Some Short Notes from D.C. – Update for August 7, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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TWO INTERESTING D.C. CIRCUIT RULINGS END LAST WEEK

The D.C. Circuit handed down a pair of rulings last Friday. One, the reversal of sentences (and in one case, a conviction) for four Blackwater contractors over a 2007 Baghdad massacre, was widely reported. The other, a case about prisoners’ waivers of FOIA rights, flew under the radar. Both are of significance to federal inmates.

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D.C. CIRCUIT SAYS 924(C) SENTENCE IN BLACKWATER CASE VIOLATES 8TH AMENDMENT

carriefgun170807The big news from the D.C. Circuit last Friday was the reversal of sentences for four Blackwater private security contractors who massacred 14 civilians after they mistakenly thought they were under attack on a Baghdad street. Buried in that decision is a holding of interest to federal prisoners with 18 USC 924(c) convictions, especially where those counts are stacked to result in horrendous sentences.

The contractors were armed with government-issued M4 rifles, which of course can be set to fire fully automatically. Because of that, each of the defendants – found guilty of committing a crime of violence with a gun – got a mandatory sentence of 30 years because the weapon was a machine gun.

Apparently, hanging the 924(c) machinegun sentence on the defendants was contentious, even in the Justice Department. The D.C. Circuit agreed, ruling that applying the mandatory 30-year sentence to the contractors – based “solely on the type of weapons… used – violated the 8th Amendment’s prohibition against cruel and unusual punishment.

In its opinion, the Circuit tried mightily to limit the decision to the facts of the case: It notes the firearms were a type required by the government, the contractors all had prior unblemished military records and no other convictions, it was a war zone where snap judgment was the difference between life and death, the contractors did not choose to be on that street corner, but were ordered there by their commander, and they did not set out that day to blow away civilians. The Court also noted that when 924(c) was last amended, the concept of private contractors protecting U.S. diplomats was not envisioned.

overkill170807“Combining all of these considerations,” the appellate court said, “we conclude the mandatory 30-year sentences create the rare case that leads to an inference of gross disproportionality… None of the penological justifications our society relies upon when sentencing criminals — incapacitation, rehabilitation, retribution, or deterrence — are properly served here by a sentence whose length is determined solely based on the type of weapon used during the crime.”

The Blackwater case has a rare set of facts, and run-of-the-mill defendants – who, for example, use a submachine gun to rob a bank – are unlikely to get much love from the holding. However, now the 8th Amendment camel’s nose is inside the tent. It will be interesting to see whether 8th Amendment claims become a staple of 924(c) defense elsewhere in the country.

United States v. Slatten, Case No. 15-3078 (D.C.Cir., Aug. 4, 2017)

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D.C. CIRCUIT SAYS FOIA RIGHTS CANNOT BE WAIVED BY PLEA AGREEMENT

The government often demands, as a price for plea agreements, that defendants waive their right to pursue Freedom of Information Act requests.

Last Friday, the D.C. Circuit outlawed the practice, holding that the FOIA waiver is unconnected to any “legitimate criminal justice interest” and is void as a matter of public policy.

foia160930The Court said a “prosecutor is permitted to consider only legitimate criminal justice concerns in striking a plea bargain—concerns such as rehabilitation, allocation of criminal justice resources, the strength of the evidence against the defendant, and the extent of a defendant’s cooperation with the authorities… This set of legitimate interests places boundaries on the rights that can be bargained away in plea negotiations.”

While banning FOIA suits “may occasionally promote the government’s legitimate interest in finality,” the Circuit said, “they only do so by making it more difficult for criminal defendants to uncover exculpatory information or material showing that their counsel provided ineffective assistance. That argument takes the finality interest too far. After all, a defendant can never waive his right to bring a colorable claim of ineffective assistance of counsel, even though such claims undermine finality… FOIA plays a significant role in uncovering undisclosed Brady material and evidence of ineffective assistance of counsel, and in practice has led to uncovering records relevant to ineffective-assistance-of-counsel claims, such as plea offers not communicated by defense counsel to clients.”

Price v. Dept. of Justice Attorney Office, Case No. 15-5312 (D.C.Cir., Aug. 4, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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Civil Rules Can Limit Habeas Corpus Showing – Update for August 3, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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WHEN BIGGER IS NOT BETTER

We have been accused from time to time of tending toward prolixity, so we can sympathize with Jorge Martinez. Jorge, serving a life sentence for drug distribution and healthcare fraud, resulting in the death of patients, filed a post-conviction motion pursuant to 28 USC 2255 that was… well, let’s say “substantial.”

fishfowl170803As we have previously described, everyone has a basic constitutional right to habeas corpus, but that does not mean Congress cannot limit its use. And for federal inmates, Congress has done so in 28 USC 2255. The issue – one the 6th Circuit takes up in today’s case – is exactly what a 2255 motion is, a continuation of the criminal case (and thus governed by criminal rules) or a civil action.

Courts traditionally have said that a 2555 motion is neither fish nor fowl, having some characteristics of a criminal action and some of a civil action. This became a debate of more than academic interest to Jorge, because he had to seek relief in the Northern District of Ohio.

Procedures in federal cases are governed by various layers of rules adopted by the Supreme Court and given the force of law by the Rules Enabling Act. Criminal actions are subject to the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure. Civil proceedings are governed by the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure. Appellate actions are subject to the Federal Rules of Appellate Procedure. Evidence in any of the foregoing is governed by the Federal Rules of Evidence.

Section 2255 proceedings have their own procedural rules, given the clunky name “Rules Governing Section 2255 Proceedings for the United States District Courts”. 

But layered on top of these rules are local rules adopted by district courts and appellate courts nationwide, such as the ones for the Northern District of Ohio. Especially for inmates who lack access to the Internet, learning those rules can be a tall order.

details170803Nevertheless, the devil is in the details. The Northern District of Ohio has a rule limiting the length of memoranda attached to dispositive motions (the kind of motion that, if granted, will decide a case) to 20 pages. On one hand, this make sense, forcing lawyers to be concise and to the point. On the other hand, it’s a little draconian to apply that to an inmate who is not a trained lawyer, who only has one shot to raise every issue he or she has, and who is fighting for his or her liberty, not merely for money or property as in a civil case.

For that reason, the Northern District has been known to use some discretion on enforcing the rule. Still, when Jorge filed a 628-page 2255 motion, the court sent it back, giving him a chance to refile one that complied with the rule. Little wonder there: ten pages over on a 2255 might be forgiven, but Jorge’s filing was 32 times as long as permitted. Bigger is not always better.

bigger170803Jorge refiled a 23-page motion. So far, so good. It was pretty close, except that he attached a 628-page “affidavit” that was nothing but the original filing. The judge, who had not just fallen off the turnip truck, sent that back, too, giving Jorge one more chance.

Jorge did not accept the invitation to try a third time, and the court dismissed the 2255 for noncompliance. Jorge appealed, arguing that the local civil rules should not apply to 2255 motions.

On Tuesday, the 6th Circuit disagreed, holding that the district court correctly applied Local Rule 7.1 on motion length. While noting that “there appears to be no definitive authority on the question of whether § 2255 proceedings are civil or criminal in nature, the overwhelming history of § 2255 indicates that motions filed under that section could be considered civil in nature.”

The Court said a 2255 petition is a “motion” as contemplated by the local rule:

Local Rule 7.1 is not inconsistent with any provision of § 2255… [It] states that memoranda relating to dispositive motions in standard cases must not exceed twenty pages and memoranda relating to all other motions must not exceed fifteen pages in length. The local rules also provide that non-compliance is sanctionable at the judge’s discretion.

The Court observed that Rule 12 of the Rules Governing Section 2255 Proceedings makes clear that the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure apply to 2255 proceedings. And, the Court said, “even if § 2255 proceedings are more criminal in nature, Federal Rule of Criminal Procedure 57 allows district courts to apply local rules as long as the litigant has notice. Martinez clearly had notice in this case.”

draconian170725Jorge – who is serving a life sentence without chance of parole – is left without any chance for a 2255 motion, his one and only genuine shot at habeas corpus. Sure, he was being cute with his second filing, and he should have cleaned up the pleading. Nevertheless, the sanction seems to smack of Draco just a bit.

Martinez v. United States, Case No. 14-4258 (6th Cir., Aug. 1, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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More Cost, More Interest, a New Sheriff – Update for August 2, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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THREE UNRELATED STORIES MAY PORTEND CHANGE IN COMPASSIONATE RELEASE

Sometimes, interesting stories come in triplicate.

burningcash161108Story 1: Late last week, the Government Accountability Office reported that the Federal Bureau of Prisons’ cost of providing healthcare to inmates had jumped 30% in the last four years. The BOP now spends over $8,600 per year to meet each inmate’s health needs.

The GAO report found that while the BOP knows how much it is spending on healthcare, it lacks utilization data, “which is data that shows how much it is spending on individual inmate’s health care or how much it is expending on a particular health care service.”  A 2015 Dept. of Justice Inspector General’s study contained the unsurprising report that aging inmates cost more to incarcerate due to higher healthcare costs.

healthcarecost170802At the same time, number of 55-year old and older inmates has increased from 8.4% of the inmate population in 2009 to 12.0% in FY 2016.

compassion160208Story 2: Under 18 USC 3582(c)(1), the BOP director is empowered to recommend the compassionate release of an aged, infirm or sick inmate to his or her sentencing judge. The district court then makes the call whether to release the prisoner or not. It is an open secret that while the BOP constantly wrings its bureaucratic hands over its soaring costs of inmate care, an inmate has perhaps a better chance of being struck by lightning than he or she does being recommended or compassionate release. On average, about 575 applications for compassionate release are filed annually: the number actually granted averages about 24.

In 2013, the DOJ Inspector General encouraged the BOP to step up its game. Two years later, the IG’s aging inmates study found “aging inmates engage in fewer misconduct incidents while incarcerated and have a lower rate of re-arrest once released.” In 2016, the U.S. Sentencing Commission went so far as to expand eligibility for the program in hopes the BOP would use it more.

The BOP has remained remarkably immune to DOJ’s exhortations and the Sentencing Commission’s gentle prodding. Late last week, Congress stepped into the breach.

approp170802BIn a report accompanying the 2018 appropriations bill, Sen. Richard Shelby (R-Alabama) – chair of the Senate Appropriations Committee Subcommittee on Commerce, Justice, Science and Related Agencies – ordered the BOP to turn over a gold mine of data on the compassionate release program. Sen. Shelby wants to see (1) the steps BOP has taken to implement the IG’s and Sentencing Commission’s suggestions; (2) a detailed explanation as to which recommendations the BOP has not adopted (which we think would be all of them) and why they were rejected; (3) the number of prisoners seeking compassionate release in each of the last five years, how many were granted and how many denied (“categorized by the criteria relied on as grounds” for each decision, as the Report puts it); (4) the amount of time between each request being filed and being acted on; and (4) how many inmates died while waiting for a BOP compassionate release decision .

Sen. Shelby is giving the BOP 60 days to deliver the data.

As of last June, about 35,000 federal prisoners are over the age of 51. More than 10,000 of those inmates are over 60.

Story 3:  There’s a new sheriff in town. Yesterday, Attorney General Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III announced that Army Major General Mark Inch will serve as the new BOP director, replacing acting director Thomas Kane.

sheriff170802Sessions said, “As a military policeman for nearly a quarter of a century and as the head of Army Corrections for the last two years, General Inch is uniquely qualified to lead our federal prison system.”

Inch, who as Provost Marshal General of the Army and Commanding General, United States Army Criminal Investigation Command and Army Corrections Command, was the Army’s top cop, has been a soldier for 35 years. He has professional certification with the American Correctional Association (ACA) and was the first Army officer to earn the Certified Corrections Executive designation with Honor.

Wrap-up: We’re just speculating here, but Inch – who led the Army Corrections Command after the international embarrassment at US-run Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq – is an outsider to the BOP and a man who is used to the chain of command. He may be more likely to follow the directives of Congress and the DOJ, and be open to the guidance of the Sentencing Commission – while at the same time being resistant to the “we’ve-always-done-it-that-way” mentality of the agency he has been tasked to lead.

In short, this could be a pivotal moment for the BOP Director’s exercise of the compassionate release power under 18 USC 3582(c)(1).

Government Accountability Office, Better Planning and Evaluation Needed to Understand and Control Rising Inmate Health Care Costs (July 27, 2017)

Senate Committee on Appropriations, Draft Report on Commerce and Justice, Science and Related Agencies Appropriations Bill, 2018 (July 25, 2017)

The Hill, Sessions adds Army general to oversee federal prisons (Aug. 1, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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Trump Turmoil Not Likely to Lead to Sentence Reform – Update for July 31, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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THE SESSIONS WATCH
Attorney General Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III
Attorney General Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III

We could hardly keep up last week with President Trump’s unprecedented attacks on Attorney General Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III, but by the end of the week, the story had shifted to the turmoil among the White House staff.

Meanwhile, the Wall Street Journal reported last week that President Trump’s son-in-law and senior adviser, Jared Kushner, met this month with House Judiciary Chairman Bob Goodlatte (R-Virginia) to discuss potential changes to the criminal justice system, including to mandatory minimums, that conflict with Sessions’ tough-on-crime agenda. This continues Kushner’s interest in sentencing reform that began last March with Senate Judiciary Committee leaders and criminal justice reform organizations.

Reports floated last week that the President, who is angry with Sessions that he recused himself from the Trump-Russia investigation, was considering hiring former Texas senator Ted Cruz in Sessions’ place. Cruz, who was for the Sentence Reform and Corrections Act of 2015 before he changed his mind during his run for president last week, might be a marginally better AG than Sessions. But for now, Sessions appears to be staying in his job.

violent160620However, Mike Riggs at Reason.com, skewered any hope that Kushner, whose father did federal time a decade ago, might harbor that sentence reform would pass Congress and be signed by Trump. “Neither the House nor Senate will vote on a bill shortening federal drug sentences,” Riggs told Kushner, “while your father-in-law is giving speeches about apocryphal Mexican drug dealers who capture young American girls and ‘slice them and dice them with a knife because they want them to go through excruciating pain before they die’; your father-in-law will not stop saying those things because he likes when people scream lustily after he speaks; and the Attorney General of the United States will sabotage whatever you come up with, because he can and because he wants to.”

Wall Street Journal, Kushner’s Interest in Drug-Sentencing Limits Is at Odds With Attorney General (July 26, 2017)

Reason.com, If Jared Kushner Wants to Reform Federal Drug Sentences, Here’s What He Should Keep in Mind (July 27, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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8th Circuit Says Minnesota Riots Aren’t Necessarily Violent – Update for July 27, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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YOU’RE A RIOT… BUT DON’T KICK MY DOG

Ryan McMillan was a felon with a gun, conduct that violates 18 USC 922(g)(1). The district court sentenced him based in part on Ryan’s prior Minnesota conviction for third degree riot. Under Sec. 2K2.1(a)(2) of the federal sentencing guidelines, that crime of violence jacked up his sentencing range to 92-115 months.

riot170727Rioting sounds to just about anyone to be a crime of violence. The district court thought so, determining that the riot conviction qualified because it had “as an element the use, attempted use, or threatened use of physical force against the person of another.” But Ryan did not think so, and earlier this week, the 8th Circuit agreed with Ryan.

kick170727Minn. Stat. Sec. 609.71, subd. 3 stated that “when three or more persons assembled disturb the public peace by an intentional act or threat of unlawful force or violence to person or property, each participant therein is guilty of riot third degree… “ A prior conviction like this one only qualifies as a crime of violence under the force clause if it “has as an element the use, attempted use, or threatened use of physical force against the person of another.”

Ever since Mathis v. United States, the courts have started their analysis of potential crimes of violence by determining whether the “categorical” or “modified categorical approach” can be used to parse the statute. If a statute provides that only one set of elements must be present to prove a violation, the courts use a “categorical” approach, asking whether the statute can theoretically be violated without employing force or the threat of force against a person. If, however, the statute has alternative elements – sort of like a Chinese restaurant menu – then it is “divisible,” and the court may look at what the defendant actually did to violate the state law, and ask itself whether the way the defendant violated the statute made it a crime of violence.

menu170727Mathis provided a whole new set of rules for a court to use in figuring out whether a statute is divisible. First, it figures out which terms in the statute set out the elements, as opposed to the means of committing the crime. Say, for example, a statute prohibits one from “purposely insulting, taunting or kicking a person or his dog, and if anyone insults, he is guilty of a third-degree felony, if he taunts, a second-degree felony, and if his kicks, a first-degree felony.” Our hypothetical jury instructions require that the jury unanimously find whether the offensive conduct was insulting, or taunting, or kicking. But because the degree of felony (and thus punishment) is the same whether the victim is a person or a dog, the jury does not have unanimously find that the injured party was Waldo as opposed to Fido.

Had Ryan’s prior offense been a violation of our hypothetical, the federal district court could use the modified categorical approach to find out from state court records whether he had been convicted of insulting or taunting (neither one violent conduct), as opposed to kicking (definitely violent conduct). However, because whether the victim is a human or canine is a single element (just alternative means of fulfilling that element, as opposed to kicking a cat or a trash can), the district court could not look at whether Ryan had used his size 12 on a dog versus on its owner. Any way you slice it, because the hypothetical offense could be committed without using force against a person, it would not be a crime of violence (as unfair to Rover as that may seem).

splithair170727In Ryan’s case, the Circuit noted that “the text of Minnesota’s third-degree riot statute does not provide helpful guidance as to whether the phrase ‘person or property’ lists alternative means or alternative elements, because there is a uniform punishment for commission of third degree riot. Two Minnesota appellate courts have held that to convict a defendant of a riot offense, the state only must show that the defendant was one of ‘three or more persons assembled’ and the assembly ‘disturb[ed] the public peace by an intentional act or threat of unlawful force or violence to person or property.'” The appellate panel said, “That statement of the second element of a riot offense suggests that a jury is not required to agree unanimously on whether a person or property was affected by the crime and therefore indicates that they are alternative means, not elements.”

The 8th also reviewed Minnesota’s model jury instructions, which direct that the phrase “person or property” is a list of alternative means, not elements. The model instructions list the same two elements of third degree riot, not separating “person” and “property.”

The government argued that because the disjunctive “or” separates “person” from “property,” those two terms are necessarily elements and not means. The Circuit disagreed, noting that “Mathis held that ‘or’ is not determinative one way or another. Indeed, we have concluded elsewhere that a list of alternatives was a list of means even though the statute used the word ‘or’ between the alternatives.”

Ryan will get resentenced with a substantially lower sentencing range.

United States v. McMillan, Case No. 16-2436 (8th Cir., July 24, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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Counting Angels on Pins in the Guidelines – Update for July 26, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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WHY SHOULD IT MATTER?

Consumers of the Federal Sentencing Guidelines – the courts that apply them, the lawyers that argue them, and the defendants that suffer under them – all have experience with the Byzantine nature of the code: enhancements are many and malleable, timelines are flexible as needed, and the quantum of evidence needed to jack up offense levels seems to fluctuate like political approval ratings.

emperor170726A refreshing 7th Circuit decision handed down Monday declared emphatically that the Guidelines emperor has no clothes. Crane Marks, who had pled guilty to conspiring to distributing heroin, was sentenced to 108 months, a sentence that was “either well above or well below the advisory range under the Sentencing Guidelines, depending on one issue,” the Court said. The district court decided the issue against Crane, but did so in a way that was both legally and factually defective.

Most of us who have spent any time at all in courtrooms have heard judges disgustedly ask parties – either the plaintiff or defendant, and sometimes both – “why are you here?” It hardly ever is asked as eloquently as it was in this case. The Circuit complained,

In all candor, [the] one issue [in this case] seems astonishingly technical and trivial. It has nothing to do with Marks’ culpability or the larger goals of sentencing. As we explain below, the issue is whether, when Marks was imprisoned on his fourth state drug conviction in 2000, he also had his state parole revoked on any of his earlier state drug convictions and was re‐imprisoned on that revocation as well. From this description of the issue, we hope readers will agree that this is one of those guideline issues that should prompt the sentencing judge to ask why the judge or anyone else should care about the an‐swer.

Because the issue seems so technical and trivial, we have examined the record in this case for any signs that the judge would have given Marks the same sentence regardless of how the technical criminal history issue was resolved. We found no such signs, however, so we have considered the technical guideline issue on the merits.

The issue was straightforward enough. Crane had enough prior state drug convictions to be a career offender under USSG Sec. 4B1.1, which would subject him to a dramatically higher sentencing range. However, for a prior drug sentence to count, it had to be otherwise eligible for criminal history points, meaning that Crane would have had to have been in prison for it within 15 years of the current offense.

guidelines170530The government and Crane agreed he was not a career offender, because he got out of prison on one of his qualifying priors, from 1994, more than 15 years before his current crime. This would have set his sentencing range at 51-63 months. But the Probation Officer writing the presentence report found some handwritten state prison records saying Crane had had his parole revoked on the 1994 case in 2000, which would put imprisonment on the offense within the 15-year window and make the 1994 case countable. The records showed that his parole was revoked, and he was “in the custody” of the state department of corrections. The Probation Officer – and the court – concluded Crane was a career offender. His career offender guidelines were 151-188 months, but the court sentenced him well below that at 108 months.

Probation officers work for the U.S. Probation and Pretrial Services, a judicial agency. They are often considered by the district court judges to be their trusted employees. This unhealthy familiarity, in our opinion, leaves judges way too willing to accept anything the probation officer says, even when both the government and the defendant disagree. So it was in this case.

The Court of Appeals was not wearing the same blinders. It concluded “that the court made both a legal error and a factual error. The legal error was that the court did not make the finding needed to treat Marks as a career offender under the Guidelines. The factual problem is that the court was not presented with reliable evidence from which it could have found that Marks was imprisoned on a revocation of parole on any earlier conviction. That means that Marks does not qualify, technically, as a career offender. His advisory guideline sentencing range is lower than the range found by the district court.”

checkoff170726The legal problem was that the state department of corrections treated anyone on home confinement, electronic monitoring or in prison as being “in custody.” This meant that the notation that Crane was “in custody” was irrelevant: only if he was actually locked up within the 15 years would the prior offense count. As the Circuit put it, “The broad concept of “custody” is not enough under Sec. 4A1.2(k)(2). The focus is “incarceration.” Proving that Marks’ parole terms did not expire until 2000 was not enough—the government had to show that Marks was incarcerated on at least one of those convictions.”

The factual problem was that the district court lacked reliable evidence to support application of the career‐offender Guideline. As a general rule, a sentencing judge may rely on a presentence report if it “is well‐supported and appears reliable,” the Circuit said. “But if a presentence report contains nothing but a naked or unsupported charge,” the defendant’s denial will suffice to call the report’s accuracy into doubt. Similarly, if the presentence report “omits crucial information, leaving ambiguity on the face of that document,” the government has the burden of independently demonstrating the accuracy of the report.”

Here, the records contained no narrative showing that Crane was given a new term of imprisonment for violating parole, or whether he was merely noted as being in custody on a potential parole violation. The fact that his sentence on 1994 conviction “was discharged only a few months after he pled guilty to the 2000 charge,” the Circuit said, “suggests that no revocation occurred. And it is difficult to understand why, if Marks’ parole was actually revoked, the government could not have supported the presentence report with a copy of the order of revocation.”

angels170726It seems so much like counting angels on the heads of pins. Had the trial judge stated on the record that his sentence would be 108 months with or without the career offender finding, the 7th would have simply called it a day. But without being able to tell from the record how the faulty career offender status influenced the trial court, the Circuit had no option but to remand the case for resentencing.

United States v. Marks, Case No. 15-2862 (7th Cir., July 24, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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A Most Consequential Certiorari Petition – Update for July 25, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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SAVING DAN MCCARTHAN

In the world of habeas corpus, federal defendants quickly are on first-name basis with Title 28, Section 2255, of the United States Code. Soon, a substantial number may as well known the name “Dan McCarthan.”

blackstone170725First, some background: The right of habeas corpus is shorthand for “Habeas corpus ad subjiciendum,” meaning roughly “that you have the person for the purpose of subjecting him/her to examination,” the first sentence of the writ issued by the court.

The great English commentator on the law, Lord William Blackstone, called writ of habeas corpus has been called “the great and efficacious writ in all manner of illegal confinement.” At its essence, the writ of habeas corpus is a court order addressed to a prison official that demands a prisoner be brought before the court and that the custodian present proof of authority to detain him. It allows the court to determine whether the prison authority has lawful authority to detain the prisoner in the conditions in which he is detained. If the custodian is acting beyond his or her authority, then the prisoner must be released.

Some say habeas corpus originated with the Magna Carta’s guarantee that no freeman could lose his liberty or property except by the law of the land (sounding a lot like the 5th Amendment’s guarantee of due process). Others trace it to the Assize of Clarendon, a re-issuance of rights during the reign of Henry II of England about 50 years before the Magna Carta. Lord Blackstone cited the first recorded issuance of a writ of habeas corpus ad subjiciendum in 1305.

Regardless of when it first was enshrined in English law, by the time the United States Constitution was drafted, habeas corpus was assumed to be the law, so much so that the Constitution only guarantees it in the negative, that is, “[t]he privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it.”

habeas_corpusThe privilege may not be easily suspended, but Congress and courts have shown that it can be easily regulated. Habeas corpus for federal prisoners is controlled by Sec. 2255 (which permits and regulates post-conviction motions attacking the lawfulness of convictions and sentences) and 28 USC 2241 (habeas corpus for conditions of confinement). For prisoners seeking to get out of prison, 2255 is the only game in town.

Restricting prisoners’ rights to challenge their convictions is a pretty easy issue to demagogue. No one likes prisoners, and Congress has given legislative voice to public disdain for convicts by restricting when and how Section 2255 may be used. A prisoner has only one year from finality of the conviction to challenge it, subject only to strictly limited exceptions. Like dogs, every inmate gets only one bite: filing a second 2255 motion requires prior approval of a court of appeals, which is granted only in the most limited circumstances. Only where new facts that could not have been discovered before and convincingly prove innocence, or a new Supreme Court ruling changing a constitutional rule and made retroactive, can a prisoner file a second 2255 motion.

The holding in Johnson v. United States, where a part of the Armed Career Criminal Act was declared unconstitutionally vague, is the most recent example of a retroactive holding. Such decisions are never declared retroactive in the holding itself: rather, a case is declared to be retroactive in a subsequent decision that addresses specifically the retroactivity of the prior case.

This two-step procedure can be perilous. Sec. 2255 only provides one year from a new Supreme Court case to file any new claims. Often, however, it takes that long or longer to get a retroactivity ruling from the Supreme Court. In Johnson’s case, the holding came with only two months to go. Sometimes, the holding comes after the deadline altogether.

A different but more serious problem comes when changes in the law are not based on the constitution. In 1995, the Supreme Court decided that the lower courts had been misinterpreting 18 USC 924(c) – which punishes using a gun in a crime of violence or drug offense – and locking up many people to whom the statute did not apply. The decision was purely one of statutory interpretation, with no constitutional dimension whatsoever. Under the law, people who had already filed a 2255 motion could not file another one, because the change in the law did not qualify them for permission from a court of appeals for a second 2255.

For that kind of problem, 2255 has a “saving clause” at 28 USC 2255(e), which provides that a prisoner may not use the other form of federal habeas corpus – a petition under 28 USC 2241 –instead of a 2255 “unless it also appears that the remedy by [2255] motion is inadequate or in-effective to test the legality of his detention.”

lifering170725Dan McCarthan Needs a Lifeline: For the past 20 years, courts have let prisoners use 2241 to challenge convictions that suddenly became non-convictions because statutes had been reinterpreted in such a way that the inmates were no longer guilty of a crime. And what could make more sense? If a guy has been locked up for a decade, and he already used up and lost his 2255 nine years before, does that make it fair to keep him in prison another 10 years for something that’s no longer a crime?

Dan McCarthan didn’t think so. Years before, Dan had walked away from a halfway house, a mistake that caught him an escape charge. When Dan was convicted federally of being a felon in possession of a gun, escape charges were deemed to be violent, and that qualified him for a mandatory 15-year sentence under the ACCA. But then, in 2009, the Supreme Court held escape was not a violent crime. Because the decision was based on interpreting the statute, and was not constitutional, it did not entitle Dan to file a second 2255. So he filed a 2241.

While the district court threw out Dan’s 2241, a three-judge panel on the 11th Circuit held he was entitled to use a 2241. But then, the Circuit decided to rehear Dan’s case en banc, and told the parties to brief the question of whether the 2241 could be used in this kind of case.

The government and Dan agreed that the 2241 was appropriate in this kind of case, but the Circuit – by a 7-4 vote last March, with six different opinions totaling more than 150 pages – held that an initial Section 2255 motion is an adequate and effective remedy to “test” a sentence, even when circuit precedent forecloses the movant’s claim at the time of the motion. After all, the Circuit said, a movant could have asked the court of appeals to overrule its precedent, sought Supreme Court review, or both. The en banc decision asserted the saving clause in Section 2255(e) is concerned only with ensuring that a person in custody has a “theoretical opportunity” to pursue a claim, even if, at the time of the initial 2255 motion, the claim was virtually certain to fail in the face of adverse precedent.

draconian170725Prior to the 11th Circuits’s decision in Dan’s case, only the 10th Circuit took such a draconian view of the saving clause (in a decision written by Judge – now Justice – Neil Gorsuch). But now, the circuit split is 9-2, with thousands of federal inmates in Florida, Georgia and Alabama now shut out for relief.

Fortunately, someone lined Dan up with Kannon Shanmugam, a former Antonin Scalia law clerk who is now a Supreme Court veteran. With 20 oral arguments under his belt, Kannon heads the Supreme Court practice for D.C. law powerhouse Williams & Connolly. It’s like Dan’s flag football team really needed a good quarterback, and Aaron Rodgers showed up. Sure, you can argue that there are several quarterbacks arguably better than Aaron, but he’s in anyone’s Top 5. So is Kannon.

Dan filed a petition for writ of certiorari with the Supreme Court two weeks ago, asking the Court to resolve the circuit split by ruling that the 2255 savings clause was intended to throw a lifeline to someone who never had a reasonable chance because circuit precedent foreclosed his argument. As the Seventh Circuit once explained it, with circuit precedent against a prisoner, “[t]he trial judge, bound by our… cases, would not listen to him; stare decisis would make us unwilling (in all likelihood) to listen to him; and the Supreme Court does not view itself as being in the business of correcting errors.” In those circumstances, the Seventh Circuit reasoned, Section 2255 “can fairly be termed inadequate,” because “it is so configured as to deny a convicted defendant any opportunity for judicial rectification of so fundamental a defect in his conviction as having been imprisoned for a nonexistent offense.”

Dan argues eloquently for the Supreme Court to hear the case:

The conflict on the question presented cries out for the Court’s intervention. The arguments on both sides of the conflict are well developed, with the benefit of numerous opinions across nearly every regional circuit over the last two decades. There is little room for the law to develop further. And this case is an apt vehicle for resolving the conflict, because the relevant arguments have been exhaustively presented in six separate opinions from an en banc court whose members embraced the full spectrum of positions on the question. This case satisfies all of the criteria for the Court’s review, and the petition for a writ of certiorari should therefore be granted.

score170725This cert petition is very consequential to thousands of inmates, not just those who have suddenly found their statutes of conviction redefined to make them innocent, but for those who will in the future. If the 11th Circuit opinion spreads, it will – as Dan’s petition puts it – “close[] the door for collateral relief to any person whose conviction or sentence was rendered unlawful by Supreme Court precedent postdating an initial Section 2255 motion.”

The Supreme Court will probably resolve the petition for writ of cert by the end of the year.

McCarthan v. Collins, Case No. 17-85, Petition for Writ of Certiorari (July 12, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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Ineffective Assistance Rendered in Narcoterrorism Case – Update for July 24, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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OBJECTING FAST AND FURIOUSLY

jalalabad170724Over ten years ago, a couple of Taliban expatriates living in Pakistan joined a plot to drop some missiles into an eastern Afghanistan airfield. They connected with the mastermind, who lived in a dusty village near the Jalalabad target. As sometimes happens in plots, one of the expats, Jaweed, fell out with the other two conspirators, and reported the plan to local police. The Afghan cops turned it over to the U.S. DEA, who convinced Jaweed to go ahead with the plan while wearing a wire.

fast170724Hearing recordings of Khan’s plans and his boasts about the attack, the DEA decided to arrest him as soon as Jaweed gave him the missiles. Cooler heads prevailed, suggesting the missiles could unexpectedly do a “Fast and Furious,” and disappear before the arrest was carried out. So the DEA got Jaweed to arrange an opium buy using Khan as a broker. Khan said his commission would be used to buy a car to haul the missiles he expected to get. A heroin buy followed the opium deal, with Jaweed telling Khan all of the dope was going to the U.S. Khan seemed all right with this, saying, “Good, may God turn all the infidels to dead-corpses.”

Suspecting that Kahn might not be fond of the U.S. or its citizens, a federal grand jury in Washington, D.C., indicted Khan for narcoterrorism and distributing drugs to be imported to the U.S. By the end of 2007, Khan found himself locked up in D.C. awaiting trial.

Fast forward furiously a decade: Khan finds himself doing life in the California high desert (must seem like home to him), but his case continues to twist and turn through the courts. Last Friday, the D.C. Circuit, in a remarkable decision that addresses in detail a defense attorney’s duty to investigate and object at trial – even when his client is obstinate, unhelpful and a schmuck – remanded the narcoterrorism charge to the trial court because of his lawyer’s ineffectiveness at trial.

Khan had been to the D.C. Circuit on direct appeal once before, where his sentence and conviction were affirmed, but the case was sent back for an evidentiary hearing on his claim of ineffective assistance of counsel. This time, the Circuit held “the performance of Mohammed’s trial counsel was constitutionally deficient… [because he] failed to investigate the possibility of impeaching the government’s central witness [Jaweed] as biased against Mohammed, despite ample indication that he should and could do so.” While the ineffectiveness did not prejudice the drug trafficking charge, the Circuit said, “as to the narcoterrorism charge, we cannot on this record confidently assess prejudice, and therefore remand to the district court for further proceedings on that issue.”

afghan170724Defense attorneys sometimes have trouble getting people from across town to show up to testify. So you can sympathize with Khan’s attorney, who two months before trial told district court that he intended to seek witnesses in Afghanistan on Khan’s behalf, but noted that there were “very difficult obstacles in terms of finding witnesses, locating them, and then somehow bringing them to the United States under some type of parole visas.” On the eve of trial, the attorney confirmed that he “did look into … how do you even get [to Afghanistan], and who [from the office] was I going to take,” but there were “no volunteers.” Hard to believe, huh?

Ultimately, Khan’s lawyer conceded that he failed to “follow through” on his previously expressed intent to contact witnesses in Afghanistan. Although the government provided a contact list from Khan’s phone book in discovery, defense counsel never attempted to call any potential witnesses in Afghanistan and, in fact, even mistakenly told the court he “wasn’t given telephone numbers.” Khan told the court he had “asked [counsel] to bring my witnesses,” and specifically identified four witnesses who would say that he was not associated with the Taliban. Counsel admitted this, but apparently thought the only way he could interview the potential witnesses would have been to travel to Afghanistan, which he concluded posed “insurmountable” difficulties.

The problem, simply enough, was far from simple. It turns out that a substantial number of Afghanis hate us. And hate the Russians. And the British. And different tribes. And each other. In Khan’s case, he and Jaweed were from the same village and had known each other for a long time. At one point, Jaweed’s mom asked Khan if he would allow Jaweed to marry Khan’s sister. Khan said no. Khan and Jaweed were later in a lawsuit against each other. Khan beat Jaweed’s cousin in an election. There was, as they say, a lot of bad blood between them.

The government’s case against Khan relied on Jaweed’s recorded undercover conversations with him, and Jaweed’s own testimony, which addressed the meaning of those conversations and, more broadly, the two men’s interactions. Defense counsel called Jaweed’s testimony “the bread and butter of the case.” The government repeatedly asked Jaweed to clarify the meaning of exchanges, and Jaweed obliged some 118 times. It was obvious to anyone that Jaweed’s credibility was crucial to the government’s case.

goodlawyer170724The Circuit, noting that “complete failure to investigate potential impeachment witnesses cannot be construed as a strategic decision on the part of defense counsel,” found that counsel knew Jaweed’s testimony would be central to the upcoming trial, and even took preliminary steps to understand Jaweed’s background, including asking the government to search for any official criminal records. “But he did not investigate the possibility of Jaweed’s bias, despite knowing about” the election.

investigate170724The Circuit disagreed with the trial court that counsel had no duty to investigate whether Jaweed was biased against Khan “when the only information he had about this purported bias was the election.” The appellate panel said, “Any information about potential sources of bias in a witness as crucial as Jaweed should have led to further investigation… The district court appears to have concluded that counsel could not be expected to take investigative steps that Mohammed did not specifically suggest to him. But even when defendants are fatalistic or uncooperative, that does not obviate the need for defense counsel to conduct some sort of … investigation. Indeed, when defendants are actively obstructive, they remain entitled to effective counsel. Counsel has a duty to investigate, even if his or her client does not divulge relevant information.”

The Court of Appeals also found that defense counsel failed by not objecting to Jaweed’s frequent “interpretations” of his conversations with Khan. The Circuit said

a proficient attorney would have promptly objected and, once it became clear the government would repeatedly solicit Jaweed’s testimony about Mohammed’s state of mind, lodged a standing objection. Had Jaweed’s entire testimony been confined to what Jaweed understood, not what Mohammed meant—as the district court ultimately suggested it should be —the jury likely would have better appreciated the limitations of that testimony. Had Mohammed’s counsel also independently sown doubt as to Jaweed’s credibility, the subtle distinction between Jaweed’s actual testimony (about Mohammed’s state of mind) and testimony to which Jaweed should have been confined (about what he understood Mohammed to mean) could have been significant. Thus, the failure to object to Jaweed’s interpretations should be considered part and parcel of counsel’s failure generally to undermine Jaweed’s testimony.

object170724The Circuit noted that the prejudice question hinged on whether Kahn “has shown a reasonable probability that adequate investigation would have enabled trial counsel to sow sufficient doubt about Jaweed’s credibility to sway even one juror.” The recordings about drugs spoke for themselves, the court said, but because Jaweed’s spinning of the equivocal statements on the recordings was the only evidence of narcoterrorism, the case was remanded for the district court to try to figure out what defense counsel would have uncovered in 2008 had he only looked for it.

United States v. Mohammed, Case No. 16-3102 (D.C. Cir., July 21, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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That’s Crazy! DOJ Inspector General Slams BOP Treatment of Mentally Ill Inmates – Update for July 20, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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WAR IS PEACE

orwell170721Remember George Orwell’s dystopian novel, Nineteen Eighty Four? The protagonist, Winston Smith worked for the Ministry of Truth, one task of which was to destroy words. The government championed the slogan, War is Peace, Freedom is Slavery, Ignorance is Strength.

Now try this one on for size, from a Dept. of Justice Inspector General’s report on the Federal Bureau of Prisons (BOP) use of restrictive housing for mentally-ill inmates:

Although the BOP states that it does not practice solitary confinement, or even recognize the term, we found inmates, including those with mental illness, who were housed in single-cell confinement for long periods of time, isolated from other inmates and with limited human contact. For example, at the ADX, we observed an RHU that held two inmates, each in their own cell, isolated from other inmates. The inmates did not engage in recreation with each other or with other inmates and were confined to their cells for over 22 hours a day. Also, in five SHUs, we observed single-celled inmates, many with serious mental illness. One inmate, who we were told was denied ADX placement for mental health reasons, had been single-celled for about 4 years.

So there’s no solitary confinement, because we say so. Unsurprisingly, because the BOP denies solitary confinement exists, it does not properly track and limit the length of time prisoners spend in restrictive housing. At the same time, the DOJ report found, the BOP’s inadequate documentation of inmates’ mental illness results in inappropriate mental health treatment or no treatment at all.

The report highlighted issues with a number of BOP facilities for their mistreatment of mentally ill inmates, but singled out the U.S. Penitentiary in Lewisburg, Pennsylvania, for particular opprobrium. Lewisburg is the subject of a class action lawsuit brought several months ago over treatment of mentally ill prisoners.

BOPtherapy170721The report said the BOP’s poor documentation of mental health diagnoses leaves many cases of mental illness underreported. According to an OIG study done in 2011 and 2012, 14% of state and federal prisoners reported experiencing serious psychological distress; 37% have been told by a mental health professional they had a mental disorder. A 2006 Bureau of Justice Statistics report found about 45% percent of federal inmates showed symptoms or a recent history of mental illness. Despite that, the Inspector General reports, only 3% of BOP inmates were being treated regularly for mental illness. One BOP facility’s deputy chief psychologist estimated half of the inmates there had Antisocial Personality Disorder. The official BOP numbers say only 3.3% of the inmate population was documented for this order.

Obviously, if the BOP doesn’t know who has a problem, it cannot very well treat it.

BOP does not limit how long an inmate can be held in restrictive housing, defined as SHUs (Special Housing Units, located at 119 BOP facilities), the one SMU still operating at USP Lewisburg, and of course, the ADX in Florence. In May 2014, the BOP adopted a new mental health policy to improve the treatment of inmates with mental illness, including those being held in RHUs. The BOP promptly experienced a 30% reduction in the number of inmates receiving regular mental health treatment. The policy, intended to increase the number of inmates diagnosed as needing mental health treatment, failed due to lack of staffing and resources, according to the report.

BOP says it has taken steps to improve conditions for mentally ill inmates, such as diverting inmates with serious mental illness from traditional RHUs to residential mental health treatment programs. However, the report found many issues remain with the BOP system, including dire staffing shortages and lack of metrics to determine program effectiveness.

solitary170721The lead plaintiff in McCreary v. Federal Bureau of Prisons is a Lewisburg inmate who has been diagnosed with bipolar disorder, schizophrenia, depression, mood disorder, psycho-social, and environmental problems, ADHD, and antisocial personality disorder. He attempted suicide on multiple occasions and is now being held in a single cell at Lewisburg. The lawsuit alleged he has not left his cell since May 16 and has to shout through his cell door for his weekly, two-minute mental health “therapy” sessions.

Lucky for him there’s no solitary confinement in the BOP.

International Business Times, Federal Prisoners Lack Proper Mental Illness Treatment Amid Lack of Prison Staff, Investigators Say (July 13, 2017)

Lawstreet.com, DOJ Report Criticizes Prisons’ Treatment of Mentally Ill Inmates (July 18, 2017)

Dept. of Justice Office of Inspector General, Review of the Federal Bureau of Prisons’ Use of Restrictive Housing for Inmates with Mental Illness (July 12, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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Dean’s Sauce for the Goose – 4th Circuit Says No Vindictiveness on “Superpimp” Resentencing – Update for July 19, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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APPEALS COURT EXPLAINS THAT 420-60=420

We write a lot about cases in which defendants win the right to resentencing due to some error in calculation or procedure the first time around. In case readers ever wonder how that turns out for defendants, we present the case of German De Jesus Ventura, a/k/a Chino, a/k/a Chalo, a/k/a Pancho, a/k/a Chaco, a/k/a Oscar, and other names not mentioned in the decision.

pimpdress170720Mr. Ventura (we’ll call him “AKA” for short) ran several brothels on the Eastern Shore of Maryland. He employed the usual brothel operations techniques, importing young ladies from D.C. and Virginia to work, splitting revenues with his workers 50/50, threatening and beating up underperforming prostitutes, and – of course – carrying business cards promoting his whorehouses.

cards170720It was this last practice that contributed to his undoing, when one of the cards came to police attention during a routine traffic stop. When the dust settled, AKA got 420 months for a variety of prostitution-related crimes, a sentence made up of 360 months on most of the Mann Act counts, and a mandatory 60 months extra for carrying a gun during a crime of violence (a violation of 18 USC 924(c)).

On his first trip to the 4th Circuit Court of Appeals, AKA got the 924(c) count thrown out, because, the court ruled, the underlying crimes could be committed without the use of violence (by fraud, for example). His case was sent back to the district court for resentencing without the 924(c) count’s mandatory 60-month add-on. But to AKA’s consternation, the district court gave him the same 420-month sentence. Not believing that 420 months minus 60 months could still equal 420 months, AKA appealed.

Earlier this week, the 4th Circuit took AKA to school, explaining that 420 minus 60 can still equal 420. Interesting for its treatment of sentencing vindictiveness and the sentencing packaging doctrine, the decision is especially noteworthy for illustrating the obverse of the Dean v. United States coin.

AKA’s case addresses a question we get a lot from defendants: if I win my appeal or post-conviction motion, and get sent back for resentencing, can the judge give me more time than I started with? There’s an answer, and it’s a complicated mix of the constitutional prohibition on vindictiveness and the sentencing package doctrine.

Fifth Amendment due process requires that vindictiveness against a defendant for having successfully attacked a conviction or sentence can play no part in the sentence he or she gets after a new trial or sentencing. If a trial court increases a sentence on remand, the reasons for the increase must be put in the record. If the trial court does not explain its reasons, a presumption arises that a greater sentence has been imposed for a vindictive purpose — “a presumption that must be rebutted by objective information . . . justifying the increased sentence.” But the presumption only arises if there’s a reasonable likelihood the increase in sentence is the product of actual vindictiveness.

cupcake170720The sentencing package doctrine holds that if a case is remanded for resentencing, the sentencing court may refashion the entire sentencing package, not just the count or counts left after one or more are thrown out. So if a drug case where there’s a conspiracy counts, four possession-with-intent-to-distribute counts, and a 924(c) count gets remanded after two possession counts are thrown out, the trial court may still look at the whole package of conduct and decide its original 180-month sentence was a reasonable sentence for what the defendant did, and reimpose it.

AKA argued that the 4th Circuit’s decision throwing out his 924(c) conviction had to be followed by the trial court, and that his sentence necessarily had to be 60 months less to avoid violating the “mandate rule” (which holds, logically enough, that when a higher court issues a mandate, a lower court generally is “bound to carry the mandate of the upper court into execution,” as the Circuit put it). But the 4th held AKA’s trial court had not defied its mandate, but rather just employed the “sentencing package doctrine.”

The Circuit said that when a defendant is found guilty on a multicount indictment, a district court may craft a disposition in which the sentences on the various counts form part of an overall plan:

If some counts are vacated, the judge should be free to review the efficacy of what remains in light of the original plan… Our remand did not — as Ventura suggests — automatically entitle him to a 60-month reduction in his aggregate sentence merely because his conviction on Count Seven was vacated. Pursuant to the sentencing package doctrine, the mandate left ample room for the district court to recalculate the sentences related to Ventura’s other six convictions that were not subject to vacatur.

AKA argued, however, that the district court was vindictive in resentencing him to the same 420 months, even without the gun, because to do so, the trial judge increased the sentence on the Mann Act counts from 360 months to 420 months.

vindictive170720The 4th Circuit made short work of this argument, rejecting it because AKA “did not receive an increase in his aggregate sentence. The appellate panel said that to determine whether the new sentence is vindictive, “we first ask whether the new sentence is actually harsher than that imposed prior to successful appeal.” Only then will the court consider whether the defendant has shown a reasonable likelihood of actual vindictiveness.

Here, the district court initially sentenced AKA to an aggregate 420 months. On remand, the court resentenced him yet again to an aggregate 420 months. “Put simply,” the Circuit said, “the court did not increase his aggregate term of imprisonment. — it imposed the same term.” In other words, 420 is not greater than 420.

This case shows the dark side of Dean v. United States, last April’s Supreme Court decision that held judges could consider the effect of a mandatory consecutive sentence in setting the sentence on the underlying count. In Dean, the court had to sentence the defendant to a consecutive 360 months for successive 924(c) counts. The Supremes said the trial court could sentence him on the underlying drug count to one day, even though the Guidelines were 78-87 months, in order to fashion a sentence package that the judge saw as reasonable.

goose170720The 4th Circuit did not mention Dean in turning down AKA, but it could have. Given that a district judge can do that, nothing stops him from raising the time on the underlying count once the 924(c) count goes away. What’s sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander.

United States v. Ventura, Case No. 15-4808 (4th Cir., July 18, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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