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Another Circuit Invalidates Felon-in-Possession in Nonviolent Case – Updatebfor January 2, 2026

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

5TH CIRCUIT HOLDS 922(g)(1) IS UNCONSTITUTIONAL AS APPLIED TO NONVIOLENT FELON

Ed Cockerham pled guilty for the Mississippi felony of failing to pay child support. He was sentenced to five years of probation, but he could have gotten up to five years in prison. He got his child support paid and was released from probation.

Subsequently, he was caught in possession of a gun, which put him in violation of 18 USC § 922(g)(1) based solely on the child support conviction. The district court refused to hold that § 922(g)(1) was unconstitutional as applied to his case. Ed appealed.

Two weeks ago, the 11th Circuit held that § 922(g)(1) violated the 2nd Amendment as applied to Ed’s Case. The Circuit observed that “historical tradition unquestionably permits the Government to disarm violent criminals… [but] history does not support the proposition that felons lose their 2nd Amendment rights solely because of their status as felons.”

In Ed’s case, he had fully paid the child support debt for which he was convicted at the time he was found in possession of a firearm. “So there’s no historical justification to disarm him at that moment,” the 5th ruled, “never mind for the rest of his life.” While other evidence suggested that Ed might be violent (he had been arrested for assault in the past), the Circuit said the 5th Circuit focuses “on the nature of the predicate offense rather than on the defendant’s broader criminal history or individual characteristics.”

The holding is consistent with the 3rd Circuit’s holding in Range v. Attorney General and the 6th Circuit’s United States v. Williams holding.  It is diametrically opposed to decisions of the 8th, 9th and 10th Circuits. The 10th Circuit case – Vincent v. United States – is on its third Supreme Court relist

United States v. Cockerham, Case No. 24-60401, 2025 U.S. App. LEXIS 33001 (5th Cir., December 17, 2025)

~ Thomas L. Root

Incarceration Ain’t Cheap- Update for December 31, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

PAY THE MAN, SHIRLEY (ONCE AGAIN)

I am shamelessly reusing Norman Chad’s homage to sportswriter Shirley Povich for another week.

Two weeks ago, the Bureau of Prisons printed the Annual COIF (Cost of Incarceration Fee) in the Federal Register.  This annual ritual reports on how much it costs the BOP (using whatever voodoo accounting the government may command that can figure for sunk costs of facilities) to lock someone up for a year.  The number assumes that keeping someone in the FCI Florence Supermax costs the same as keeping a prisoner at a camp, but imperfect data is probably better than no data at all.

The BOP reported that “[b]ased on FY 2024 data, the average annual COIF for a Federal inmate housed in a Bureau or non-Bureau facility in FY 2024 was $47,162 ($129.21 per day). The average annual COIF for a Federal inmate housed in a Residential Reentry Center for FY 2024 was $43,703 ($119.73 per day). (Please note: There were 366 days in FY 2024.)”

The COIF never accounts for the cost of home confinement. The best number available is from the Administrative Office of U.S. Courts: home confinement supervision costs $4,742 a year ($12.96 in FY 2024).

BOP, Annual Determination of Average Cost of Incarceration Fee (COIF) (December 15, 2025)

Administrative Office of US Courts, The Public Costs of Supervision Versus Detention (June 5, 2025)

~ Thomas L. Root

We Know Who Runs The Courtroom (And It’s Not the Judge) – Update for December 30, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

DOING A DAY FOR DAY
This is not Erika. And carrying a gun is not this sexy.

Erika Day had a night job selling methamphetamine. Unfortunately for her, one of her accessories was a handgun. Carrying guns can be dangerous for drug dealers, not so much because they shoot people as because they cause self-inflicted legal wounds: possessing a Glock during a drug deal carries a mandatory additional sentence of at least five years under 18 USC § 924(c), more if you “brandish” it and even more if you fire it.

Erika was charged with possession with intent to distribute meth under 21 USC § 841 and an 18 U.S.C. § 924(c)  offense. The § 841 offense carried a minimum sentence of five years, and the § 924(c) gun offense added another five. At that point, Erika made the prudent choice to cooperate with the government.

Under 18 USC § 3553(e), the government can reward a cooperator with a motion to the court to depart – that, ignore – from a statutorily-mandated sentence for substantial assistance.  In Erika’s case, the U.S. Attorney moved to depart below the statutory minimum for the meth offense but not for the gun offense. The district court granted the motion but sentenced Erika below the statutory minimum for both offenses, time served on the § 841 count and a single day on the Count 2 gun charge. The Government, arguing that she had to get at least five years on the § 841 count, appealed.

Last week, the 11th Circuit agreed with the U.S. Attorney. The Circuit said that § 3553(e) is clear: such a motion is count-specific. A motion that authorizes departure below the statutory minimum for one count does not permit a district court to go below the mandatory minimum on another count unless the government’s motion expressly extends to that separate count.

“Subsection (e) uses the singular when allowing a district court to depart below “a level established by statute as a minimum sentence,” the 11th wrote. “Although district courts often pronounce multiple sentences as an aggregate for administrative purposes, each offense still carries a separate sentence. Because subsection (e) applies to ‘a minimum sentence,’ not the aggregate of multiple sentences, a motion for departure on one sentence does not apply to other sentences.”

Because the government did not move to depart below the statutory minimum for count two, the Circuit held, the district court lacked the authority to do so independently.

One judge on the panel, Embry Kidd, concurred in an opinion that explained a lot. On pretrial release, Erika completed an arduous drug rehabilitation and excelled so in the program that the provider hired her as a mentor. She maintained two jobs, paid off her fines, obtained a driver’s license for the first time in twelve years, purchased a vehicle, secured stable housing, and repaired her relationship with her daughters.

“It is not often that a district court has the benefit of seeing what a defendant would do if given a second chance,” Judge Kidd wrote. “Normally, the court just hopes for the best. But here, due to Day’s cooperation with the government, the district court was able to observe Day’s rehabilitative actions over the course of two years… But that does not matter. By statute, only one person’s opinion mattered that day… Under the sentencing regime that Congress has established for consideration of assistance to the government… the United States Attorney had all the cards. Only she could allow the district court to impose the sentence that the court considered to be the most just. But she refused, and today’s opinion affirms that she had the power to do so.”

United States v. Day, Case No. 24-13312, 2025 U.S.App. LEXIS 33634 (11th Cir. Dec 23, 2025)

~ Thomas L. Root

A Year of Presidential Clemencies Bring Little Hope for Federal Prisoners- Update for December 29, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

CLEMENCY YEAR IN REVIEW

The conservative Washington Examiner last week reviewed President Trump’s unprecedented first-year clemency record of more than 1,600 people. The report was not favorable.

The lesson from over 11 months of Trump’s pardons and commutations is clear: if you don’t have rich parents, a MAGA flag and hat, or a means of enriching the Trump family, your odds of clemency rival those of winning the Powerball.

“On his first day back in office, Trump issued sweeping pardons for those tied to the Jan. 6 attack on the U.S. Capitol,” the Examiner wrote. “In November, he also moved preemptively to pardon several political allies, including Rudy Giuliani, former chief of staff Mark Meadows, and attorneys Sidney Powell and John Eastman, even though none were facing federal criminal charges at the time.”

The Examiner then listed Trump’s five most controversial clemency actions. Top of its list was the clemency for drug black market operator Ross Ulbricht last February, whom Trump promised to pardon when he pitched the Libertarian Party convention in 2024 for political support. Trump paid off within a month of taking office.

Second on the list was the pardon of Changpeng Zhao, founder of Binance, the world’s largest cryptocurrency exchange. Zhao was sentenced to four months in prison in April 2024 after pleading guilty to money laundering. Zhao and Binance have been key supporters of the Trump family’s crypto enterprises.

Third was former congressman George Santos, a serial liar sentenced in April to seven years in federal prison after pleading guilty to fraud and identity theft. Santos served about four months in a camp before being pardoned. The Examiner also cited this month’s pardon of former Honduran president Juan Orlando Hernandez, who had been serving a 45-year sentence at USP Hazelton for a massive drug trafficking operation that moved more than 400 tons of cocaine into the United States. Reports at the time suggested Trump sought to influence the Honduran presidential election, going on at the time.

For the final pardon on its “top five” list the Examiner noted this month’s pardon of Rep Henry Cuellar (D-TX), charged but not yet convicted of bribery and money laundering. In a Truth Social post, Trump said he never spoke to Cuellar or anyone in his family, but he felt good about “fighting for a family that was tormented by very sick and deranged people – They were treated sooo BADLY!” Of course, Cuellar is a Democrat, which makes it unlikely that a Biden Administration Dept of Justice would have targeted him unfairly.

Ironically, Trump responded in fury a few days after the pardon, as Cuellar filed to run again as a Democrat rather than turning Republican out of “loyalty” to the President.

The Washington Post reported that at least 20 people who have received clemency from Trump so far this year were also forgiven of restitution totaling tens of millions of dollars. For some, restitution was more onerous than the sentence. Paul Walczak, a health care executive convicted of willfully failing to pay over $4 million in taxes withheld from his employees and willfully failing to file individual tax returns, was sentenced in April to 18 months in prison. He was pardoned before serving a day, wiping out his $4 million restitution obligation to the IRS.

The common thread connecting almost all of Trump’s clemencies is that the beneficiaries had committed offenses with political import, had money ties to Trump or were supporters of the President.  The Jan 6 rioters fell into the first category. Walczak’s pardon came after his mother had raised millions of dollars for Trump’s campaigns and was involved in an effort to sabotage President Biden’s 2020 campaign by publicizing the addiction diary of his daughter Ashley, an episode that The New York Times said “drew law enforcement scrutiny.”

Trevor Milton, convicted of lying to investors to pump the stock of his company, electric vehicle maker Nikola, was sentenced to four years in prison and over $600 million  In discussing the pardon, which left investors high and dry, In describing his decision to pardon Milton, Trump said, “And they say the thing that he did wrong was he was one of the first people that supported a gentleman named Donald Trump for president. He supported Trump. He liked Trump.”

The transactional nature of Trump’s presidency was brought home a few weeks ago in an unusual quid pro quo raised in a video last week by former Pardon Attorney Elizabeth Oyer. You may recall that the Obama Administration brought a sprawling fraud case against FIFA and over 30 other defendants. The remnants of that case are now in front of the Supreme Court in petitions for certiorari brought by two defendants.

Earlier this month, world soccer organization FIFA announced a new “peace prize” that would be bestowed on a recipient who has taken “exceptional and extraordinary actions for peace and by doing so have united people across the world.” The inaugural FIFA “Peace Prize,” unsurprisingly, was awarded to President Trump on December 5.

Four days later, the DOJ filed a F.R.Crim.P. 48 motion to dismiss the indictment “in the interests of justice.”   In a Facebook post, Oyer reported that the dismissal came over the objection of the line prosecutor who had obtained the convictions.  She said, “This is a huge deal because it could also unravel dozens of other convictions of soccer officials and sports executives. It could also mean that the government has to return hundreds of millions of dollars in penalties paid by these people. It’s also a big deal because it’s an example of corruption at work. In Trump’s America, justice can be bought: all it takes is a shiny object or a large check.”

Washington Examiner, Trump’s five most controversial pardons of 2025 (December 25, 2025)

Washington Post, Trump’s pardons wipe out payments to defrauded victims (December 19, 2025)

New York Times, Trump Pardoned Tax Cheat After Mother Attended $1 Million Dinner (May 27, 2025)

CNN, What is the FIFA Peace Prize and why did Donald Trump win? (December 5, 2025)

Facebook, Days after FIFA gave him a medal, Trump’s DOJ started dismantling a major corruption prosecution (December 22, 2025)

~ Thomas L. Root

Something for the Ladies – Update for December 26, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

THE WOMEN ARE RESTLESS…

More Dublin Lawsuits Expected:  Nearly 300 women who were incarcerated at the now-closed FCI Dublin prison are expected to file sexual assault claims against the Bureau of Prisons, after 103 women won an unprecedented $116 million from the agency exactly one year ago

AUSA Jevechius Bernardoni told US District Judge Yvonne Gonzalez Rogers (ED Cal.) last week that the BOP expects a Round 2 “total of 280 cases” to be filed within the next six months against the agency and individual correctional officers, bringing the total of Dublin sex abuse cases to nearly 400.

Deborah Golden, an attorney representing dozens of the women claiming abuse at FCI Dublin, said, “There could even be a Round 3.” Then-BOP Director Colette Peters ordered FCI Dublin closed and the inmates moved to other facilities in April 2024, expressing frustration at the BOP’s inability to change the abusive nature of the facility.

KTVU-TV, FCI Dublin: Nearly 300 more women expected to file sex assault claims vs. BOP (December 17, 2025)

Associated Press, US to pay nearly $116M to settle lawsuits over rampant sexual abuse at California women’s prison (December 17, 2024)

FMC Carswell Prisoners Missing Dialysis, Report Alleges:  Women prisoners at FMC Carswell allege in court filings, medical records, expert reviews and interviews that the Bureau of Prisons is providing inadequate dialysis care, putting their lives and health at risk, according to the Marshall Project. 

Carswell is the BOP’s only women’s medical center and its only facility providing in-patient dialysis for women.

Lawyers, doctors, former prison officials and incarcerated women describe missed or shortened dialysis treatments, broken or poorly maintained machines, water system failures, inadequate patient education and serious infection risks. Medical experts who reviewed the allegations said the conditions described could be preventable and potentially fatal.

Despite these concerns, the complaints allege, the BOP operates with little external oversight of its medical care. The Marshall Project said that judges overseeing compassionate release requests have said they lack authority to intervene broadly even when testimony raises significant concerns.

The Marshall Project, Women Are Sent to This Federal Prison for Dialysis. They Say It’s Killing Them. (December 16, 2025)

~ Thomas  L. Root

Pot Good, Fentanyl Very Bad – Update for December 23, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

TRUMP DOES THE ‘WEAVE’ ON DRUG CRIMES

President Trump is proud of “the weave,” that oratorical puzzlement that sounds to some like Grandpa forgot to take his meds. Last week, Trump tried it on drug policy.

On Monday, Trump signed an executive order declaring fentanyl and its precursors  as “weapons of mass destruction.” Three days later, he signed another order directing federal agencies to reschedule marijuana as a Schedule III rather than Schedule I.

The fentanyl executive order instructs federal agencies, including the Depts of Justice, State, Treasury and Defense, to pursue fentanyl-related crimes more aggressively and to explore military cooperation with civilian law enforcement.

The Atlantic last week reported that while the

WMD designation may not have immediate legal implications for Trump’s military powers, it could potentially change how domestic drug cases are prosecuted. The use of a WMD against people or property in the U.S. carries a maximum sentence of life in prison; if someone dies, prosecutors can argue for the death penalty… That could impose a life sentence on any person who uses drugs laced with illicitly manufactured fentanyl, or anyone who gives drugs laced with illicitly manufactured fentanyl to their friend. As of now, the Trump administration has offered no guidance on how this might play out.

Earlier this year, Attorney General Pam Bondi claimed that the Trump administration’s fentanyl seizures had saved the lives of 258 million Americans — three-quarters of the population of the entire country. However, in September, Trump claimed that “300 million people died … from drugs” in 2024, which would be almost the entire US population, and about five times as many people as died that year from anything anywhere in the world. In fact, CDC numbers show that fentanyl was involved in 42,233 deaths between April 2024 and April 2025.

Drug defendants with fentanyl in their cases probably should not expect any break from this Administration any time soon.

A different story has played out on marijuana, although Trump’s executive order issued last Thursday on weed changes more for the cannabis industry’s bottom line than the architecture of prohibition.

Under the Controlled Substances Act, marijuana is currently placed in Schedule I, a category reserved for substances deemed to have “no currently accepted medical use.” That’s the most restrictive controlled substance category — more serious than where fentanyl is scheduled — and clearly at odds with at least 40 states that have legalized medical marijuana.

Trump’s executive order on Thursday prompts the Justice Department to hasten the rescheduling of marijuana as a Schedule III drug, alongside common prescription medications like Tylenol with codeine.

The Biden administration began rescheduling in the fall of 2022, but left the matter unfinished despite its promise to get it done. Trump’s order — which directs Attorney General Pam Bondi to hasten the process of loosening federal restrictions but does not include a timeline — comes after an intensive lobbying campaign from cannabis business interests.

Although the Wall Street Journal complained that by his executive order, Trump is going “for the Stoner Vote,” the President was lobbied hard by the commercial cannabis industry for the change, due to the banking and tax relief such a reclassification will bring to the business. “I’ve never been inundated by so many people as I have about this particular reclassification,” Trump said.

While Schedule III drugs can legally be prescribed, they still require Food and Drug Administration approval, which marijuana lacks. While, in theory, the order could reduce or eliminate some federal criminal penalties, statutory mandatory minimums would remain unchanged unless Congress amends 21 USC §§ 841 and 960. It is possible that some Sentencing Guidelines would change, but any such modification is several years off and would have to undergo an additional proceeding to become retroactive.

Even under §§ 841 and 960 as now written, federal prosecutors have not prioritized marijuana cases in recent years, especially regarding state-level approved marijuana commerce. As of January 2022, no one in federal prison was doing time solely for simple marijuana possession. Marijuana trafficking cases are down 58% since 2020, according to the U.S. Sentencing Commission.

What might this mean for 18 USC § 922(g)(3), which prohibits users of unlawful drugs from possessing guns? One firearms trade group has reminded its members that “state legalization of marijuana similarly has no effect on legality under 18 USC § 922(g)(3), and possession by a purchaser of a state medical marijuana card should be taken as evidence of unlawful use.”

What’s more, Trump taking a more accepting stance toward marijuana could prompt Congress to revisit the Controlled Substances Act, either by amending it to exempt state-level marijuana legalization regimes or by de-scheduling the drug from federal regulation altogether.

Trump’s order could also impact United States v. Hemani, currently pending in the Supreme Court. Hemani was convicted of a § 922(g)(3) offense, and SCOTUS has been asked to rule on whether disarming marijuana users complies with the 2nd Amendment. A decision is expected by June 2026.

Executive Order, Designating Fentanyl As A Weapon Of Mass Destruction (December 15, 2025)

Executive Order, Increasing Medical Marijuana and Cannabidiol Research (December 18, 2025)

The Atlantic, The New ‘Weapon of Mass Destruction’ (December 16, 2025)

Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Provisional Drug Overdose Death Counts (September 17, 2025)

U.S. Sentencing Commission, Quick Facts – Marijuana Trafficking (FY 2024) (May 2025)

Roll Call, Press Gaggle: Donald Trump Speaks to Reporters Before Air Force One Departure – September 14, 2025 

The Hill, Trump signs executive order to expedite marijuana rescheduling (December 18, 2025)

CNN, Trump signs executive order expediting marijuana reclassification after lobbying from cannabis industry (December 18, 2025)

The Reload, Analysis: Trump’s Marijuana Moves Unlikely to Immediately Impact Gun Owners (December 21, 2025)

~ Thomas  L. Root

First Step Act Reform Coming Around Again in the Senate? – Update for December 22, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.


WHAT’S OLD IS NEW

The legendary Congressional odd couple – a conservative farm-country nonagenarian and liberal urban ex-bar owner – who brought you the First Step Act seven years ago are at it again.

Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Charles Grassley (R-IA) and Ranking Member Richard Durbin (D-IL) last week introduced several bills – all of which have been proposed before without passage – to restore some of what has expired and other FSA “fixes” needed since 2018.

The First Step Implementation Act would permit district courts to apply First Step Act sentencing reform provisions retroactively, enhance the discretion courts have when sentencing nonviolent drug offenders, and permit sealing or expunging of records of nonviolent juvenile offenses.

The Safer Detention Act would reauthorize and reform the now-expired Elderly Home Detention Pilot Program (which ended in September 2023) and make technical corrections in 18 USC § 3582(c) to benefit compassionate release procedure.

The Prohibiting Punishment of Acquitted Conduct Acta reprise of the 2023 bill – would prohibit judges from considering conduct of which defendants had been acquitted by juries in setting sentences. The bill would take a legislative stand on an issue that the Supreme Court has so far refused to consider as a constitutional issue.

The First Step Implementation Act, the Safer Detention Act and the Prohibiting Punishment of Acquitted Conduct Act are endorsed by organizations running the gamut from the ACLU and Dream.org to Right On Crime and the Conservative Political Action Conference.

“Each of these bills strengthens public safety in a different way – by ensuring fairness at sentencing, focusing resources on dangerous individuals, and fully implementing reforms that reduce recidivism,” Brett Tolman, executive director of Right On Crime said. “Together, they move the federal system toward a smarter, more accountable, and more effective approach to public safety.”

Given that Charles Grassley is chairman of the Judiciary Committee, the bills are likely to get a hearing. However, the bills all made it to the Senate floor in 2022, only to die at the end of the session without consideration.

Grassley’s Senate term does not expire until 2028, but Durbin’s expires in December 2026. Durbin has announced that he will not seek reelection.

Senate Committee on the Judiciary, Durbin, Grassley Introduce Criminal Justice Reform Bills (December 16, 2025)

First Act Implementation Act of 2025 (S. —) (submitted December 16, 2025)

Safer Detention Act (S. —) (submitted December 16, 2025)

 

Prohibiting Punishment of Acquitted Conduct Act of 2025 (S. —), (submitted December 16, 2025)

~ Thomas  L. Root

Santa Courts Deliver Post-Conviction Coal – Update for December 18, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

A CHRISTMAS LIST

A few appellate court holdings for your stocking (even if they seem to be lumps of coal):

Incompetence Here and There: Airrion Blake was convicted of tax fraud. Two months after his conviction, his attorney was thrown off the roster of attorneys allowed to practice in the 7th Circuit after “flagrantly disregard[ing]” the district court’s instructions in a civil case that “raise[d] serious concerns about his professional competence.”

Airrion filed a 28 USC § 2255 petition claiming that his lawyer’s disciplinary proceedings should negate any presumption that he was professionally competent in Airrion’s case. Last week, the 7th Circuit disagreed, reaffirming that ineffective assistance claims require case-specific analysis.

The court found that while Airrion’s lawyer misunderstood Brady obligations, Airrion failed to show how that prejudiced his case. Airrion admitted on the stand that his tax return was false, and ample evidence supported his conviction. Thus, there was no reasonable probability that correcting counsel’s errors would have changed the outcome.

Blake v. United States, Case No. 23-2399, 2025 U.S.App. LEXIS 32146 (7th Cir. Dec. 9, 2025)

No Need To Double Count: Jefferson Washington was convicted of a drug offense in 2020. His sentencing range would have been 24-30 months, but he was held to be a Guidelines career offender, making his sentencing range 151-188 months.

A few years later, the 4th Circuit held that Jeff’s predicate offenses did not qualify for career offender status. Jeff filed for compassionate release under 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A), arguing that the gross sentence disparity between what he got in 2020 and what he would get today was an extraordinary and compelling reason for a reduction, and that the same disparity should be considered when the court weighed the 18 USC § 3553(a) sentencing factors.

The district court denied relief.

It agreed that Jeff had demonstrated that he had an extraordinary and compelling reason for a sentence reduction based on the “enormous disparity” between the career offender Guidelines range at sentencing and what it would be if his career offender status were eliminated. Despite that determination, the court ruled that compassionate release was not justified under the § 3553(a) sentencing factors because of Jeff’s “significant criminal history” – dating back some thirty years and including a collection of non-violent and violent offenses showed “disrespect for the law.” The court held that Jeff’s commendable rehabilitative efforts weren’t enough to convince it that he posed ‘a reduced danger to himself or his community.” Jeff argued that his time served was more than the top end of his guidelines if he had been sentenced today, but the court didn’t discuss that argument in its decision denying Jeff’s compassionate release motion.

“We… reject Washington’s argument that the court abused its discretion by failing to explicitly address the sentencing Guidelines range disparity… as part of its § 3553(a) discussion,” the 4th Circuit held. “[D]istrict courts are not required to restate views expressed in its “extraordinary and compelling” analysis in its § 3553(a) analysis. And… on appellate review… we consider the totality of [the court’s] statements rather than view them in isolation.”

The 4th ruled that the “district court’s reasoning demonstrates that it was fully aware of the extent of the sentencing disparity at issue here and that it factored in Washington’s favor… [N]othing required the district court to… readdress this same point when considering the other statutory factors relevant to its decision whether to grant relief… [B]ecause the record demonstrates that the district court understood and explicitly engaged with Washington’s Guidelines range disparity as part of its decision to deny relief, it was not required to repeat the same information twice.”

United States v. Washington, Case No. 23-7036, 2025 U.S.App. LEXIS 32550 (4th Cir. Dec. 12, 2025)

Hurts so Bad: If there is any recurring theme in Bureau of Prisons prisoner care, it’s the BOP’s consistent failure to give any credence to inmate health complaints, too often until it’s much too late to prevent permanent injury or death.

Troy Williams filed a compassionate release motion claiming that the Bureau of Prisons had failed to adequately treat his medical condition by not testing his blood enough to ensure the medicine was working and that lockdowns were preventing treatment.

The district court found that the BOP medical treatment may have been inadequate, but it wasn’t that inadequate. Just sort of inadequate, and not inadequate enough to warrant intervention. Last week, the 6th Circuit agreed.

The Circuit said that while the BOP provided a declaration from its Health Services clinical director, Troy provided no “expert medical testimony” to connect sporadic and inadequate blood testing with any harm to his health. The evidence showed that even during a period with less than the recommended monthly testing, his numbers remained within an acceptable range and his doctors did not adjust his drug dosage.“ Given the overall record, the 4th said, the district court did not clearly err in finding that the frequency of Williams’s blood testing did not present a “risk of serious deterioration” to his health.

Troy also argued that lockdowns were preventing the facility from adequately treating him, but his medical records showed only one blood test was missed. He cited a third-party investigation of the prison that reported that frequent lockdowns interfered with medical care. As the government points out, however, there is only one documented instance in Williams’s voluminous medical records of a lockdown interfering with his blood testing. The BOP’s declaration and medical records got more credit than the third-party report, a decision that the appellate court held was not clearly erroneous.

The suggestion that compassionate release movants may need their own expert witnesses to counter the BOP’s self-serving medical declarations is troubling, raising a financial bar to relief that not many people can afford to overcome.

United States v. Williams, Case No. 25-3241, 2025 U.S.App. LEXIS 32556 (6th Cir. Dec. 12, 2025)

~ Thomas  L. Root

Sentencing Commission Finally Tackles Meth Guidelines – Update for December 16, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

LISAStatHeader2small.jpg

SENTENCING COMMISSION PROPOSES LONG-AWAITED METH GUIDELINES AMENDMENT

There was a time when the US Sentencing Commission held a work meeting in January during which it would sort through ideas for the coming November’s amendments, adopting some options for public comment. After a few months of written comments and public sessions, the USSC would roll out the proposed amendments just in time for its May 1 deadline to get the package to Congress.

Under USSC Chairman Carlton W. Reeves, a US District Judge from the Southern District of Mississippi, the schedule seems to have been accelerated. That’s not a bad thing. But at the same time, the meetings these days seem much shorter and bereft of any meaningful discussion. I’ve seen speed dating encounters last longer.

Last Friday, in a 25-minute session, the Commission adopted for public comment a 194-page proposal to amend guidelines in nine areas. For prisoners, the most important of these to prisoners would be the options to change the methamphetamine guidelines. One proposal (Option 1) is to simply eliminate the Guidelines distinction among a meth mixture, meth (actual), and high-purity ice. All meth would be scored the same.

An alternative option (Option 2) would be to keep the distinctions in the current meth Guidelines but offer reductions for people who had minor roles, who qualified for the 18 USC § 3553(f) safety valve, or who were involved only because of family relationships or duress.

For theft and economic crimes, the Commission wants public comment on a proposal to raise the loss tables (which drive the offense level) by an average of 40%, both to simplify application and to adjust for inflation (which was done last 11 years and a lot of price hikes ago – up about 31% since 2016, according to one cost-of-living calculator).

In a separate proposal, the USSC seeks comment on a proposal to “simplify” the USSG § 2B1.1 loss table by reducing it from 16 levels to 7, with jumps of 4 points for each level. Additionally, the Commission suggests a new § 2B1.1 enhancement to reflect noneconomic harm to victims, such as physical, psychological harm, emotional, and reputational damage, or invasion of privacy.

More interesting is a USSC request for comment on redefinition of the “sophisticated means” enhancement. Currently, “sophisticated means” is widely applied by courts to virtually any economic offense more complex than stealing a Salvation Army kettle. The Commission seeks to return the “sophisticated means” enhancement to what was originally intended, “committing or concealing an offense with a greater level of complexity than typical for an offense of that nature” and provide further guidance for courts to use when determining whether conduct fits the definition.

Finally, the USSC has suggested a post-offense rehabilitation adjustment when a defendant shows pre-sentencing positive behavior or rehabilitation, such as voluntary efforts at rehabilitation or attempts to make things right with the victims.

No one already sentenced should get hopes up yet. None of the proposals has been suggested to be retroactive. That decision usually only comes after the proposed amendments are adopted in April. The Commission has a pending study on how to decide retroactivity, and a number of proposals for retroactivity of specific changes are bottled up awaiting the results of the retroactivity policy review.

Public comment closes February 10, 2026. Comments may be submitted through the USSC portal or in writing to U.S. Sentencing Commission, One Columbus Circle, NE, Suite 2-500, Washington, DC 20002-8002, Attn: Public Affairs – Proposed Amendments.

USSC Public Meeting (December 12, 2025)

USSC, Proposed Amendments to the Sentencing Guidelines (Preliminary) (December 12, 2025)

~ Thomas  L. Root

Trump Rumored to Plan Marijuana Rescheduling – Update for December 15, 2025

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

TRUMP TO LOOSEN POT SCHEDULING?

You may recall that President Joe Biden made a big deal about rescheduling marijuana from a Schedule I controlled substance to Schedule III. This de-escalation of weed would have loosened a lot of the Controlled Substances Act restrictions and might have led to changes in mandatory minimum sentences and easing of marijuana Guidelines.

Biden didn’t get it done by the end of 2024 as promised, and his departure from the White House seemed to have brought the effort to a standstill.

President Trump ruminated about easing pot regulation this past summer. Late last week, rumors exploded in Washington that President Trump is expected to issue an executive order as soon as today that would allow for reclassification of marijuana, a White House official (who remained anonymous because he was not authorized to speak about it) told reporters.

Trump is expected to push the government to reduce regulation of the plant and its derivatives to the same level as some common prescription painkillers and other drugs, the Washington Post reported. The anticipated executive order is expected to direct federal agencies to pursue reclassification, the people said.

Reclassification will not decriminalize marijuana, but it would ease barriers to research and may drive Congress and the Sentencing Commission to reconsider sentence levels for the drug.

Although the President cannot reclassify pot by executive order, he can direct the Dept. of Justice to cancel a pending administrative hearing and issue the final rule.

The Post said that in a call last Wednesday between Trump and House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-LA), Johnson expressed skepticism about the plan, but Trump “ended the call appearing ready to go ahead.”

CNBC, Trump expected to sign executive order to reclassify marijuana as soon as Monday, source tells CNBC; pot stocks surge (December 12, 2025)

Washington Post, Trump seeks to cut restrictions on marijuana through planned order (December 11, 2025)

~ Thomas L. Root