50 years. In pardoning 1,500 rioters convicted of involvement in the January 6 insurrection, Trump showed contempt for the law enforcement officers who protected the Capitol, and the system of government they preserved. His other pardons, from crypto fraudsters to foreign drug lords, reek with contempt for the very idea of law. Trump is also the first president to claim the power to undo a predecessor’s pardons, and the first to claim the power to pardon an offender convicted by a state, not the federal government. 

DOJ, Pardon and Commutations (January 15, 2026)

CBS, Trump Pardons Puerto Rico’s former governor Wanda Vázquez (January 16, 2026)

KATV, Trump commutes prison sentence of congressman’s son convicted in federal drug case (January 17, 2026)

Washington Post, They ransacked the U.S. Capitol and want the government to pay them back (January 20, 2026)

Washington Monthly, Amnesty Transactional (January 14, 2026)

~ Thomas L. Root

No One’s Pardoning Trump’s Use of Pardon Power – Update for January 8, 2026

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

NO ONE’S HAPPY ABOUT PRESIDENT TRUMP’S EPIC CLEMENCY PARADE

If there is a unifying thread of reaction to President Trump’s unprecedented train of pardons and commutations in 2025, it’s one of disquiet.

Trump granted clemency this year to over 1,600 people. The biggest tranche was the first one – 1500-plus people getting clemency (14 just commutations, the rest pardons) for the January 6, 2021, riot. Since then, he has commuted another 13 sentences and pardoned 72 others. For a range of figures, Trump said he viewed them as victims of an unfair justice system. Some were tied to his newfound interest in cryptocurrency or shared in his 2020 election grievances, while another (a Texas developer involved in bid-rigging) was simply brought up to Trump during a round of golf with a Republican buddy.

Twenty of the pardons went to businessmen, 16 to politicians, five to celebrities, 24 to anti-abortion activists, and 12 to people convicted of other non-drug offenses.  Only eight were for drug crimes, and those included the guy who started the Silk Road deep-web drug bazaar and a former Honduran president.

More than half of the acts of clemency for named individuals relate to prosecutions pursued by the Biden Dept of Justice — in addition to the Jan 6 cases.

Even Fox News was critical, saying, “While presidents of both parties have long used their pardon power in controversial ways, Trump’s clemency activity in 2025 stood out for its volume and for the deal-making style that has been a defining feature of his approach to power.” Fox listed Trump’s most controversial clemencies as including the Jan 6 rioters, Texas congressman Henry Cuellar (bribery charges, not yet to trial), the Chrisleys, former congressman George Santos (widespread fraud), and former Honduran president Juan Orlando Hernandez (serving a 45-year sentence for the same charges just made this past weekend against Nicholas Maduro and his wife).

Attorney Mitch Jackson, writing on Substack, said Trump had “corruptly commodified one of the most potent parts of the presidency and turned it into a product to be sold to the highest bidder.”

The scheme works like this: People seeking clemency pay about $1 million to hire well-placed lobbyists within the administration who then work to secure a pardon from Trump. If those pardons are successful, the person receiving clemency may also pay a six-to-seven-figure “success fee” after the president signs the paperwork guaranteeing their release, according to the essay.

In one instance, Donald Trump, Jr., introduced a lobbyist named Ches McDowell to the president while McDowell was seeking a pardon for Changpeng Zhao, the billionaire founder of Binance. Binance reportedly paid $800,000 to McDowell for the work and then offered a success fee of more than $5 million once Zhao was freed.

Trump pardoned Zhao, who had been convicted of money laundering, last October. Whether a success fee was paid, and if so for how much, has not been reported. However, Rep Maxine Waters (D-CA) claimed that Zhao “spent months lobbying Trump and his family while funneling billions into Trump’s personal crypto company,” World Liberty Financial. Reports indicate Binance parked $2 billion in WLFI’s stablecoin, generating about $80-87 million annually. The Trump family owns 60% of WLFI, meaning that Binance’s deposit meant the family could receive $48-52 million in passive income.

Jackson wrote:

In Donald Trump’s Washington, freedom has a price tag. The presidential pardon, one of the most serious powers granted by the Constitution, now looks like a product on a shelf. Picture what this means in real life. If you or someone you love faced an unjust sentence, would you have a million dollars for a broker. Most families do not. Your petition would sit in a stack, waiting for a formal review that can take years. Meanwhile, a billionaire pays for a direct line, and the request reaches the President through a family member at a ceremony. The system looks less like equal justice and more like a private club with a cover charge.

A cottage industry has arisen of lobbyists seeking clemency for a wide variety of clients. David Schoen, one of Trump’s former impeachment lawyers is following the same pardon playbook that has rewarded allies of the president and been driven by a desire for political retribution.

Schoen is representing two mobsters who were sentenced to life in 1992. In a Christmas Eve letter to Trump, Schoen sought clemency by arguing that they had been unfairly convicted by prosecutor Andrew Weissmann—a foe of Trump’s who led FBI director Robert Mueller’s special counsel team that investigated Russian interference in the 2016 election.

Wall Street Journal, A Visual Breakdown of Trump’s Pardon Spree (December 10, 2025)

Raw Story, ‘Disturbing’: Lawyer exposes how Trump shredded a ‘core promise’ of American law (December 28, 2025)

Benzinga, Trump Pardoned 3 Crypto Felons In 10 Months—Here’s What Each One Cost (January 2, 2026)

Fox News, Deal-making clemency: Inside Trump’s most disputed pardons of 2025 (December 30, 2025)

Free Press, Ex-Trump Lawyer Lobbies to Free Mobsters Prosecuted by an Enemy of the President (December 31, 2025)

~ Thomas  L. Root

A Compassionate Release Win for Commutees – Update for January 6, 2026

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

COMMUTATION DOESN’T NEGATE COMPASSIONATE RELEASE

In 2012, Jonathan Wright was sentenced to life imprisonment after a federal drug conviction. In 2024, he filed an 18 USC § 3582(c)(1) compassionate release motion based on First Step Act changes in 21 USC § 841(b)(1)(A)  mandatory minimum sentences.

The district court reduced Jon’s sentence to 420 months followed by 10 years of supervised release but never addressed Jon’s argument that his prior Arkansas convictions no longer qualified as predicate offenses for his sentence enhancement.

Jon appealed, arguing that the district court should have reduced his sentence even more. While the appeal was pending, President Joe Biden commuted Jon’s sentence to 330 months last January.

The government argued that Biden’s commutation should moot Jon’s appeal, and even if it didn’t, the Arkansas statute’s overly broad definition of controlled substance should nevertheless be read to be consistent with federal law.

Last week, the 8th Circuit gave Jon a late stocking stuffer.

Although the Circuits are split on the question, the 8th ruled that Biden’s commutation did not moot Jon’s compassionate release motion. The President’s power to commute criminal sentences derives from the Constitution – the Article II power to “grant Reprieves and Pardons.” “A commuted sentence,” the Circuit held, “does not become ‘an executive sentence in full’ but instead remains a judicial sentence – but one that the executive will only enforce to a limited extent.

As for Jon’s prior convictions under Arkansas § 5-64-401, the 8th observed that the statute incorporated a state Dept of Health regulation that defined a “narcotic drug” to include all cocaine isomers, while federal felony drug offenses encompass only optical and geometric cocaine isomers. Circuit precedent holds that a state drug statute that criminalizes even “one additional isomer” of cocaine beyond what the federal statute proscribes cannot produce a predicate felony drug offense for federal sentencing purposes.

The Circuit ruled that the district court’s decision to not consider that Jon’s priors no longer counted under § 841(b)(1)(A) when ruling on his compassionate release motion “was based on an erroneous legal conclusion and accordingly was an abuse of discretion.” When resentencing Jon on remand, the 8th directed, the “district court is required only to considerthat Jon ‘s prior convictions no longer qualify as predicate offenses for his sentence enhancement. The district court is not required to accept this point as a reason to further reduce Jon’s sentence.”

This opinion is significant, ruling in essence that at least in the 8th Circuit, changes in the law creating gross disparities between the existing sentence and the sentence if imposed today have a substantial role in the compassionate release calculus.

United States v. Wright, Case No. 24-2057, 2025 U.S. App. LEXIS 33882 (8th Cir. December 30, 2025)

~ Thomas  L. Root

A Year of Presidential Clemencies Bring Little Hope for Federal Prisoners- Update for December 29, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

CLEMENCY YEAR IN REVIEW

The conservative Washington Examiner last week reviewed President Trump’s unprecedented first-year clemency record of more than 1,600 people. The report was not favorable.

The lesson from over 11 months of Trump’s pardons and commutations is clear: if you don’t have rich parents, a MAGA flag and hat, or a means of enriching the Trump family, your odds of clemency rival those of winning the Powerball.

“On his first day back in office, Trump issued sweeping pardons for those tied to the Jan. 6 attack on the U.S. Capitol,” the Examiner wrote. “In November, he also moved preemptively to pardon several political allies, including Rudy Giuliani, former chief of staff Mark Meadows, and attorneys Sidney Powell and John Eastman, even though none were facing federal criminal charges at the time.”

The Examiner then listed Trump’s five most controversial clemency actions. Top of its list was the clemency for drug black market operator Ross Ulbricht last February, whom Trump promised to pardon when he pitched the Libertarian Party convention in 2024 for political support. Trump paid off within a month of taking office.

Second on the list was the pardon of Changpeng Zhao, founder of Binance, the world’s largest cryptocurrency exchange. Zhao was sentenced to four months in prison in April 2024 after pleading guilty to money laundering. Zhao and Binance have been key supporters of the Trump family’s crypto enterprises.

Third was former congressman George Santos, a serial liar sentenced in April to seven years in federal prison after pleading guilty to fraud and identity theft. Santos served about four months in a camp before being pardoned. The Examiner also cited this month’s pardon of former Honduran president Juan Orlando Hernandez, who had been serving a 45-year sentence at USP Hazelton for a massive drug trafficking operation that moved more than 400 tons of cocaine into the United States. Reports at the time suggested Trump sought to influence the Honduran presidential election, going on at the time.

For the final pardon on its “top five” list the Examiner noted this month’s pardon of Rep Henry Cuellar (D-TX), charged but not yet convicted of bribery and money laundering. In a Truth Social post, Trump said he never spoke to Cuellar or anyone in his family, but he felt good about “fighting for a family that was tormented by very sick and deranged people – They were treated sooo BADLY!” Of course, Cuellar is a Democrat, which makes it unlikely that a Biden Administration Dept of Justice would have targeted him unfairly.

Ironically, Trump responded in fury a few days after the pardon, as Cuellar filed to run again as a Democrat rather than turning Republican out of “loyalty” to the President.

The Washington Post reported that at least 20 people who have received clemency from Trump so far this year were also forgiven of restitution totaling tens of millions of dollars. For some, restitution was more onerous than the sentence. Paul Walczak, a health care executive convicted of willfully failing to pay over $4 million in taxes withheld from his employees and willfully failing to file individual tax returns, was sentenced in April to 18 months in prison. He was pardoned before serving a day, wiping out his $4 million restitution obligation to the IRS.

The common thread connecting almost all of Trump’s clemencies is that the beneficiaries had committed offenses with political import, had money ties to Trump or were supporters of the President.  The Jan 6 rioters fell into the first category. Walczak’s pardon came after his mother had raised millions of dollars for Trump’s campaigns and was involved in an effort to sabotage President Biden’s 2020 campaign by publicizing the addiction diary of his daughter Ashley, an episode that The New York Times said “drew law enforcement scrutiny.”

Trevor Milton, convicted of lying to investors to pump the stock of his company, electric vehicle maker Nikola, was sentenced to four years in prison and over $600 million  In discussing the pardon, which left investors high and dry, In describing his decision to pardon Milton, Trump said, “And they say the thing that he did wrong was he was one of the first people that supported a gentleman named Donald Trump for president. He supported Trump. He liked Trump.”

The transactional nature of Trump’s presidency was brought home a few weeks ago in an unusual quid pro quo raised in a video last week by former Pardon Attorney Elizabeth Oyer. You may recall that the Obama Administration brought a sprawling fraud case against FIFA and over 30 other defendants. The remnants of that case are now in front of the Supreme Court in petitions for certiorari brought by two defendants.

Earlier this month, world soccer organization FIFA announced a new “peace prize” that would be bestowed on a recipient who has taken “exceptional and extraordinary actions for peace and by doing so have united people across the world.” The inaugural FIFA “Peace Prize,” unsurprisingly, was awarded to President Trump on December 5.

Four days later, the DOJ filed a F.R.Crim.P. 48 motion to dismiss the indictment “in the interests of justice.”   In a Facebook post, Oyer reported that the dismissal came over the objection of the line prosecutor who had obtained the convictions.  She said, “This is a huge deal because it could also unravel dozens of other convictions of soccer officials and sports executives. It could also mean that the government has to return hundreds of millions of dollars in penalties paid by these people. It’s also a big deal because it’s an example of corruption at work. In Trump’s America, justice can be bought: all it takes is a shiny object or a large check.”

Washington Examiner, Trump’s five most controversial pardons of 2025 (December 25, 2025)

Washington Post, Trump’s pardons wipe out payments to defrauded victims (December 19, 2025)

New York Times, Trump Pardoned Tax Cheat After Mother Attended $1 Million Dinner (May 27, 2025)

CNN, What is the FIFA Peace Prize and why did Donald Trump win? (December 5, 2025)

Facebook, Days after FIFA gave him a medal, Trump’s DOJ started dismantling a major corruption prosecution (December 22, 2025)

~ Thomas L. Root

Deja Vu All Over Again – Update for December 8, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

TRUMP TRIES TO VOID BIDEN CLEMENCIES

I have previously reported that last Tuesday, President Trump wrote on his inaptly-named “Truth Social” that he was declaring an untold number of President Biden’s clemencies to be of “no further force or effect” because Trump said the proclamations had been signed with an autopen as opposed to being “directly signed by Crooked Joe Biden.”

(Trump’s reference to Biden as “crooked” has a certain ‘pot calling the kettle black‘ quality to it, but we’ll leave that alone for now).

Forgive me for reprinting the portions of this post you may have already read. I built on last Thursday’s content for LISA’s newsletter to federal prisoners and their families published last night, and it seemed to me that there was enough new content to warrant a partial repost. Like the great philosopher Yogi Berra said, “It’s deja vu all over again.”

Tuesday night, Trump ranted on Truth Social that he was voiding all pardons and commutations that were signed by Biden with an autopen:

“Any and all Documents, Proclamations, Executive Orders, Memorandums, or Contracts, signed by Order of the now infamous and unauthorized “AUTOPEN,” within the Administration of Joseph R. Biden Jr., are hereby null, void, and of no further force or effect. Anyone receiving “Pardons,” “Commutations,” or any other Legal Document so signed, please be advised that said Document has been fully and completely terminated, and is of no Legal effect.”

Trump has often claimed that Biden used the autopen, a mechanical device that allows signatures without a person using their hand, because of the former president’s physical and mental frailty. Biden issued 4,245 acts of clemency during his four years in office, more than any other US president since the start of the 20th century, according to Pew Research Center. Before leaving office last January, he issued several pardons — including for family members — and commuted sentences for about 1,700 drug offenders.

No one has reported whether Biden used an autopen to sign any of the pardons or commutations, but that has not deterred Trump from claiming he did.

Most of the clemencies were commutations rather than pardons. Biden only issued 80 individual pardons, but he did issue “pardons by proclamation” which affected entire classes of people. The pardons by proclamation included one for former military service members convicted of violating a ban on gay sex and people convicted of certain federal marijuana nontrafficking offenses.

David Super, a constitutional and administrative law professor at Georgetown University, told Government Executive last spring that “the Constitution does not require signatures for pardons. It simply says the president has the power to pardon.”

“So if President Biden wanted to simply verbally tell someone they’re pardoned, he could do that. It wouldn’t have to be in writing at all,” he said. “Administratively, of course, we want things in writing… but there’s no constitutional requirement.”

If Trump were to try to rearrest someone who received clemency in order to return them to prison, legal experts predict the actions would be unlikely to stand. “I can’t imagine the court saying that it wasn’t a valid pardon because of the autopen issue,” Stanford University Law School professor Bernadette Meyler told The Daily Signal. “Biden made statements regarding these pardons, so it would be hard to show that they weren’t a decision of the President.”

To reverse the pardons, DOJ would have to act, and the courts would have to resolve the question. “If Biden never authorized it, it’s an invalid pardon anyway,” Paul Kamenar, counsel for the National Legal and Policy Center, explained.

Ironically, Trump’s recent pardon of people “for conduct relating to support, voting… or advocacy for or of any slate or proposed slate of Presidential electors… in connection with the 2020 Presidential Election” is so vague and limitless that it could apply to thousands of people. In an Eastern District of Pennsylvania case of a man accused of voting both in Pennsylvania and Florida back in 2020 (he says he voted for Trump in both places), the defendant has moved to dismiss the indictment by claiming the pardon applies to him, too.  The Dept of Justice has argued in that case that it’s up to Attorney General Pam Bondi and Pardon Attorney Edward Martin to decide who, and which possible crimes, Trump actually meant to cover.

Politico reported last week that there’s neither historical nor modern precedent for a president to delegate his pardon power to subordinates on a pardon this vaguely worded. In fact, it is remarkably similar to what Trump has accused Biden of having done.

Other clemency issues will be more difficult to litigate if it means reincarceration or returning old penalties, said John Malcolm, director of the Meese Center for Legal and Judicial Studies at The Heritage Foundation.

“This is totally unprecedented territory,” Malcolm told The Daily Signal. “Normally pardons and grants of clemency, for example, are not subject to challenge since a president’s pardon power is plenary.”

“Here, the issue will be litigated when Trump takes some action that runs contrary to what Biden did–such as seeking to reincarcerate someone who was pardoned or granted clemency or setting an execution date for one of the 37 death row inmates whose sentences Biden commuted–and then we’ll see what a court does,” Malcolm added.

Trump’s move is a key first step. “The bigger threat that President Trump has brought to the public’s attention is the idea of unelected staffers exercising power they don’t have,” Stewart Whitson of the Foundation for Government Accountability told The Daily Signal. “It could be at the behest of a well-funded organizations or even foreign funding pushing unelected bureaucrats to act.”

Newsweek, Trump Says All Pardons, Commutations Signed by Biden Autopen ‘Terminated’ (December 2, 2025)

Government Executive, Trump says he is voiding Biden executive actions signed with autopen (December 1, 2025)

Stanford Law School, Why Trump Can’t ‘Void’ Biden’s Pardons Because of Autopen (March 17, 2025)

Government’s Opposition to Defendant’s Motion to Dismiss the Indictment (ECF 23), United States  v. Weiss, Eastern District of Pennsylvania, filed November 28, 2025

Politico, DOJ claims it has the power to decide who gets Trump’s sweeping 2020 pardon (December 4, 2025)

Daily Signal, What’s Next After Trump Voids Biden Autopen Orders? (December 4, 2025)

~ Thomas L. Root

I Really Do Hate To Say ‘I Told You So’ – Update for December 4, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

TRUMP TRIES TO VOID BIDEN CLEMENCIES

On Tuesday, I warned that President Trump wrote last week on the inaptly-named “Truth Social” that he considered “[a]ny document signed by Sleepy Joe Biden with the Autopen, which was approximately 92% of them,” to be of “no further force or effect.” Trump said he was overturning all the executive orders under the Biden administration and “anything else that was not directly signed by Crooked Joe Biden.”

I speculated that “anything else” might include clemencies, but that Trump had not yet tried to void any of them. But that was Tuesday morning. On Tuesday night, Trump ranted on Truth Social that he had voided all pardons and commutations that were signed by his predecessor, President Joe Biden, with an autopen:

Any and all Documents, Proclamations, Executive Orders, Memorandums, or Contracts, signed by Order of the now infamous and unauthorized “AUTOPEN,” within the Administration of Joseph R. Biden Jr., are hereby null, void, and of no further force or effect. Anyone receiving “Pardons,” “Commutations,” or any other Legal Document so signed, please be advised that said Document has been fully and completely terminated, and is of no Legal effect. Thank you for your attention to this matter!

Trump has repeatedly claimed without citing any evidence that Biden’s use of the autopen, a mechanical device that allows signatures without a person using their hand, resulted from the former president’s physical and mental frailty. Biden issued a record 4,245 acts of clemency during his four years in office, more than any other US president since the start of the 20th century, according to the non-partisan Pew Research Center. It is not known whether Biden used an autopen to sign pardons.

Before leaving office in January, Biden issued several pardons — including for family members he said he wanted to shield from politically motivated investigations — and commuted sentences for a number of nonviolent drug offenders. Trump, known for his criticism of political rivals, has repeatedly seized on Biden’s use of the autopen to sign official documents during his presidency.

Most of the clemencies were commutations rather than pardons. Biden only issued 80 individual pardons, but he did issue “pardons by proclamation” which affected entire classes of people. The pardons by proclamation included one for former military service members convicted of violating a ban on gay sex and people convicted of certain federal marijuana nontrafficking offenses.

David Super, a constitutional and administrative law professor at Georgetown University, told Government Executive last spring that “the Constitution does not require signatures for pardons. It simply says the president has the power to pardon.”

“So if President Biden wanted to simply verbally tell someone they’re pardoned, he could do that. It wouldn’t have to be in writing at all,” he said. “Administratively, of course, we want things in writing. It makes things a lot simpler, but there’s no constitutional requirement.”

If Trump were to try to prosecute or arrest someone who received clemency in order to return them to prison, legal experts predict the actions would be unlikely to stand. “I can’t imagine the court saying that it wasn’t a valid pardon because of the autopen issue,” says Stanford University Law School professor Bernadette Meyler. “Biden made statements regarding these pardons, so it would be hard to show that they weren’t a decision of the President.”

Of course, as he has already demonstrated, Trump is unlikely to shrink from trying to reimprison someone simply because no one believes his power extends to such an action.

Newsweek, Trump Says All Pardons, Commutations Signed by Biden Autopen ‘Terminated’ (December 2, 2025)

Government Executive, Trump says he is voiding Biden executive actions signed with autopen (December 1, 2025)

Time, Why Trump Can’t ‘Void’ Biden’s Pardons Because of Autopen (March 17, 2025)

~ Thomas L. Root

Most Recent Pardons Don’t Bode Well For Federal Clemency – Update for December 2, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

PARDONS FROM THE SUBLIME TO THE WEIRD

President Trump conducted the annual turkey pardon on the Tuesday before Thanksgiving, sparing “Waddle” and “Gobble” from the processing house.

At the same time, he extended the pardon to the Peach and Blossom, the two turkeys President Biden pardoned last year. Trump contended that Biden’s pardon of the birds was invalid because it was signed with an autopen instead of by Biden himself.

“The turkeys known as Peach and Blossom last year have been located, and they were on their way to be processed, in other words to be killed, but I stopped that journey and I am officially pardoning them,” Trump said.

Last Friday, Trump wrote on Truth Social: “Any document signed by Sleepy Joe Biden with the Autopen, which was approximately 92% of them, is hereby terminated, and of no further force or effect. The Autopen is not allowed to be used if approval is not specifically given by the President of the United States.” 

Trump also said that he has now overturned all the executive orders under the Biden administration and “anything else that was not directly signed by Crooked Joe Biden.”

Unless it’s an autopen doing the signing

It is not clear what “anything else that was not directly signed by Crooked Joe Biden” might include, such as clemencies. However, any notion that pardons might be excluded was undercut by Trump’s comments during the turkey pardon. Trump has previously suggested that Biden’s clemencies were illegal, but he has not yet tried to void any of them. His recent actions suggest that such an attempt is not out of the question.

Trump continues to issue clemencies one at a time, even where doing so contradicts his policies. In a Saturday social media post, Trump said that drug cartels present one of the most pressing dangers to the USA, saying in a social media post that airspace above and surrounding Venezuela should be considered “CLOSED IN ITS ENTIRETY.”

But this pronouncement followed Trump’s Friday social media announcement of a pardon for Juan Orlando Hernández, former president of Honduras, who was convicted of drug trafficking charges and has 35 years to go on his 45-year federal sentence.

The New York Times said, “The two posts displayed a remarkable dissonance in the president’s strategy, as he moved to escalate a military campaign against drug trafficking while ordering the release of a man prosecutors said had taken “cocaine-fueled bribes” from cartels and “protected their drugs with the full power and strength of the state — military, police and justice system.”

Trump said he had issued the pardon to Hernández because “they gave him 45 years because he was the president of the country — you could do this to any president on any country.”  Trump said that friends had alerted him to the wrongs done to Hernández: “Many people that I greatly respect” had told him Hernández had been “treated very harshly and unfairly.”

“Why would we pardon this guy and then go after Maduro for running drugs into the United States,” wrote Sen. Bill Cassidy (R., La.) on X. “Lock up every drug runner! I don’t understand why he is being pardoned.”

Meanwhile, just in case you think Trump’s pardon czar Alice Marie Johnson has gone dormant, she said in a Thanksgiving social media post that Trump had commuted the 7-year sentence of a private equity executive who had served less than two weeks for his role in what prosecutors described as a $1.6 billion scheme that defrauded thousands of victims.

David Gentile reported to prison on November 14th and suffered horribly in a minimum-security camp for nearly two weeks before being released on Thanksgiving Eve, according to the BOP. Alice Johnson said that she was “deeply grateful to see David Gentile heading home to his young children” and called it an “act of mercy.”

A White House official used the old refrain of “Biden something something,” suggesting that the Biden administration’s Ponzi scheme claim against Gentile’s company – good enough to convince a unanimous jury – was nevertheless “profoundly undercut by the fact that GPB had explicitly told investors what would happen… At trial, the government was unable to tie any supposedly fraudulent representations to Mr. Gentile.” The White House official spoke on condition of anonymity due to not being authorized to speak on the topic.

Ironically, we have always advised people seeking clemency that arguing the unjustness of their conviction was strongly disfavored.  Apparently, that’s the case no longer.

ABC News, Trump’s turkey pardoning turns political, but Waddle and Gobble are spared (November 25, 2025)

NBC, Trump ‘cancelling’ Biden executive orders signed by autopen (November 28, 2025)

New York Times, In Announcing Pardon of Drug Trafficker While Threatening Venezuela, Trump Displays Contradictions (November 29, 2025)

Wall Street Journal, He Was Convicted of Running a Narco State. Now Trump Plans to Pardon Him. (December 1, 2025)

Reuters, Trump frees former GPB Capital CEO after Biden admin’s Ponzi scheme sentence (November 30, 2025)

X.com, Alice Marie Johnson – All Grace (November 27, 2025)

~ Thomas L. Root

‘Hell’ vs. Truth on Federal Clemency – Update for November 24, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

GIVING ‘HELL’ TO THE CLEMENCY POWER

President Harry S Truman’s supporters liked to shout, “Give ‘em hell, Harry!” at his rallies. However, as Truman explained it, ‘I never did give them hell. I just told the truth, and they thought it was hell’.”

I once again heard from a reader last week that some of the guys at his facility thought I was too negative about President Trump. Seven years ago, I wrote glowingly about his support for the First Step Act, still the most consequential piece of criminal justice reform legislation in the last 30 years. But Trump has done nothing for federal criminal justice reform since then, and that’s the truth. To my critics, it just seems like ‘hell’.

‘Hell’, you ask? Minnesota constitutional lawyer Marshall Tanick last week aptly described the hellscape of Trump clemencies:

In addition to the unconditional pardons issued on the first day of his current term to all 1,500-plus January 6th rioters, as he promised during the campaign, with Floridians comprising the largest state group, and the 77 more recently to white collar election denier operatives, the president has issued more than 1,600 pardons and commutations of sentences this year. Nearly all of them, with a few exceptions like star baseball player Darryl Strawberry, have been given to political supporters and financial donors to his campaign or their relatives or those with business interests aligned with the president and his family. Most of them were charged and many convicted of massive fraudulent schemes.

A transparent theme has been political leanings, as reflected in his explanation for commuting the seven-year sentence of mendacious Republican former Congress member George Santos after serving a puny four months. The president said he released the discredited New Yorker from confinement because he did “ALWAYS VOTE REPUBLICAN,” as if that is the criterion for the exercise of presidential lenity.

Still waiting for your pardon or commutation? You probably don’t fit the criteria. Not like Dan Wilson, a man who – perhaps alone in American history – has received two presidential pardons in a single year. Wilson, a Kentucky militia member who joined the Capitol riot on Jan. 6, 2021, was indicted for that and as a felon-in-possession under 18 USC § 922(g)(1) for the guns agents found when they searched his home on a J6-based search warrant.

Trump had already erased Wilson’s felony conviction for his role in the riot when he issued his Inauguration Day pardon for all of the 1,500 participants in the attack. But Wilson remained in prison because the federal court concluded that the pardon was limited to J6 conduct and did not extend to separate crimes. Dan still had three years to serve for the 922(g)(1).

Last week, Trump quietly pardoned Wilson for the felon-in-possession count, reasoning that “because the search of Mr. Wilson’s home was due to the events of January 6, and they should have never been there in the first place…” according to a White House official.

In a separate action, Trump pardoned Suzanne Ellen Kaye for having threatened to shoot federal agents if they came to her house to question her about January 6th. The White House said her case was “clearly a case of disfavored First Amendment political speech being prosecuted and an excessive sentence.”

Meanwhile, if you were not at the January 6th riot, your clemency application will sit at the Office of Pardon Attorney. As I noted last week, only 1% of Trump’s clemencies this year went through the OPA.

‘But wait,’ you say. ‘You don’t have to be a rioter or election denier to get a pardon.’ Right you are. Just last week, Trump also pardoned Joseph Schwartz, a nursing home magnate who was sentenced last April to 36 months in prison for failing to pay $38 million in payroll taxes withheld from employees’ earnings. Schwartz hired a couple of right-wing lobbyists, paying them $960,000 to secure a pardon. Although Trump’s own interim US Attorney at the time, Alina Habba, said last April the offense deserved prison time (recommending a shocking 12 months and a day sentence), Trump signed off on the pardon. Schwartz walked out of FCI Otisville camp last week after serving three months.

A White House official, asked by the Washington Post whether Trump or others in the White House or Justice Department had met with Schwartz’s lobbyists, responded with a statement:

No one from White House Counsel nor [White House pardon czar] Alice Johnson met with the individuals named. Either way, the President is the final decision-maker on all pardons, and any one spending money to lobby for pardons is foolishly wasting funds.

Uh-huh.

I’m not alone in criticizing Trump’s gross abuse of clemency (at the expense of federal prisoners who deserve thoughtful consideration if not outright grant of commutation or pardon). Law professor Mark Osler, a national clemency expert, wrote last week on Sentencing Matters Substack:

These are hard days for people like me who believe that the pardon power is an essential part of the Constitution and a beautiful machine that embodies one of our primary national virtues: a belief in second chances. While clemency has been subjected to sharp criticism before (most recently, in the wake of Bill Clinton’s shady pardon of fugitive financier Marc Rich), the wave of criticism now — most often turning on President Trump’s grants to loyalists, celebrities, and business associates — has sometimes included outright calls to simply get rid of the federal pardon power.

Conservative writer Jonah Goldberg wrote last week that

[t]he president has some unique powers… including the sole, final authority to grant pardons. Pardons cannot be reviewed or repealed by Congress or the courts. It’s time we changed that—and the only way to do so is by amending the Constitution.

There are two reasons for getting rid of the president’s power to pardon. The first is the grotesque abuses of that power by Presidents Trump and Biden. In his first term, Trump issued a series of egregious pardons for, among others, lackeys, war criminals and political allies.

Biden then issued blanket and preemptive pardons for his family and various political allies… and a raft of other pardons and commutations that Biden allegedly just outsourced to ideologues on his staff.

Back in office in 2025, Trump has outdone Biden and himself. He launched his second term by granting mass pardons to the goons who beat police with flagpoles and stormed the Capitol on his behalf on January 6, 2021. Since then, he’s pardoned a rogues’ gallery of donors, partisan allies, and people with business ties to him or his family…

This coming week, the White House will pardon two turkeys out of the 219 million to be slaughtered in the US over the next 12 months. That puts a turkey’s odds of clemency at about 1:110 million. Sadly, for federal prisoners without money or political ties to the Trump Administration, the odds are not much better.

I’m for any president, regardless of party, who properly uses the clemency power to correct injustice. That has not been Trump in 2025. 

Just truth. Not hell.

Naples News, Presidential pardon process needs to be changed (November 20, 2025)

Washington Post, The case of a felon who paid lobbyists nearly $1 million to seek a Trump pardon (November 22, 2025)

Politico, Trump re-pardons a Jan. 6 defendant to erase unrelated gun conviction (November 15, 2025)

NPR, Trump issues two pardons related to Jan. 6 investigation (November 15, 2025)

Sentencing Matters Substack, A Terrible Use of a Beautiful Machine (November 17, 2025)

Los Angeles Times, Instead of Addressing Injustice, Pardons Only Pervert Justice (November 19, 2025)

USA Today, You can choose the names of turkeys to get a presidential pardon. Here’s how. (November 22, 2025)

~ Thomas L. Root

The Pardon Power’s a Wreck – Update for November 18, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

PARDON OUR PARDONS

Sobering news on the clemency front. To many, it seems that President Trump has exercised his pardon and commutation pen unlike any of his predecessors. Recent reports from Politico and ProPublica make it clear that the President’s beneficiaries have mostly been people with access to him or his inner circle.  Those petitioners who have followed rules set out by the Dept of Justice have been left out in the cold.

Trump has granted clemency to allies, donors and culture-war figures — as well as to people like him who were convicted of financial wrongdoing. A week ago, he granted pardons to 77 people, including Rudy Giuliani and other allies tied to Trump’s efforts to overturn the 2020 election. Those clemencies came on top of the commutation awarded last month to Republican George Santos, the disgraced former New York congressman found guilty of defrauding donors and lying to Congress. Trump freed Santos after he had served fewer than 3 months of his 87-year sentence

Politico said, “The pardons are the latest attempt by Trump to rewrite the history of his bid to seize a second term he didn’t win in 2020, an effort that culminated in the violent attack on the Capitol by a mob of his supporters who attempted to halt the transfer of power. Trump pardoned more than 1,000 of those who joined the mob within hours of his inauguration in January, including hundreds who assaulted police officers protecting the Capitol.”

For those who followed DOJ protocol, ProPublica reported, “the sense is growing that the process no longer matters; they’ve watched the public database of applicants swell with thousands of pending cases, while Trump grants pardons to people who never entered the system at all.”

In the 10 months since Trump took office, about 10,000 people have filed petitions for pardon or commutation, two-thirds of the total number of clemency applications (14,867) filed during the four years of the Biden presidency.

DOJ rules require that people seeking pardons wait five years after their release before applying, show good conduct and remorse, and file petitions through the Office of the Pardon Attorney. But in his second term, Trump has largely abandoned that process.

“It’s unfair to the little guy,” said Margaret Love, who served as pardon attorney from 1990 to 1997 under Presidents George H.W. Bush and Bill Clinton and now represents people in clemency cases. “I tell people, ‘Sorry, you don’t have a chance.’”

In Trump’s first term, fewer than half of his clemency recipients had applied through the Pardon Attorney. By one estimate, only 1 in 10 had been recommended by the OPA.

This term is worse. Now, only 10 of the roughly 1,600 people granted pardons (under 1%) had filed petitions with the Pardon Attorney, and even within that small group, some did not appear to meet DOJ’s standards and requirements.

St. John’s law professor Mark Osler, a national expert on federal clemency, wrote yesterday in Sentencing Matters Substack:

Imagine a classic Jaguar sedan, perhaps a 1972 XJ in British racing green — elegant, stunningly fast, unusual. It’s a joy to drive, wonderful to look at, and can come to define its owner in a way few cars can.

For those of us who care about federal clemency, watching President Donald Trump’s use of the pardon power in his second term has been like standing by as a driver uses that classic Jag to knock down an old house by slamming it into a wall again and again and again as a crowd gathers, aghast. It is a terrible use of a beautiful machine.

These are challenging times for individuals like me who believe that the pardon power is an integral part of the Constitution and a vital institution that embodies one of our primary national virtues: a belief in second chances. While clemency has been subjected to sharp criticism before (most recently, in the wake of Bill Clinton’s shady pardon of fugitive financier Marc Rich), the wave of criticism now — most often turning on President Trump’s grants to loyalists, celebrities, and business associates — has sometimes included outright calls to simply get rid of the federal pardon power.

I somehow doubt that anything is likely to improve before it worsens. For now, it is harder than ever for a federal prisoner not connected to this President by money, politics or some other transaction deemed beneficial to Trump to get noticed – let alone approved – for federal clemency.

ProPublica, How Trump Has Exploited Pardons and Clemency to Reward Allies and Supporters (November 12, 2025)

Politico, Trump pardons top allies who aided bid to subvert the 2020 election (November 10, 2025)

Sentencing Matters Substack, A Terrible Use of a Beautiful Machine (November 17, 2025)

~ Thomas L. Root