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Supreme Court Disappoints on Shular – Update for March 2, 2020

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

SUPREME COURT REJECTS EFFORT TO NARROW ACCA-PREDICATE DRUG CRIMES

The Supreme Court last week refused to extend the Taylor/Mathis “categorical” approach – an approach that has substantially narrowed the definition of a crime of violence – to “serious drug offense” prior convictions that can qualify a defendant for the Armed Career Criminal Act 15-year mandatory minimum.

A unanimous court held in Shular v. United States that the only thing that matters in analyzing whether a prior conviction is a “serious drug offense” is that the state offense involve the conduct specified in the ACCA, not that the state offense match some particular generic drug offense.

A primer: The ACCA is a penalty statute that applies to 18 USC § 922(g)(1), the so-called felon-in-possession statute. Section 922(g)(1) prohibits people with a prior conviction for a felony from possessing guns or ammo. The penalty for violating 922(g)(1) is set out in 18 USC 924(a), a sentence of zero to ten years in prison.

Robber160229However, there’s a kicker.  If the defendant has three prior convictions for crimes of violence, serious drug felonies (or a combination of the two), he or she is considered an “armed career criminal,” and the penalty skyrockets to a minimum of 15 years and a maximum of life. This enhanced penalty is set out in a different subsection, 18 USC § 924(e)(2), and is known as the Armed Career Criminal Act.

The ACCA includes definitions of what constitutes a crime of violence and what qualifies as a “serious drug felony.” The “crime of violence” definition has been the subject of a number of Supreme Court decisions in the last decade or so, including findings that one subsection – which provided that a crime was violent if it carried a substantial likelihood of physical harm – was unconstitutionally vague (Johnson v. United States, 2015). Judging whether and the requirement that when judging whether a state conviction was a crime of violence, the district court had to apply the “categorical approach.” Under that approach, one would not look at what the defendant was convicted of having done, but instead whether the offense could be committed (and reasonably would be prosecuted) without any violent physical conduct.

A good example of this is found in our review last month of Hobbs Act robbery. Everyone agrees that a robbery is violent – after all, use of force or threat of force is an element. But is an attempted Hobbs Act robbery violent? One can be convicted of attempted Hobbs Act robbery by walking up to the bank’s front door carrying a mask and a gun. That act requires no violence at all.

drugdealer180228But for all of the ink that’s been spilled on ACCA crimes of violence, the “serious drug offense” definition has been unscathed. That definition provides that a prior drug conviction counts toward the ACCA’s three-conviction predicate only if it involves “manufacturing, distributing, or possessing with intent to manufacture or distribute, a controlled substance.” Seems simple. But it’s not.

Defendant Eddie Shular argued that the terms in the statute are shorthand for the elements of the prior offense. He maintained that a district court had to first identify the elements of the “generic” drug offense, that is, the offense that Congress must have had in mind when it wrote the statute. The district court then had to ask whether the elements of the defendant’s prior state offense matched those of the generic crime.

This was important to Eddie, because he said his prior Florida drug convictions did not include a mens rea element, that is, they lacked the requirement that he had to know the substance he possessed was illegal.

oldlady200302Assume Eddie was right that the Florida statute lacked a mens rea requirement. Such a statute, that made it a felony to possess illegal drugs with an intention to distribute, would permit conviction of a little old lady who went to pick up her neighbor’s laxative at the drug store as a favor, but was accidentally given Oxycontin instead. After she gave the drug store bag to her neighbor, she would have possessed a controlled substance, and she would have distributed it. Eddie argued that a defective statute like that had to be measured against a generally-accepted generic PWITD statute, one that required the defendant know that he or she possessed an illegal substance.

The Supreme Court didn’t buy it. Instead, the Justices unanimously sided with the government’s view, that the a court should simply ask whether the prior state offense’s elements “necessarily entail one of the types of conduct” identified in the statute. In other words, the terms ““manufacturing, distributing, or possessing with intent to manufacture or distribute, a controlled substance” described conduct, not elements. It does not matter how many possible ways there might be to violate the state statute, nor does it matter whether other elements were present or lacking. If the defendant’s conduct was one of the listed terms, the prior felony was a “serious drug offense.”

mens160307

(For what it’s worth, the Court’s opinion disputed Eddie’s contention that the Florida statute lacked a mens rea element, but the unanimous decision focused on the “conduct vs. elements” debate, not about the intricacies of the Florida statute.)

The decision is a disappointment for people who hoped the decision would do for ACCA people with drug priors what Taylor and Mathis did for crimes of violence. Leah Litman, a law professor at University of California – Irvine, wrote in SCOTUSBlog that the Shular decision “confirms two realities of the court’s docket. The first is the ease with which the court finds unanimity in ruling against criminal defendants; the second is the sprawling reach of federal criminal law, particularly with respect to drugs, guns and immigration.”

Shular v. United States, 2020 U.S. LEXIS 1366 (Supreme Ct. Feb. 26, 2020)

– Thomas L. Root

Clemency: Getting By With A Little Help From My Friends – Update for February 27, 2020

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

IT’S WHO YOU KNOW…

obtaining-clemencyPresident Trump granted clemency to 11 people last week, including several big names such as Michael Milken and Bernard Kerik (pardons) and Rod Blagojevich (commutation), but also three current female Bureau of Prisons inmates. The media were obsessed with “political prisoner” Blago, but among BOP inmates, attention was focused on the three ordinary people were included on the list.

The women, two drug defendants and one serving a 35-year sentence for healthcare fraud, may have been ordinary inmates, but how they made Trump’s list proves once again that it’s who you know that counts.

(A pardon is complete exoneration from the conviction, while a commutation leaves the conviction in place but waives some or all of the remaining sentence.  “Clemency” is the overarching term for executive action to forgive by pardon or release through commutation).

Trump commuted Alice Marie Johnson’s life sentence in 2018 at the urging of reality TV star Kim Kardashian. Trump’s reelection campaign featured Johnson’s story in a recent Super Bowl ad. Johnson told the AP that when Trump had been looking specifically for female candidates, and asked her for a list of other women who deserved clemency, she gave him the names of her friends.

clemencybacklog190904Amy Povah, founder of  clemency group Clemency for All Nonviolent Drug Offenders Foundation (CAN-DO Foundation), told The New York Times that she and other advocates submitted a list of about a dozen meritorious female offenders directly to the White House late last year. “When it boiled down to only three, it’s not surprising that the White House put value on the ones Alice served time with and knew their character,” Povah said. “You know who those diamonds are in there who are so deserving, and you know who the people are that are still engaging in shenanigans.”

While 14,000 clemency petitions sit unaddressed at the Justice Dept’s Office of Pardon Attorney, Trump continues to focus on clemency for people with connections. “There is now no longer any pretense of regularity,” Margaret Love, who served as pardon attorney under President Clinton, told The New York Times. “The president seems proud to declare that he makes his own decisions without relying on any official source of advice, but acts on the recommendation of friends, colleagues and political allies.”

Holly Harris, president of the criminal justice group Justice Action Network, applauded Trump “for taking these steps,” but told the Associated Press she hoped to see him use his power to help “any of the thousands of deserving individuals who are neither rich, nor famous, nor connected” and “every bit as deserving of a second chance.”

The Washington Post reported last week the White House is taking more control over clemency, with Trump aiming to limit DOJ’s role in the process as he weighs a flurry of additional clemency actions. The Post said that an informal task force of at least six people, has been meeting since late last year to discuss a revamped pardon system running through the White House. Senior Advisor Jared Kushner, Trump’s son-in-law, is taking a leading role in the new clemency initiative and has supported the idea of putting the White House more directly in control of the process, officials said.

clemencyjack161229Pam Bondi, a former Florida attorney general who served on Trump’s impeachment defense team, is also playing a significant role, vetting applications for clemency recipients. Kushner has personally reviewed applications with White House lawyers before presenting them to Trump for final approval, according to two senior administration officials.

Trump, who prefers granting clemency to people with compelling personal stories or lengthy sentences, is inclined to grant more clemency before facing voters in November. “He likes doing them,” the official said.

Washington Post, White House assembles team of advisers to guide clemency process as Trump considers more pardons (Feb. 19)

AP, President Trump goes on clemency spree, and the list is long (Feb. 8)

The New York Times, The 11 Criminals Granted Clemency by Trump Had One Thing in Common: Connections (Feb. 19)

The Norwalk Hour, Trump freed Alice Johnson in 2018. Tuesday, he freed three of her friends (Feb. 19)

– Thomas L. Root

One Court Gives, Another Takes on Supervised Release – Update for February 26, 2020

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

P.O. KNOWS BEST, AND OTHER STORIES

A pair of supervised release condition cases last dramatically broadened defendants’ protections against probation officers running amok, but greatly narrowed the window defendants have to challenge those conditions.

supervisedrelease180713First, a little background: In the Sentencing Reform Act of 1984, Congress decreed that virtually all persons convicted of a federal criminal offense who were sentenced to prison would also serve a term of supervised release – during which they would be subject to limitations on travel and association, to regular reporting requirements, and to oversight by a probation officer – after the prison sentence ended.

Thus, supervised release is similar to what used to be parole. The conditions of supervised release are imposed by the district judge at sentencing, at which time the defendant – focused entirely on the impending prison term – hardly ever pays attention to the many ambiguities and indignities that the supervised release terms (a number of which are of dubious constitutionality) will impose on him or her after prison is but an unpleasant memory.

Now back to the live action: One of the supervised release conditions imposed on Shawn Lee, who was convicted of settling meth, prohibited him from “knowingly meeting, communicating, or otherwise interacting with any person whom she knows to be a convicted felon… unless granted permission to do so by the probation officer.” He appealed the supervised release condition, arguing that it was an improper delegation of Article III power by the court to the probation officer, and that – because Shawn’s two sons were also convicted felons (it appearing to run in the family) – it meant the PO could keep Shawn from seeing his own offspring.

Federal judges are known as “Article III judges,” because they are appointed by the president and confirmed by the Senate under Article III of the constitution, which give them (and only them) the power and duty of imposing punishment on a defendant. While an Article III judge may task a probation officer (who is not an Article III judge) with “performing ministerial acts or support services related to the punishment imposed,” the non-delegation rule prohibits the judge from allowing a probation officer to decide the nature or extent of a defendant’s punishment.”

supervisedleash181107Last week, the 7th Circuit ruled the supervised release condition went too far. “The probation officer’s future task, then, is not merely to manage or supervise, but to determine whether, when, and how a particular component of Lee’s punishment is imposed.” The condition “anoints the probation officer with the sole authority for deciding if” Shawn can even see his own kids.

“Article III does not confer upon the probation officer the authority to release a convict from a component of his or her sentence, either,” the court said. “The clause ‘unless granted permission to do so by the probation officer’ violates this principle and must be stricken… only the district judge can permit or deny association.”

Supervised release conditions are usually chock-a-block with delegations of power to the PO. This decision suggests that most of those are constitutionally flawed. But before inmates fire up their law library typewriters, they should consider a 6th Circuit decision, also from last week.

Robert Faber complained that his supervised release conditions did not let him live with his Wiccan religion “spouse.” He filed an 18 USC § 3583(e)(2) motion to modify the condition, arguing it violated the Religious Freedom Restoration Act.

The district court denied the motion, and Bob appealed.

Last week, the 6th Circuit held that it lacked jurisdiction. Under § 3583(e)(2), a district court may modify or rescind a condition of supervised release after considering certain enumerated factors, including “the circumstances of the crime, the characteristics of the defendant, deterrence, protecting the public, providing the defendant with training and education, and others,” the Circuit said. “Not included: illegality of the condition.”

time161229Under the Sentencing Reform Act of 1984, the right to challenge an illegal sentence under F.R.Crim.P. 35(a) was cut, requiring defendants to move for such relief within just 14 days after sentence. “Construing § 3583(e)(2) as allowing district courts to eliminate an allegedly illegal condition at any time would disregard the plain text of the statute and frustrate Congress’s intent to encourage timely challenges.”

Bob could have appealed the condition, claiming illegality. He could have filed a timely Rule 35(a) motion. But he did not. He can argue under 18 USC § 3582(e)(2) that the supervised release condition should be set aside for any number of reasons, but the condition’s illegality is not one of them.

United States v. Lee, 2020 U.S. App. LEXIS 4944 (7th Cir. Feb. 18, 2020)

United States v. Faber, 2020 U.S. App. LEXIS 5063 (6th Cir. Feb. 19, 2020)

– Thomas L. Root

Mike is No Snitch… And He Wants You to Know It – Update for February 25, 2020

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

THANKS FOR NOTHING, YOUR HONOR

In my weekly newsletter for federal inmates, I employ use pseudonyms – such as “John Doe” where the guy’s real name is Styrene Lewd – for defendants in cases I report. I do it for all inmates, whether they’re convicted of beating a platoon of SEALs to within an inch of their lives in a bar fight or instead found guilty of some unspeakable child sex crime. I do this in order to avoid any problems for the inmate if he has chosen not to reveal his offense to others in the cellblock.

nosnitch200225Nothing can ruin a carefully curated cover story like an email newsletter blasting your name and actual offense to over 7,000 inmates on a Sunday night.

I change the names back to reality in the these blogs, however, because accuracy demands it. So if you read about Styrene Lewd, you can be confident that Styrene Lewd is the real deal. After all, what are you going to do about it? Park outside the prison with a soundtruck?

I used today’s defendant’s actual name in the newsletter, however, because that is undoubtedly what he wants. His name is Mike Bacon, and he is no snitch. But when he pled guilty to bank robbery, however, and signed his plea agreement, the district court told him that he also had to sign a plea agreement supplement that described the robbery offense and contained other details, including the fact that he had refused to cooperate with the government.

snitch160802Mike objected. This trip to the big house was not Mike’s first rodeo, and he knew that when an inmate hit the yard, others imprisoned there would find a way to access his court files. Seeing a notation that a document – especially a supplement to the plea agreement – was filed under seal, anyone reading the file would conclude that Mike had cooperated with the government. That is, that he was a rat.

For the uninitiated, being known in the joint as a “rat” or a “snitch” or even perhaps, to use the gentle British phrase, “helping the police with their inquiries,” is not a good thing.

The district court, however, helpfully explained to Mike, “We… file the supplement under seal in every case… to protect the rare person who does cooperate.” The thinking goes that if everyone had a sealed supplement, then no one could identify the “rare” person (in the court’s words, “rare” here meaning about 60% of all drug defendants, for example) who signs a cooperation agreement.

Mike’s lawyer told the district judge that “when you have a sealed pleading in your record, that becomes known to the people in the prison, and it causes him a security problem… I’m not sure all the inmates in the prison know that a sealed pleading is filed in every case, and… .it doesn’t mean he’s cooperating. That’s why he doesn’t want that sealed pleading in this case, and he would like to have that withdrawn because it’s put him in danger.”

The court sealed it anyway, and Mike appealed. Last week, the 10th Circuit agreed with Mike.

There is a strong presumption judicial in favor of public access to court records, the Circuit held, and that presumption cannot be overcome except “where countervailing interests heavily outweigh the public interests.” The party seeking to keep records sealed bears the burden of justifying the secrecy.

sealed200225In Mike’s case, instead of requiring the government to advance a significant government interest to justify keeping the plea supplement sealed, the district court simply relied on a local rule mandating sealed supplements in every case. “This ruling does not satisfy the common law standard,” the 10th said. A sealing decision must be supported with findings based on “the relevant facts and circumstances of the particular case and weigh the relative interests of the parties.”

Local rule or not, the district court will have to find a compelling reason to seal the supplement. Because Mike is no snitch, that’s not likely to happen.

United States v. Bacon, 2020 U.S. App. LEXIS 5377 (10th Cir. Feb. 21, 2020)

– Thomas L. Root

No Implied Limits on Remand Resentencing – Update for February 24, 2020

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

UNODIR (NOT UNICOR)

UNODIR is useful military slang meaning “unless I am directed otherwise.” It is a good way to report to your boss that you intend to take a certain action, and put it on him to tell you not to before you do. This is not to be confused with UNICOR – the catchy acronym by which Federal Prison Industries, Inc., is known – a place that pays inmates top dollar for the manufacturing of everything from body armor to award plaques to office products to… yeah, even license plates.

A federal defendant’s criminal history has a great influence on his or her federal sentence: the more skilled you are in the ways of criminal conduct, the thinking goes, the more substantial your sentence should be, in order to get your attention.

doasyouretold200224After one of Markell Hamilton’s prior state convictions was vacated by an Iowa court, the 8th Circuit remanded his case “for resentencing to allow the district court to determine whether the state conviction was appropriately included in his criminal history score.” When Mark tried to challenge some relevant conduct alleged in the presentence report, the district court refused, holding that the scope of resentencing was limited to the issue involving Mark’s previous Iowa conviction, and ultimately reimposed the same 81-month sentence.

Last week, the 8th Circuit remanded again, holding that the district court was not prohibited on remand from considering other issues, too. “On remand for resentencing,” the Circuit said, “a district court can hear any relevant evidence that it could have heard at the first hearing,” except for issues decided by the appellate court. “Where a remand is limited to the resolution of specific issues, those issues outside the scope of the remand are generally not available for consideration… But where a court of appeals vacates a sentence or reverses a finding related to sentencing and remands the case for resentencing without placing any limitations on the district court, the court can hear any relevant evidence… it could have heard at the first hearing.”

United States v. Hamilton, 2020 U.S. App. LEXIS 5034 (8th Cir. Feb. 19, 2020)

– Thomas L. Root

Necktie Justice in the 7th Circuit – Update for February 21, 2020

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

THE JUDGE WASN’T UNFAIR ENOUGH

badjudge171016Randy Williams was convicted of Hobbs Act robbery after a summer 2018 jury trial presided over by U.S. District Judge Colin Bruce. While it certainly must have been a significant event to Randy (as it is to most defendants), it was a pretty commonplace occurrence in the annals of federal criminal law. Happens every day…

Except that the presiding judge was Judge Bruce. You remember the good Judge, don’t you? He spent 24 years in the United States Attorney’s office, and somehow – after he put on his robe – His Honor (and I use that term as an honorific, not because it is deserved) could not quite leave the prosecutor’s office behind.

The scandal started about a month after Randy was convicted, when the Springfield, Illinois Times reported that Judge Bruce had been engaged in ex parte contacts with the US Attorney’s Office during a criminal trial (but not Randy’s).

colinbruce200221The 7th Circuit Judicial Council yanked Judge Bruce from all criminal cases and investigated him, finding the Judge had sent or received over 1,200 communications with people in the USAO. About 100 of the messages were potential prohibited ex parte communications about cases pending before him, concerning warrant approvals, appeals, scheduling matters or defendant’s conduct on bond.

In others, Judge Bruce addressed former colleagues by nicknames and congratulated them on favorable outcomes. In one email, Judge Bruce complained that an AUSA was “entirely unexperienced” and had turned a “slam dunk” case into a “60‐40” for the defendant. In others, Judge Bruce reassured former colleagues after they made filing mistakes. In one instance, he stated “My bad. You’re doing fine. Let’s get this thing done.” In another, he suggested that an Assistant United States Attorney (the line prosecutors in the USAO) call his boss “and advise” him of an adverse development, while noting that luckily “they have an understanding judge who doesn’t get angry.”

A Judicial Council special committee ultimately found “no evidence” that Judge Bruce’s conduct or ex parte communications affected any of his rulings or favored either party in cases before him. Except for the Nixon case, the Special Committee said, it saw “no evidence of Judge Bruce discussing the merits of pending cases with the U.S. Attorney’s Office ex parte.” Nevertheless, the Judge was ordered not to handle any criminal case for a year.

Randy’s case was assigned to another judge for sentencing. But nevertheless, on appeal, Randy demanded that his conviction be set aside because Judge Bruce’s ex parte communications with the US Attorney’s office violated both Rick’s due process rights and the federal recusal statute. While none of the emails concerned Randy’s case, some of them did concern the AUSA and paralegal who represented the government in Randy’s case.

Last week, the 7th Circuit turned Randy down. It noted that judges are disqualified for bias only in limited circumstances. First, actual bias is disqualifying. Second, “an impermissible risk of actual bias” exists when a judge earlier had significant personal involvement as a prosecutor in the case. Third, a judge is disqualified when he or she has a financial incentive in the case’s outcome. Finally, a judge should recuse himself when he or she becomes “personally embroiled” with a litigant.

“This case does not fit into these buckets,” the Circuit held. Instead, the Special Committee found no evidence that Judge Bruce’s conduct or ex parte communications affected the case, or that he had a financial interest in the outcome, had previously worked on the case as a AUSA, or became “personally embroiled” with the parties.

roybean200221The plain fact is that Randy was convicted in a courtroom that contained two prosecutors, one defendant and no judge. If Judge Bruce possessed a moral compass that pointed to true north instead of to the gallows, he would have resigned. Ah, well… O tempora, O mores! Nevertheless, it takes a special kind of myopia to pretend that a judge that maintained a back-channel to the U.S. Attorney’s office, using it to serve as the USAO’s biggest cheerleader, would nevertheless be perceived by the public to be fair and impartial.

United States v. Williams, 2020 U.S. App. LEXIS 4167 (7th Cir., February 11, 2020)

– Thomas L. Root

Opening the First Step Money Spigot – Update for February 20, 2020

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

MONEY, THAT’S WHAT I WANT…

Moneyspigot200220
One of the big questions left unanswered when the First Step Act passed was where the money would come from to pay for all of the ambitious programs to reduce recidivism..

Last week, the Trump administration addressed the question, proposing big budget increases for First Step implementation in 2021. A budget summary sent to Congress last week reports the administration will seek $409 million for First Step, a large increase over the $319 million provided this year.

Included are what the White House called “major new investments” in programming, halfway houses and additional Bureau of Prisons First Step staff.

Line items include an extra $244 million for halfway houses, supporting an increase in the total available beds – to meet First Step’s promise of extra halfway house time for earned-time credits –  from 14,000 to about 23,000; $37 million for expansion of the Medication-Assisted Treatment pilot program, which combines behavioral therapy and medication to treat inmates with opioid use disorder, to all BOP facilities; $23 million for increased inmate access to evidence-based, recidivism-reduction programs and to and add new programs as they are identified and evaluated; and $15 million for extra First Step implementation staff.

The budget builds on the $90 million provided in 2020 to support First Step implementation.

moneyhum170419Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman said in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog last week that “though these budget proposals still might fall short of what is needed for full, effective implementation of the First Step Act (e.g., I think Recidivism-Reduction Programs needs a lot more money), this strikes me as a serious effort to put serious money behind the Act (especially with the RRC expansion).”

Unfortunately, a White House proposed budget never survives Congress in anything approaching its initial form, and often never passes at all. As for the FY2021 budget, Steve Ellis, president of Taxpayers for Common Sense, snorted, “You might call a president’s budget aspirational. In a less charitable way, it’s really delusional.”

The Crime Report, First Step Act Funding Hiked to $409M in Trump Budget Plan (Feb 11)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Notable numbers in “Criminal Justice Reform” fact sheet highlighting part of Prez Trump’s proposed budget (Feb 10)

The White House, Criminal Justice Reform fact sheet (Feb 9)

– Thomas L. Root

Quantifying The “Bad” In “Bad Boy” – Update for February 19, 2020

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

7TH CIRCUIT PUZZLED BY INCONSISTENT UPWARD SENTENCING VARIANCES

pecks200219Jesse Ballard was a bad boy, having compiled what his sentencing court called “probably one of the worst criminal histories I’ve seen in 30 years” of experience. From 1985 until 2017, he accrued over 30 convictions for attempted burglary, kidnapping, battery, and aggravated assault. He also committed a pile of parole violations, prison disciplinary infractions, and a few DUIs, just for good measure.

When Jesse was sentenced for being a felon in possession of a gun (in violation of 18 USC § 922(g)(1)), the court applied the Armed Career Criminal Act’s 15-year minimum mandatory sentence as a starting point, and then – considering Jesse’s extensive criminal history – went upward from there. The judge imposed a sentence of 232 months, a 10% upward variance from the high end of Jesse’s advisory Guidelines sentencing range.

badjudge171016But on appeal, Jesse proved that his prior attempted burglary convictions could not count as ACCA predicates. This dropped his Guidelines range dramatically. No more ACCA 15-to-life sentencing range – now, Jesse’s statutory maximum was 10 years, and his advisory Guidelines sentencing range was a mere 33-41 months. At Jesse’s resentencing, the judge – still citing our boy’s “extensive criminal history, which it found demonstrated a disrespect for the law and an inability to live a law-abiding life” – varied upward again by 67 months, imposing a 108-month sentence.

Naturally, this came as a shock to Jesse’s system. He headed back to the Court of Appeals. Last week, the 7th Circuit reversed Jesse’s sentence again.

The Circuit observed that when a district court fails to adequately explain a chosen sentence, including the reason for deviation from the range, it commits a procedural error. This makes sense: an appellate court can hardly review the reasonableness of a sentence if the district court has not provided an adequate explanation for why it did what it did.


badboy200219Here, the Circuit complained, the district court failed to justify the extreme difference between the second sentence’s upward variance and that of the original sentence. “To justify a sentence that was 67 months above the Guidelines range (a 160% upward departure),” the 7th held, “the court referred to… appropriate factors to consider under 18 USC § 3553. However, these were the same factors cited and discussed at the original sentencing, resulting in a sentence only 22 months above the original Guidelines range (a 10% upward departure)… The district court’s explanation of its departure from the Guidelines upon resentencing does not articulate and justify the magnitude of the variance where the explanation is essentially identical to the explanation provided for a much less extreme departure in the original sentence.”

The district court will now get a third whack at our mischievous Jesse. This is not to say that Jesse should expect much leniency – just more explanation.

United States v. Ballard, 2020 U.S. App. LEXIS 4771 (7th Cir, Feb 14, 2020)

– Thomas L. Root

Beginning of the End for Hobbs Act Violence? – Update for February 18, 2020

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

ANOTHER DISTRICT COURT HOLDS HOBBS ACT ROBBERY ATTEMPT DOES NOT SUPPORT § 924(C) CONVICTION

hobbsact200218A few weeks ago, I reported that an Eastern District of New York case, United States v. Tucker, held that an attempted Hobbs Act robbery did not support an 18 USC § 924 conviction for using a gun in a crime of violence.

The same reader who brought Tucker to my attention last week pointed me toward a late January Western District of New York decision that granted a 28 USC § 2255 post-conviction motion on the same grounds.

Tom Lofton was in the business of robbing drug dealers. He found that using a gun in his business was an effective way to make his point with his victims, which was that they should hand over their money and drugs. It worked quite well until the Feds caught him in 2004. He was charged with conspiracy to commit Hobbs Act robbery and two counts of attempted Hobbs Act robberies. He was also charged with three § 924(c) counts, one each attached to the conspiracy and both Hobbs Act attempts. Tom beat one of the § 924(c) counts at trial, but he was convicted on the other two, receiving 180 months for the conspiracy and attempts, but 84 consecutive months for the first § 924(c) and 300 more for the second § 924(c). All told, Tom received a 567-month sentence during which he should rethink his business model.

Robber160229After the Supreme Court’s 2019 decision in United States v. Davis, however, Tom rethought the § 924 convictions as well. He got permission from the Second Circuit to file a second § 2255 motion to attack his two § 924(c) counts as being unsupported by predicate crimes of violence. The government agreed that the first § 924(c), based on the conspiracy count, had to be dismissed, but it argued that the attempt-to-violate-the-Hobbs-Act count remained a crime of violence.

The government’s thinking was quite linear: a Hobbs Act violation is a crime of violence. To be convicted of an “attempt” crime, one must intend to commit the underlying crime and take at least one step toward doing so. Since the defendant intended a crime of violence, the “attempt” crime must be a crime of violence as well.

A few weeks ago, however, Tom’s district court agreed with him, and dismissed both § 924(c) convictions.

The Hobbs Act is violated either by robbery or by extortion. The district court agreed that the Act is divisible between the two offenses, but held that within the definition of Hobbs Act robbery, the statute indivisible. The Act provides that “whoever in any way or degree obstructs, delays, or affects commerce or the movement of any article or commodity in commerce, by robbery or extortion or attempts or conspires so to do…” will be punished.

maskgun200218Relying on Tucker, the district court ruled that an attempt to commit a Hobbs Act robbery could not be a crime of violence, because people have been successfully prosecuted in the past for attempted Hobbs Act robbery when no force was ever threatened or used. In one case cited by the court, a defendant was convicted because he had twice “reconnoitered the place contemplated for the commission of the crime and possessed the paraphernalia to be employed in the commission of the crime: loaded sawed-off shotguns, extra shells, a toy revolver, handcuffs, and masks…”

The district court argued that prior decisions in other circuits that agreed with the government’s argument had confused “intent” with “attempt.” Just because a defendant intends to commit an act of violence does not necessarily mean the defendant has actually attempted to do so.

Because a defendant can violate 18 USC § 1951 by intending to commit the crime and taking a step toward completing the offense, even without any force threatened or used, an attempted Hobbs Act violation cannot support a § 924(c) conviction.

Tom’s two § 924(c) offenses were vacated.

United States v. Lofton, 2020 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 10764 (WDNY, Jan. 22, 2020)

– Thomas L. Root

COAs a Rigged Game in 11th Circuit, Supreme Court Petitioner Alleges – Update for February 12, 2020

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

SUPREME COURT PETITION QUESTIONS COA UNFAIRNESS

habeasB191211For federal prisoners, the last chance to argue that your conviction or sentence was unlawful comes within a year of the conviction becoming final, in a habeas corpus petition filed according to the restrictions of 28 USC 2255. Virtually all of those are denied by the district court that convicted and sentenced the petitioners, because, face it, how many people – even judges – like to admit they screwed up?

Appeal of a denied 2255 motion is not automatic. Instead, Congress has decreed that would-be appellants get a certificate of appealability (“COA”), granting permission to appeal on a per-issue basis, before briefing can go forward.

COAs are the key to the kingdom: you cannot appeal an order dismissing your 2255 claim without one. But a petition for writ of certiorari before the Supreme Court now asks what it means for due process and access to courts if petitioners in one circuit, are 69% more likely to get a COA issued than similar movants in another?

slot161208The petition – filed by a Columbia Law School professor on behalf of an Alabama state inmate – contends the arbitrariness in COA rulings by appellate courts, particularly the 11th Circuit, reflects a systemic breakdown in the COA review process.

“A lot of petitioners are pro se, and they’re not really getting reviewed anymore,” Prof. Bernard Harcourt told the National Law Journal last week. “It’s almost as if the [statutory] mechanism requiring a COA has closed the gate on federal circuit review of their habeas denials.”

Harcourt filed the petition on behalf of Phillip Tomlin, who has been in state prison for 42 years serving life without parole. The 11th Circuit denied Tomlin a COA last year on a legal question that the Court had explicitly left open in a 2011 decision, by applying “an improper, too demanding, and unduly burdensome” COA standard, the petition argues.

dice161221Tomlin’s COA was denied by 11th Circuit Judge Charles Wilson (who grants a mere 2.7% of COAs he reviews, according to a Columbia University Law School study published two months ago). The study showed significant disparities in grant rates for capital prisoners (58%) and noncapital prisoners (8%) in the 11th Circuit. Of more concern, the study suggests that it’s a crap shoot for any COA filer. The 11th Circuit using a single judge to review COA requests, and the grant rates among those judges range from a low of 2.33% to a high of 25.8% – more than an order of magnitude.

The study also compared the 11th to the 1st Circuit, finding that the 11th Circuit’s 8.4% noncapital COA grant rate is far below the 1st Circuit’s 14.3%.”

The Supreme Court has ordered the State of Alabama to file a response by Feb. 24. The Court will then decide whether to hear the case.

Petition for Writ of Certiorari, Tomlin v Patterson, Case No. 19-7127 (Dec 27, 2019)

Udall, Certificates of Appealability in Habeas Cases in the United States Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit: A Study (Columbia Law School, Dec 24, 2019)

National Law Journal, Have Circuit Courts ‘Closed the Gate’ on Some Inmate Appeals? (Feb 5)

– Thomas L. Root