All posts by lisa-legalinfo

Mandatory Guideline Career Offenders Get an ACCA Break – Update for June 12, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues. 

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7TH CIRCUIT EXTENDS JOHNSON TO PRE-BOOKER CAREER OFFENDERS

BettyWhiteACCA180503When Johnson v. United States declared the residual clause of the Armed Career Criminal Act’s definition of “crime of violence” to be unconstitutionally vague, prisoners who had ACCA convictions, 18 USC 924(c) convictions and Guidelines “career offender” sentences based on crimes of violence started a land rush to district courts to get resentenced.

But their enthusiasm cooled off when the Supreme Court, in Beckles v. United States, ruled that the ruling did not apply to the several places in the Guidelines that used a “crime of violence” residual clause that read like the one in the ACCA. Beckles held that the vagueness concerns that made the ACCA residual clause unconstitutional were not present where the Sentencing Guidelines were concerned, because the Guidelines were merely advisory: that is, a judge did not have to follow them.

However, some inmates were still serving sentences handed down before the Supreme Court in 2005 declared the Guidelines to be merely advisory in United States v. Booker. Beckles simply did not address their situation.

Last week, the 7th Circuit did so, holding that “under Johnson, the guidelines residual clause is unconstitutionally vague insofar as it determined mandatory sentencing ranges for pre-Booker defendants.”

advisoryguidelines180613In Beckles, the Circuit said, the Supreme Court “took care… to specify that it was addressing only the post-Booker, advisory version of the guidelines.” In fact, the 7th said, “Beckles’ logic for declining to apply the vagueness doctrine rests entirely on the advisory quality of the current guidelines… Beckles reaffirmed that the void-for-vagueness doctrine applies to ‘laws that fix the permissible sentences for criminal offenses.’ As Booker described, the mandatory guidelines did just that. They fixed sentencing ranges from a constitutional perspective… The residual clause of the mandatory guidelines did not merely guide judges’ discretion; rather, it mandated a specific sentencing range and permitted deviation only on narrow, statutorily fixed bases.”

The 7th Circuit concluded that the career offender provisions of “the mandatory guidelines are thus subject to attack on vagueness grounds.”

Cross v. United States, Case No. 17-2282 (7th Cir., June 7, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Pardon me, Mr. President: Enthusiasm Waxes After Johnson Commutation – Update for June 11, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues. 

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TRUMP SAYS HE’S CONSIDERING CLEMENCY FROM LIST OF 3,000 PEOPLE

pardon160321In the wake of widespread approval for President Trump’s commutation last Thursday of federal inmate Alice Johnson’s drug conspiracy life sentence, the President said that he was considering other pardons drawn from a list of 3,000 names.

The president was praised for granting clemency to the 63-year old grandmother, who had already served 21 years. Her case was championed by reality TV celebrity Kim Kardashian West, who met with Mr. Trump a week ago to urge grant of commutation to the Memphis woman.

Trump did not say whether he was only considering pardons or was looking at commutations as well, but he seems to be willing to use his clemency power to either pardon outright or just to commute sentences. Without explaining the origin of the list of 3,000, the President said, “Many of those names really have been treated unfairly.”

Trump also asked NFL players to suggest people worthy of clemency, an apparent attempt to end his battle with the NFL over players kneeling during the National Anthem to protest social injustice. “If the players, if the athletes have friends of theirs or people they know about that have been unfairly treated by the system, let me know,” Trump said.

clemencyjack161229There is some irony in Trump reviewing the cases of 3,000 federal inmates incarcerated for drug offenses, given his criticism of President Obama for doing the same thing, and Trump’s permitting Attorney General Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III to rescind Obama-era charging policies for nonviolent drug offenders.

The DOJ pardon office has a reputation for slow decision-making. Only 26% of the backlog of 11,200 pardon and commutation cases were filed since Trump became president. Trump has thus far denied 180 pardon and sentence-reduction applications, but that was before Trump realized that exercising his clemency power without DOJ input could be such fun.

FAMM president Kevin Ring and Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman expressed concern last week that there may be “enormous excitement among inmates,” given Trump’s clemency record to date.  Berman pointed out that Trump has only commuted two sentences so far, “and I have no reason to believe he has plans to start issuing dozens (let along hundreds) of additional commutations anytime soon.  Political realities have seemed to be influencing all of Prez Trump’s clemency work to date, and precious few federal prisoner have political forces in their favor.” While Berman hopes Trump will pleasantly surprise people, he says, “hopes ought to be tempered for now.”

trumpbird180611One commentator suggested that perhaps Trump can be talked into backing the Sentencing Reform and Corrections Act, (S.1917), which includes a retroactive rollback of some mandatory-minimum sentences, if he realizes how much it will annoy Sessions, whom he reportedly has wanted to fire. Sessions, of course, is the loudest and most vitriolic opponent of the SRCA. Just last Thursday, Trump announced his support for a Senate bill that would limit Sessions’ DOJ from bringing marijuana enforcement actions in states where it is legal, an announcement Buzzfeed described as a real “F— You” to Sessions

The New York Times, Trump Says He’s Considering a Pardon for Muhammad Ali (June 8, 2018)

The Hill, Trump says he is considering pardon for Muhammad Ali (June 8, 2018)

Business Insider, Trump’s commutation of a 63-year-old grandmother’s sentence is an example of where his disregard for institutions pays off (June 7, 2018)

The New York Times, Pardon System Needs Fixing, Advocates Say, but They Cringe at Trump’s Approach (June 1, 2018) 

– Thomas L. Root

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Filing Deadlines Apply to the Feds, Too – Update for June 7, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues. 

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SOMETIMES IT HAPPENS TO THE BAD GUYS, TOO

Eric Kelb was charged with the destruction of property on United States land, for trying to steal copper wire from an electrical circuit box. The copper wire was carrying electricity at the time, and Eric’s friend was toasted.

Eric filed a motion to suppress, which the district court granted. The government moved for reconsideration, but did so after the 30-day deadline. The district court rejected it as untimely, and the government appealed.

toolate180607Last week, the 3rd Circuit held it lacked jurisdiction to hear the appeal, because the government’s failure to file a timely petition for reconsideration let the district court’s suppression order become final. The 30-day deadline for the government to appeal, set by Federal Rule of Appellate Procedure 4(b)(1)(B) is jurisdictional, the Circuit ruled, meaning that blowing the deadline was an error that could not be fixed. Here, the 30-day deadline to file a notice of appeal passed while the government was pursuing its untimely reconsideration.

The government argued equitable considerations should toll its late filing, but the Circuit held that equitable tolling does not apply to a jurisdictional deadline.

United States v. Kelb, Case No. 17-1333 (3rd Cir.  May 31, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Only a Matter of Time: Supervised Releasees Are Set Up to Fail – Update for June 6, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues. 

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SUPERVISED RELEASE IS “SHADOW CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM”

A Federal public defender from Philadelphia last week blasted the statutorily-required supervised release system for pulling “tens of thousands of former inmates back into prison without a fair trial.”

probation180607Noting that one-third of all former inmates on supervised release are violated sometime during their term, author Jacob Schuman wrote that famous former inmate and now law professor Shon Hopwood told him that despite his going to law school and writing a book while on supervised release, there was still “a prevailing attitude among the probation officers that it was only a matter of time before I messed up and went back.” Hopwood said that probation officers “seemed more interested in policing violations than offering support.”

Schuman writes that supervised release “is incredibly strict, and that its reach is vast. Between 2005 and 2009, federal judges imposed supervised release in approximately 300,000 cases, with an average term lasting over 40 months. By 2010, more than 10,000 federal inmates were locked up for violating their supervised release.

Schuman called for Congress to limit supervised release only to those defendants who need it most and by reducing the punishments for violations,” and on judges to “stop sending people to prison for violations that are merely symptoms of an underlying drug addiction, not bad intent. To encourage this practice, Congress should end mandatory revocations for drug possession and prohibit imprisonment for drug-related technical infractions.”

Our experience with the arbitrary and standardless supervised release system is consistent with Schuman’s article. (Example: Any contact with a person with a criminal record – estimated to be one out of three American adults – is to be reported to the Probation Officer, an impossible standard to meet but one that can easily be used to violate).

Any system that reincarcerates one out of three participants has a problem, and it’s not with the people being supervised.

The New Republic, America’s Shadow Criminal Justice System (May 30, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root
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A Double Shot: Supreme Court Giveth and Taketh Away – Update for June 5, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues. 

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SUPREMES TACKLE FEDERAL SENTENCING ISSUES, THEN BAKE A CAKE

supremecake180605The big news from the Supreme Court yesterday was its masterful dodge-and-weave on whether a Christian baker had to bake a wedding cake for a gay couple in violation of his religious beliefs that gay marriage was morally wrong. The long-awaited opinion, in which the 7-2 Court did not decide the issue but rather concluded that the Colorado state commission that had dinged the baker did so in the wrong way, is covered elsewhere in much more detail than here.

Of interest to us were a pair of decisions, Hughes v. United States and Koons v. United States, with very different issues springing from a common core. We’ll start with Hughes:

CLEARING UP FREEMAN

A number of federal defendants enter into Federal Rule of Criminal Procedure 11(c)(1)(C) plea agreements, in which the parties agree to a specific sentence. The district court may accept the deal, in which case the defendant gets the specific sentence he or she bargained for, or it can reject it. If the court rejects the sentence, the whole plea agreement is rejected, and the parties go forward as if there is no deal at all.

These “Type-C” agreements were good for defendants, who did not want to sign a plea agreement that would let the court run wild with whatever sentence it wanted to impose. But then, in 2007, the United States Sentencing Commission started adjusting the drug table downward, and making the changes retroactive. Suddenly, the people with Type-C agreements were shut out of sentence reductions, because their sentences were set pursuant to an agreement, not the Guidelines.

dividedcourt180605The issue came to the Supreme Court in the 2011 case of Freeman v. United States. The Supreme Court split so badly, with four in the majority, four in the minority and one – Justice Sotomayor – writing a concurring opinion, that no single interpretation or rationale was clear. Some courts of adopted Justice Sotomayor’s reasoning, while others adopted the plurality’s reasoning.

Yesterday, the Supreme Court cleared up the confusion, and in so doing, opened the door to Type-C agreements getting the benefits of 2-level reductions in 2007, 2011 and 2014. A sentence reduction under 18 USC 3582(c)(2) is permissible if the original sentence was “based on” the Guidelines. The Supreme Court held that a sentence imposed pursuant to a Type-C agreement is “based on” the defendant’s Guidelines range so long as that range was part of the framework the district court relied on in imposing the sentence or accepting the agreement.

A district court imposes a sentence that is “based on” a Guidelines range for purposes of Sec. 3582(c)(2) if the range was a basis for the court’s exercise of discretion in imposing a sentence. “Given the standard legal definition of ‘base’,” the Court said today, “there will be no question in the typical case that the defendant’s Guidelines range was a basis for his sentence. A district court is required to calculate and consider a defendant’s Guidelines range in every case under 18 USC 3553(a). Indeed, the Guidelines are “the starting point for every sentencing calculation in the federal system.” Thus, the Court ruled, “in general, Sec. 3582(c)(2) allows district courts to reconsider a prisoner’s sentence based on a new starting point — that is, a lower Guidelines range — and determine whether a reduction is appropriate.

sentence170511The Government and the defendant may agree to a specific sentence in a Type-C agreement, but the Sentencing Guidelines prohibit district courts from accepting Type-C agreements without first evaluating the recommended sentence in light of the defendant’s Guidelines range. So in the usual case the court’s acceptance of a Type-C agreement and the sentence to be imposed pursuant to that agreement are “based on” the defendant’s Guidelines range.

The Court said its interpretation furthers the purposes of the Sentencing Reform Act, and confirms prior holdings in Molina-Martinez v. United States and Peugh v. United States that the Guidelines remain a basis for almost all federal sentences.

Thus, the Court said, petitioner Erik Hughes is eligible for relief under Sec. 3582(c)(2). The District Court accepted his Type-C agreement after concluding that a 180-month sentence was consistent with the Guidelines, and then calculated Hughes’ sentencing range and imposed a sentence it deemed “compatible” with the Guidelines. The sentencing range was thus a basis for the sentence imposed. And because that range has since been lowered by the Commission, the district court has the discretion to decide whether to reduce Hughes’ sentence after considering the 18 USC 3553(a) sentencing factors and the Sentencing Commission’s relevant policy statements.

WYSIWYG

The Court was unanimous and brief in Koons v. United States.

wysiwyg180605There is an interplay between statutory mandatory minimum sentences and Guidelines. We see it often. A defendant has an advisory Guideline range of 33-41 months for a drug offense, but because she was charged with trafficking in 30 grams of cocaine base, a mandatory minimum sentence of 60 months is prescribed by 21 USC 841(b)(1)(B)(iii). The Guidelines specify that when a statutory minimum sentence is higher than the top end of the advisory Guidelines range, the advisory Guidelines range is considered to be a minimum and maximum of 60 months.

When a defendant is saddled with a mandatory minimum sentence, there is nothing that will trump the minimum other than cooperation with the government (or in rare cases, a “safety valve” sentence under 18 USC 3553(f)). That’s a principal reason that everyone cooperates: it’s one thing to declare oneself a “stand up” guy who won’t rant out co-conspirators over a couple of beers with buddies, but it’s another thing entirely to serve 20 years in a beerless federal prison while those same friends are at home quaffing brews.

nobeer180605Under 18 USC 3582(c)(2), a defendant is eligible for a sentence reduction if she was initially sentenced “based on a sentencing range” that was later lowered by the United States Sentencing Commission. The five defendants in Koons claimed to be eligible for a reduced sentence in the wake of the Sentencing Commission’s 2014 reduction of the drug quantity tables. The defendants were convicted of drug offenses that carried statutory mandatory minimum sentences, but they received sentences below these mandatory minimums, because they “substantially assisted” the Government in prosecuting other drug offenders within the meaning of 18 USC 3553(e).

The Supreme Court held that the defendants’ sentences were “based on” the statutory mandatory minimum and on their substantial assistance to the Government, not on sentencing ranges that the Sentencing Commission later lowered. In other words, what you see is what you get – no pretending that the beneficial sentence for helping out ol’ Uncle Sugar was based on the Sentencing Guidelines rather than on you saving your own skin.  

Therefore, the Koons defendants were ineligible for Sec. 3582(c)(2) sentence reductions. 

Hughes v. United States, Case No. 17-155 (Supreme Court, June 4, 2018)

Koons v. United States, Case No. 17-5716 (Supreme Court, June 4, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Truth is Stranger than Fiction: Reality TV Star’s White House Visit May Jump-Start Sentence Reform – Update for June 4, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues. 

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WILL THE KARDASHIANS SAVE SENTENCE REFORM?

kardash180604Talk about headlines we never imagined ourselves writing… The twists and turns of federal sentence and prison reform legislation get weirder and weirder. Last week, as Senate Republicans fought one another over whether FIRST STEP Act (H.R. 5682) did enough to benefit prisoners, President Trump had a sit-down in his office with Kim Kardashian over a commutation for Alice Martin, a grandmother doing life at FCI Aliceville, and then pardoned a conservative New York filmmaker who did 8 months in a halfway house over a two-bit campaign finance crime.

So why does this matter to federal prisoners?

To start, The Hill reported last week that the Senate is “under growing pressure” to take up the FIRST STEP Act, which is a priority Trump son-in-law and senior adviser, Jared Kushner. But Senate negotiators say they are not close to a deal that would allow the bill to move quickly.

grassley180604Instead, the fight is pitting two influential senators, John Cornyn (R-Texas) and Judiciary Committee Chairman Charles Grassley (R-Iowa), against each other as they back competing bills. “We’ve got work to do here on building consensus… but right now we don’t have it,” Cornyn said last week. The divisions could scuttle any chance that the Trump-backed FIRST STEP becomes law this year.

Both Cornyn and Grassley are signaling they plan to press forward with trying to build support for their own separate bills once the Senate returns to Washington, D.C., this week. “We’re going to take up my bill,” Grassley said, referring to the Sentence Reform and Corrections Act (S.1917). “Or I should say, my bipartisan bill that’s got 28 co-sponsors — equal number Republicans and Democrats… What the House does through [FIRST STEP] is about the equivalent of a spit in the ocean compared to what the problem is of too much imprisonment.”

SRCA would link prison reform to reductions in mandatory minimums for certain drug offenses, correction of stacked 924(c) convictions, and retroactivity of the 2010 Fair Sentencing Act. Both Grassley and Durbin say they’ve made a deal not to separate the prison and sentencing reform components despite pressure from the White House.

sessions180215The Hill reports that SRCA is unlikely to be taken up in the Senate given opposition from Trump officials, chiefly Attorney General Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III. Grassley admitted last week he has not yet convinced Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Kentucky) to bring SRCA to the floor. “You’ve got to remember that McConnell doesn’t like the bill,” Grassley said, “and all I can say is that you ought to let a Republican president who needs a big, bipartisan victory have a bipartisan victory.”

Last week, McConnell told senators, “Look, guys, if you all can get your act together and come up with something that you’re comfortable with, that the president will sign, I’d be willing to take a look at it.”

Enter Kim Kardashian West, reality TV star and wife of Kanye West. Kim, who made early release for federal prisoner Alice Martin. Kardashian visited the White House on Wednesday to urge President Trump to commute the sentence of a 63-year-old grandmother serving life for a first-time drug offense. In pleading her case for a commutation for the inmate, Kardashian seized upon draconian federal sentencing practices that can put low- or midlevel nonviolent offenders away for decades, even life.

kardashian180604Interestingly, Trump – who tends to agree with the last person who spoke to him – tweeted that he and Kardashian had a good visit, and talked about “prison reform and sentencing.” This left some observers hopeful that the President was listening to people other than Sessions, and was about to signal his support for adding some sentencing reform measures to FIRST STEP. At the same time, Trump’s interest in harsh sentencing may help McConnell find some backbone to put FIRST STEP and SRCA to a vote.

Meanwhile, debate continued about the FIRST STEP Act. The liberal opponents of FIRST STEP argue that passing the bill, which lacks any reform of mandatory minimum sentence, would leave Congress and the administration believing they had solved mass incarceration, and thus not willing to address the issues at the heart of the prison problem anytime soon. But the Washington Post suggested this fear is overblown:

If Democrats take control of the House in November, they will be able to revisit the issue anytime they want — but they will have real clout to go along with their passion,” the Post said. “Nothing in the current bill precludes bolder, more comprehensive action when the votes, and the president’s pen, are lined up and ready.

The Hill, Senate grapples with prison reform bill (May 30, 2018)

Washington Post, In prison reform, a little of something is better than a lot of nothing (May 28, 2018)

The Hill, Don’t kick the can down the road on prison reform — now is the time for change (June 1, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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SCOTUS Hems and Haws, Then Passes on Change to Refine Beckles – Update for June 1, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues. 

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SUPREME COURT NIXES CHANCE TO ANSWER QUESTION LEFT HANGING BY BECKLES

A few weeks ago, we reported that the Supreme Court had relisted three related cases an unusual number of times. (A relist is when the Supreme Court schedules a certiorari petition for a decision at the weekly Friday justices’ conference, but then defers any decision until the next conference, essentially “relisting” it on the next week’s conference list).

missedopp180531Last week, the Court denied review without comment on those cases, Allen v. United States, Gates v. United States, and James v. United States. All of these cases asked whether under the Supreme Court’s opinions in United States v. BookerJohnson v. United States and Beckles v. United States – all of which depended heavily upon the distinction between advisory and mandatory sentencing schemes – the residual clause of the mandatory sentencing guidelines is unconstitutionally vague. Now that question will go unanswered for now.

SCOTUSBlog noted last week, “It’s curious when cases that have been relisted as many as ten times are denied review without even a short statement respecting denial. But perhaps, just as the most effective dissent from denial of cert is never seen (because the court just decides to go ahead and grant review), maybe someone wrote a killer concurrence.”

Supreme Court, Order (May 21, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Please Reverse Us, 11th Circuit Panel Tells Colleagues – Update for May 31, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues. 

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11TH CIRCUIT PANEL BARS 2255 BRADY CLAIM, THEN ASKS EN BANC COURT TO REVERSE DECISION

rightwrong180531It’s pretty rare to see an appeals court beg for en banc review to reverse Circuit precedent, but a 3-judge panel of the 11th Circuit did that last week.

Gino Scott was convicted by a jury over a decade ago of drug trafficking. As do most defendants who lose jury trials, he filed a direct appeal and then a 2255 motion. He lost those. But a few years later, the government admitted to his trial court that it had Brady information about how its informant, whose testimony had help nail Gino, lied about his background on the stand.

Gino filed a second 2255 motion based on the newly-revealed information. But under 28 USC 2244, newly-discovered evidence will not allow a second-and-successive 2255 to go forward unless the new evidence would establish that no reasonable jury would have found the defendant guilty of the underlying offense.

The Supreme Court has held that not every second 2255 is a “second-and-successive” 2255 motion. Instead, “to determine whether an application is ‘second or successive,’ a court must look to the substance of the claim the application raises and decide whether the petitioner had a full and fair opportunity to raise the claim in the prior application.” But the 11th Circuit previously held in Tompkins v. Secretary, DOC that this Supreme Court holding did not apply to second 2255s raising Brady claims.

spengler180531In last week’s decision, the 11th Circuit panel argued that Tompkins is wrong, and that a newly-discovered Brady claim is not a second-and-successive 2255. But, for the uninitiated, a three-judge panel has no power to reverse a prior published circuit decision. Rather, unless a Supreme Court decision does so, only the Court sitting en banc has the right to abandon Circuit precedent.

For that reason, after Gino’s panel explained in great detail why Tompkins was wrong, it was nevertheless obligated to apply Tompkins to deny Gino’s claim anyway. Gino’s court ended with a plea to the other judges in the Circuit: “Supreme Court precedent, the nature of the right at stake here, and habeas corpus require a petitioner who has reasonably probably been convicted because the government failed to disclose material exculpatory evidence, to have a full and fair opportunity to obtain relief. For this reason, we urge our colleagues to rehear this case en banc and reevaluate the framework we established in Tompkins.”

Scott v. United States, Case No. 15-11377 (11th Cir. May 23, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Like a Mouse Between Two Cats, BOP Director Just Got Tired of It – Update for May 30, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues. 

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BOP DIRECTOR QUIT BECAUSE OF SESSIONS AND KUSHNER

As we reported last week, BOP director Mark Inch quietly resigned, ironically packing up his office a week ago last Friday even as President Trump’s senior adviser and son-in-law, Jared Kushner, was praising Inch’s leadership during a White House conference on prison reform. At the time, no one knew why he quit.

CatChasingMouse180530Now we do. The New York Times reported late last Thursday that Inch, a retired Army major general who had been appointed to oversee the Bureau just nine months ago, felt marginalized by Kushner’s prison reform planning, according to three unnamed sources the Times said had with knowledge of the situation. But even more than his ire at Kushner, Inch – a consummate bureaucrat – was frustrated with his boss, Attorney General Sessions, and believed he was in caught in the crossfire of a turf war between Kushner and Sessions, like Ben Franklin’s proverbial “mouse between two cats.”

Sessions had frozen Inch out of budget, staffing, and policy decisions, the Times reported, refusing even to approve his choice for deputy prisons director, the Times reports. For months Inch pleaded with Deputy AG Rod Rosenstein to install Sara M. Revell, North Central Region director, as his top deputy. Rosenstein repeatedly told Inch that Sessions had not yet approved the appointment. Inch reportedly resented Sessions’ habit of communicating with him through junior DOJ lawyers.

Inch also told Rosenstein he was tired of the Trump administration flouting “departmental norms,” and he was frustrated by Sessions trying to thwart Kushner’s reforms. This hardly meant that Inch was a fan of the FIRST STEP Act, however: the Times said Inch objected to the Kushner-backed requirement that inmates be placed in prisons within 500 miles of their homes. He also believed the FIRST STEP earned-credits program for more halfway house was impractical, in part because of a lack of available beds in halfway houses.

inch180530Mostly, it seems Inch was offended that he was largely excluded from discussion of prison reform bill. Even that shutout appears to have been engineered by Sessions. Two senior White House officials said Kushner made a point of inviting Inch to prison reform meetings, but Sessions often sent other officials in his place.

The Times said Inch – whose career was spent in the Army criminal justice and prison system – struggled to publicly explain the BOP’s response to sexual harassment, halfway house and staffing problems. Watching Inch testify before Congress was like getting a tooth pulled without novocaine. The director practiced James H. Boren’s bureaucrat’s creed: “When in doubt, mumble; when in trouble, delegate; when in charge, ponder.”

The New York Times, Turf War Between Kushner and Sessions Drove Federal Prisons Director to Quit (May 24, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Through a Glass Darkly – FIRST STEP Act’s Chances in the Senate – Update for May 29, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues. 

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FUTURE OF THE FIRST STEP ACT IS FAR FROM CLEAR

breeze180530Supporters of a federal criminal justice system overhaul seemed well on their way to victory after the FIRST STEP Act breezed through the House last week on an impressive bipartisan vote. The Act, H.R. 5682, has strong administration backing, including the fingerprints of Jared Kushner, the presidential adviser and son-in-law. It has some important Senate supporters. But a lot of informed people are still predicting that neither the FIRST STEP Act nor any other criminal justice reform bill will pass the Senate this year.

First, senior Senate authors of the long-stalled Sentencing Reform and Corrections Act, S.1917 – including Senate Judiciary chairman Charles Grassley (R-Iowa), are steadfastly opposed to FIRST STEP. They consider it an insufficient half-measure for its focus on prison programs without changes in federal sentencing laws. Plus, Grassley is still smarting from his inability to pass SRCA last year, and he says he’s not going down without a fight.

Second, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Kentucky) is highly unlikely to try to move the bill through the Senate as long as Grassley is opposed to it, according to Republican senators and aides. They say McConnell, who is not that keen on criminal justice legislation in general, is definitely uninterested in circumventing his Judiciary Committee chairman and provoking an intra-party fight that would eat up weeks of floor time. A Republican senator said flatly of McConnell’s view of the bill right now: “It’s not on the priority list.” If McConnell decides not to bring the bill to a vote, no one can force him to do so.

sessions180322Third, impressive groups of opponents to FIRST STEP are lining up on both sides of the aisle. Attorney General Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III Sessions, a former senator himself, opposes SRCA and is lukewarm about FIRST STEP. And even the narrower FIRST STEP bill will probably face opposition on the right from Sessions’ allies, like Senator Tom Cotton (R-Arkansas), who once memorably said America has an “under-incarceration problem” and is reportedly stirring up opposition to FIRST STEP among law enforcement groups.

At the same time, FIRST STEP is opposed by some civil-rights groups, former Attorney General Eric Holder, and a coalition of leading Senate Democrats, including Richard Durbin (D-Illinois), Cory Booker (D-New Jersey), and Kamala Harris (D-California). In a letter last week, the senators said FIRST STEP would be “a step backwards” and that prison reform would fail if Congress did not simultaneously overhaul the nation’s sentencing laws. Also signing the letter were Representatives Sheila Jackson Lee (D-Texas) and John Lewis D-Georgia).

donotwaste180530Last Wednesday, a group of senators asked McConnell for a last-ditch negotiation session to seek an acceptable compromise. SRCA backers fear this may be the only chance for years to come to pass major criminal justice reform. “You don’t get many opportunities around here to do anything meaningful or substantive,” said Durbin, a chief author of the sentencing provisions. “Let’s not waste this one. Let’s get this right.”

Although Trump supports FIRST STEP, it’s unclear how he would react if Congress sent him a bill that included SRCA-style sentencing reforms. A prison reform-only bill gives Trump what he wants: To look tough to his base by not budging on sentences while also showing evangelicals he believes in “second chances.” Adding sentence reform might be too much for him.

New York Times, Why some senators who want a criminal justice overhaul oppose a prisons bill (May 26, 2018)

New York magazine, Can Kushner’s Patchy Prison-Reform Bill Survive the Senate? (May 23, 2018)

The Marshall Report, Is The “First Step Act” Real Reform? (May 22, 2018)

Politico, Trump-backed prisons bill DOA in the Senate (May 21, 2018)

Senate Judiciary Committee release, For criminal justice bill to pass the Senate, it must include sentencing reform (May 22, 2018)

 The Atlantic, Democrats Split Over Trump’s Prison Pitch (May 23, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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