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The House Giveth and the House Taketh Away – Update for September 10, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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HOUSE PULLS A FAST ONE ON ‘CRIME OF VIOLENCE’

violence151213While everyone was watching the Supreme Court confirmation last week, the House of Representatives passed a bill at the speed of light that would reclassify dozens of federal crimes as “crimes of violence,” making them deportable offenses under immigration law. Criminal justice advocacy groups say the bill, rushed to the floor without a single hearing, is unnecessary, is overbroad, and will intensify the problem of over-criminalization.

The Community Safety and Security Act of 2018H.R. 6691, passed by a largely party-line vote of 247–152. Among the crimes that it would make violent offenses are burglary, fleeing, and coercion through fraud. The bill, introduced only a week before, sailed to the House floor without a single hearing or markup prior to last Friday’s vote.

The Supreme Court ruled in Sessions v. Dimaya last spring that the definition of a “crime of violence” used in 18 USC 16(b) was unconstitutionally vague. House Republicans say they crafted the bill in response to the Court’s recommendations in that case. But the criminal justice reform advocacy group FAMM warned that the bill “would label seemingly nonviolent offenses such as burglary of an unoccupied home and fleeing as violent offenses.” The bill was also opposed by the House Liberty Caucus, which released a statement saying that the legislation “expands unconstitutional federal crimes and provides grossly disproportionate consequences for nonviolent offenses.”

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Rep. Karen Handel (R-Georgia), however, one of H.R. 6691’s sponsors, claims the bill is urgently needed to keep communities safe from violent crime. “We don’t have the privilege to squabble over hypotheticals that have no bearing on the application of this law,” Handel argued during floor debate. “I can assure my colleagues this bill is not overly broad. It’s not a dangerous overexpansion. Instead, it’s a carefully crafted response to the Supreme Court’s recommendations.”

OSU law professor Doug Berman wrote in his Sentencing Law and Policy blog last Friday that “because the definition of “crime of violence” under federal law matters in lots of arenas beyond immigration, I am hopeful that the Senate will take a more careful and deliberative approach to this issue than has the House.” Although usually a bill introduced so late in the 2-year Congressional session stands no chance of becoming law, there is a risk that if criminal justice reform legislation passes the Senate, the House may try to force inclusion of H.R. 6691 in the final, compromise package.

Reason.com, House Passes Bill to Reclassify Dozens of Offenses as ‘Crimes of Violence’ (Sept. 7, 2018)

Sentencing Law and Policy, US House passes broad rewrite of the federal definition of “crime of violence” without any hearings (Sept. 7, 2018)

H.R.6691 – Community Safety and Security Act of 2018

– Thomas L. Root

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We’ve Got the Shorts – Update for September 7, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues. Today, a couple of short takes from last week’s federal criminal news…

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AND YET THEY LOCK UP THE INMATES…

Frank Lara, BOP’s Assistant Director for Correctional Programs until his resignation earlier this year, is now working at director of operations of private prison-owner The GEO Group. The company is one of the largest private prison contractors housing federal inmates, having received $147 million in BOP awards during fiscal 2017.

conflictmix180907In a January 24, 2018, memo entitled “Increasing Population Levels in Private Contract Facilities,” Lara directed wardens to identify inmates for transfer to private facilities, saying it would “alleviate the overcrowding at Bureau of Prisons’ institutions and maximize the effectiveness of private contracts.” The memo mentioned only one facility by name, Rivers Correctional Institution in Winton, N.C., which is owned and operated by the GEO Group.

Government Executive magazine reported that The GEO Group did not respond to several emails, and when asked about the hiring over the phone, a company official hung up.

A correctional officers’ union local leader called Lara’s move “the biggest damn conflict of interest that I’ve ever seen.”

Government Executive, Federal Official Boosted Use of Private Prisons; Now He Has a Top Job at One (Aug. 29, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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STUDY UNCOUPLES SENTENCE LENGTH FROM RECIDIVISM

recividists160314A Dept. of Justice-funded study published last month found that the average length of a federal sentence could be reduced by 7.5 months with a small impact on recidivism. The authors concluded from the data that “length‐of‐stay effects do not vary by criminal history, offense seriousness, sex, race, and education level.”

The study concluded that reducing the average length of stay for the federal prison population by 7.5 months could save the BOP 33,203 beds once the inmate population reaches steady state.

Criminology & Public Policy, Relationship Between Prison Length of Stay and Recidivism: A Study Using Regression Discontinuity and Instrumental Variables with Multiple Break Points (Aug. 8, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Too Little, Too Late for a Lot of Defendants – Update for September 6, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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AT LEAST THEY’RE TALKING ABOUT IT…

hammer160509Hearings on the nomination of Judge Brett Kavanaugh to serve on the Supreme Court opened this past Tuesday and are to conclude tomorrow, and debate (at least among scholars, rather than the rabble in the hearing room) has already ramped up on the Judge’s dislike of the acquitted conduct rules in the Sentencing Guidelines.

Under the Guidelines, a defendant convicted on one count but acquitted on other counts can be sentenced as if he or she was guilty on everything, as long as the court finds it more likely than not that the defendant did what the jury acquitted him or her on.

Kavanaugh, a generally conservative judge, wrote separately in a 2015 appeal decision to ask, if a defendant has a right to “have a jury find beyond a reasonable doubt the facts that make him guilty and received, for example, a five-year sentence, why doesn’t he have a right to have a jury find beyond a reasonable doubt the facts that increase that five-year sentence to, say, a 20-year sentence?”

Or, as Blakely v. Washington put it, “[A]s the law now stands, prosecutors can brush off the jury’s judgment by persuading judges to use the very same facts the jury rejected at trial to multiply the duration of a defendant’s loss of liberty threefold. In that regime, the jury is largely “relegated to making a determination that the defendant at some point did something wrong, a mere preliminary to a judicial inquisition into the facts of the crime the State actually seeks to punish” at sentencing.”

hammer171221Writing at SCOTUSBlog last week, Sen. Orrin Hatch (R-Utah), senior senator on the Judiciary Committee, said, “In the past, I have been supportive of considering all relevant conduct at sentencing, including acquitted conduct. But Kavanaugh and others have convinced me that this practice must end — as a matter of fundamental fairness if not of constitutional law. I plan to soon introduce the Acquitted Conduct Sentencing Reform Act, which will stop judges from punishing defendants for crimes for which a jury found them “not guilty.” The contours of civilization require fairness in our criminal justice system, and the Constitution demands that American men and women hold prosecutors and judges accountable. The role of the jury is central to the Constitution’s protection of individual rights, and it is time for Congress to restore power to the people.”

SCOTUSBlog.com, Judge Kavanaugh’s fight for stronger jury rights (Aug. 31, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Too Exhausted to Exhaust? – Update for September 5, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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PLRA EXHAUSTION REQUIREMENT EXCUSED IF INMATE UNABLE TO COMPLY

exhaustedThe Prison Litigation Reform Act was adopted in the 1990s to make it more procedurally complex for inmates to file civil actions. One provision of the PLRA requires a prisoner to exhaust all available administrative remedies before filing a federal lawsuit. Not meeting this exhaustion requirement usually gets an inmate civil action tossed out.

Rodolph Lanaghan is a very ill Wisconsin state prison inmate. Wisconsin prison regs require an inmate to file a grievance within 14 days of the occurrence giving rise to the complaint. Rodolph, who suffers from a severe degenerative muscle disease, filed a federal suit under 42 USC 1983, alleging state authorities were deliberately indifferent to his medical needs, and this violated his 8th Amendment rights.

The problem is that he did not file a state prison grievance first. After Rodolph was released from the hospital back into general population, a fellow inmate tried to sit with him in the day room to prepare a grievance on the prescribed form. But all the rec tables were occupied, and Rodolph needed a flat surface to write on. The day room study tables were available, but a corrections officer (CO) denied him use of a study table because prison regulations stated that those were reserved for studying only.

plra180906Unable to secure a table, Rodolph – who lacked any stamina because of the disease – went back to his cell with the help of the other inmate. Rodolph “spent the next week trapped inside his own body, believing he was going to die,” before being sent back to the hospital for two months.

He got out of the hospital in March, but by then he was months past the deadline for filing a grievance. Therefore, he did not bother to try. Instead, he filed his lawsuit against the prison a few months later, in July. When Rodolph learned that the PLRA required he file a grievance before suing in order to exhaust his remedies, as the legal jargon puts it, he immediately did so, but the grievance was rejected as untimely.

At a hearing on whether Rodolph’s lawsuit complied with the PLRA, the Wisconsin institutional complaint examiner testified that Rodolph’s physical condition would have been good cause to extend the time for filing until March, had Rodolph only asked for a waiver to do so. Nothing, however, but nothing supported a delay from March until July, which was months after Rodolph’s return from the hospital.

The district court held Rodolph had failed to exhaust his administrative remedies with the prison, and his lawsuit should be tossed for violating the PLRA. Last week, however, the 7th Circuit reversed.

A prisoner does not have to follow the PLRA exhaustion requirements when the grievance procedure is not available to him or her. The appeals court noted that the proper focus is not whether the prison officials engaged in any misconduct that kept Rodolph from filing, but instead whether Rodolph was not able to file the grievance within the time period through no fault of his own. The availability of a grievance procedure is not an “either‐or” proposition, the Court said. “Sometimes grievances are clearly available; sometimes they are not; and sometimes there is a middle ground where, for example, a prisoner may only be able to file grievances on certain topics.” For that reason, the availability of a remedy is therefore a fact‐specific inquiry.

If the prison had a procedure under which grievance forms were provided to all inmates and they were required to fill them out without any assistance from others, the Court said, “that procedure might render the grievance remedy available for the majority of inmates, but the same procedure could render it unavailable for a subset of inmates such as those who are illiterate or blind, for whom either assistance or a form in braille would be necessary to allow them to file a grievance.”

plrachart180906Here, even though most inmates could have returned when a rec table was available, the Court said, and even though the COs were only following the rules in denying Rodolph a table, Rodolph’s particular circumstances (the disease) in conjunction with the CO’s decision made the prison grievance remedy unavailable to him.

What’s more, the Court said, Rodolph could not be held responsible for not filing after he got back from hospital months later. While nothing prevented him from filing the grievance immediately after he returned, a time when it might have been considered because his physical incapacity could have constituted good cause for the delay, nothing in the inmate handbook made him aware of such a procedure. The Court said that “a secret grievance procedure is no procedure at all, at least absent some evidence that the inmate was aware of that procedure.”

Lanaghan v. Koch, Case No. 17-1399 (7th Cir., Aug. 29, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Kushner Unrelenting On Criminal Justice Reform – Update for September 4, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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KUSHNER PUTS PRESSURE ON SENATE TO PASS REFORM BILL

kushner180622Jared Kushner, son-in-law and senior advisor to the President, told reporters last week that the White House is “very close” to finalizing a criminal-justice-reform package that combines the Sentencing Reform and Corrections Act (S.1917) and the FIRST STEP Act (S.2795), to break a Senate logjam due to internal Republican Party divisions. The House passed a pared-down criminal-justice bill earlier this year with significant bipartisan margins.

Kushner has worked for months with key House lawmakers and senators to shepherd through a legislative package that reforms federal prison policy and mandatory-minimum sentencing laws. The measure is still far from being signed into law and otherwise allies of the White House, such as Sen. Tom Cotton (R-Ark.), are determined to kill it.

Ten days ago, Kushner turned up the pressure on Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Kentucky) to bring the revised FIRST STEP Act to a vote. Kushner is touting a Kentucky poll showing that 70% of those surveyed support FIRST STEP to convince McConnell to bring the issue to a vote. Kushner told the media he has spoken several times with Trump about FIRST STEP, which passed the House in May on a 360 to 9 vote.

The legislation has been met with divisions in the Senate where critics, including Sens. Charles Grassley (R-Iowa) and Richard Durbin (D-Illinois) say it does not address the “front end” problem of longer prison sentences which have fueled decades of growth in the federal prison population. 

A recent White House-driven compromise to the Senate version of FIRST STEP would loosen mandatory minimum sentences for repeat non-violent drug offenders and scrap the “three-strike” mandatory life in prison provision. A spokesman for McConnell said he discussed the hybrid bill 10 days ago week with Kushner, Grassley, and Sens. John Cornyn (R-Texas) and Mike Lee (R-Utah).

mcconnell180219McConnell “made it clear” after the meeting that the hybrid FIRST STEP/SRCA won’t come up for a vote before the November election. McConnell’s spokesman. said that although McConnell did not commit to holding a vote, “proponents of the legislation will continue to discuss the issue with their colleagues followed by a whip count after the October session to accurately assess the Conference’s view on the issue.”

The Washington Post, Jared Kushner ramps up push for criminal justice reform (Aug. 30, 2018)

Lexington, Kentucky, Herald-Leader, Jared Kushner joins campaign to press McConnell on criminal justice reform (Aug. 30, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Could It Be ‘Sayonara, Sessions?’ – Update for August 29, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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TRUMP BLASTS SESSIONS AGAIN, FUELING SPECULATION THE AG WILL BE FIRED
Attorney General Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III
Attorney General Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III

Reports that Trump promised Attorney General Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III last Thursday that the President would oppose the compromise criminal justice bill are puzzling, because of the simmering rift between Trump and Sessions that exploded again into public view late last week.

Trump complained in a Fox & Friends interview that Sessions “never took control of the Justice Department” and that he was disloyal. Sessions, whom Trump called a moron last year, finally had enough, issuing a statement saying he and the DOJ “will not be improperly influenced by political considerations.”

Trump has been furious at Sessions ever since he recused himself from the Trump Russia investigation. Trump said he considered Sessions’ decision to be a sign of disloyalty, and the two have an unusually cold relationship for a president and the nation’s top law-enforcement official.

White House spokesman Hogan Gidley said last week that Trump has made clear he supports the prison reform legislation “that will ultimately make American communities safer and save taxpayers money. The president recognizes there are some injustices in the system that should be fixed.”

Sen. Tim Scott (R-South Carolina) said it ultimately won’t matter whether they have Sessions’ support or not. “Listen,” Scott said, “[Sessions] doesn’t have a vote on this one.”

The notion that Trump mollified Sessions by agreeing to oppose the compromise package, only several weeks after Trump said he would sign anything Congress sent him on criminal justice reform, is suspect. The fact that he told White House advisor Jared Kushner and Sen. Charles Grassley (R-Iowa) the next day that he was willing to take up reform after the November elections and that White House officials continue to state his support for criminal justice reform, makes the alleged Sessions promise even harder to believe.

A Bloomberg article last Thursday provides the starkest evidence that Trump has little to gain by agreeing to kill criminal justice reform to please his AG. Bloomberg reported that Trump “may have received a crucial go-ahead signal from two Republican senators” to fire Sessions “with a key condition attached: wait until after the November elections.”

Confronted with the Manafort conviction and the Cohen guilty plea last week, Bloomberg said, Trump has reaffirmed his open resentment that Sessions recused himself from what’s become a wide-ranging investigation led by Special Counsel Robert Mueller.

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Beauregard, we hardly knew ye.

The pivotal message to Trump came from Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-South Carolina). “The president’s entitled to an attorney general he has faith in, somebody that’s qualified for the job, and I think there will come a time, sooner rather than later, where it will be time to have a new face and a fresh voice at the Department of Justice,” Graham said. However, he added, forcing out Sessions before November “would create havoc” with efforts to confirm Trump’s Supreme Court nominee Brett Kavanaugh, as well as with the midterm elections on Nov. 6 that will determine whether Republicans keep control of Congress.

Grassley, the Judiciary Committee’s chairman, also changed his position on Thursday, saying in an interview that he’d be able to make time for hearings for a new attorney general after saying in the past that the committee was too busy.

Some senior Republican senators still strongly rejected Graham’s seemingly impromptu fire-him-later idea.

Despite the political hell-storm that Trump’s dismissal of Sessions would create, it is clear that criminal justice reform would only benefit from Sessions being run out of town. 

McClatchy News, Trump, Sessions feud spills over into dispute over policy on criminal justice reform (Aug. 21, 2018)

Politico, Senators Signal Sessions’ Ouster (Aug. 24, 2018)

Bloomberg, Key Republicans Give Trump a Path to Fire Sessions After the Election (Aug. 23, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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More of the Same Ol’ Same Ol’ at the Sentencing Commission – Update for August 28, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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SENTENCING COMMISSION ANNOUNCES PRIORITIES FOR COMING YEAR

The U.S. Sentencing Commission last week approved a list of policy priorities for the coming year, including a multi-year examination of the “differences in sentencing practices that have emerged across districts, within districts, and, in some cases, within courthouses under the advisory guidelines system.”

In light of the Supreme Court’s decision in Koons v. United States, the Commission will also consider application issues related to the calculation of retroactive sentence reductions for certain offenders convicted of mandatory minimum penalties.

newsun180828For the third consecutive year, the Commission also set as a priority the adoption of a uniform definition of “crime of violence.”  The Dept. of Justice has raised several application issues that have arisen since the Commission’s 2016 amendment, including the meaning of “robbery” and “extortion.”  The Commission will also consider possible amendments to Guideline § 4B1.2 (the “career offender” guideline) to allow courts to consider the actual conduct of the defendant in determining whether an offense is a crime of violence or a controlled substance offense.

The USSC will also continue to study recidivism among federal offenders as well as the use of mandatory minimum penalties in the federal system.

Over the past two years, the Commission released eight reports on those topics. Despite the net effect of the prior reports (being zero), the Commission plans an additional recidivism report this coming year, as well as reports on the use of mandatory minimums in cases involving identity theft and sex offenses.

U.S. Sentencing Commission, Final Priorities for Amendment Cycle Ending May 1, 2019 (Aug. 22, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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After Wild Week, Criminal Justice Reform Postponed Until November, If Then – Update for August 27, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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TOPSY-TURVY WEEK IN WASHINGTON FOR CRIMINAL JUSTICE REFORM

Last week, the editor of this newsletter took a vacation away from the Internet and cellphone coverage for the first time in years. After all, the last weeks of August are always quiet in the courts and halls of Congress.

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The Supreme Court may be gone for the summer, but no one else in Washington seems to be…

What a mistake leaving town turned out to be…

The week started out well. Senate Minority Whip Richard Durbin (D-Illinois), the No. 2 Senate Democrat, said he could support the compromise criminal justice reform bill that Republican colleagues presented to President Trump and senior White House officials three weeks ago. That bill, which combined four sentencing changes with FIRST STEP Act, is a compromise pushed by senior White House adviser Jared Kushner in order to win the support of Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Charles Grassley (R-Iowa). Grassley, co-sponsor of the Sentencing Reform and Corrections Act of 2017 (which was approved by the Committee last February), has opposed FIRST STEP because of the absence of sentencing reform provisions that change some mandatory minimums.

oddcouple180702Durbin’s announcement made him the first Democratic senator to support the legislation, which is key to assuring Senate passage.

Two days later, the news site Axios reported that Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Kentucky) agreed in a meeting with Kushner, Grassley, Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas) and Sen. Mike Lee (R-Utah) to bring the compromise bill to a vote if an informal review showed that the measure had at least 60 votes in support. Axios admitted that McConnell’s spokesperson said a commitment to a vote had not been made, but asserted that another source said the Majority Leader came just shy of promising a vote.

Axios also reported President Trump had said earlier on Thursday that while he will not endorse the bill before the midterms, he was open to the compromise currently being negotiated, according to a senior administration official and Sen. Lee. The White House said in a statement “the President remains committed to meaningful prison reform and will continue working with the Senate on their proposed additions to the bill.”

While many, including Lee, wish the vote would occur today, McConnell’s willingness to bring it to a vote if the support is there (and earlier reports are that the compromise would collect 80 votes or more) is encouraging. The delay is entirely political: “I think the sentencing reforms are still controversial and divide Republicans,” Cornyn said. “I just don’t see the wisdom of dividing Republicans on a contentious matter like that before the election.

sessions180322Then, on Friday, the Washington Free Beacon reported that Trump told Attorney General Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III and Kushner the day before that he was opposed the FIRST STEP compromise, in large part due to an exception he believes it carves out that may release convicted drug traffickers early. A statement released by the Dept. of Justice seemed to confirm that. DOJ said: “We’re pleased the president agreed that we shouldn’t support criminal justice reform that would reduce sentences, put drug traffickers back on our streets, and undermine our law enforcement officers who are working night and day to reduce violent crime and drug trafficking in the middle of an opioid crisis.”

The Free Beacon story, however, said that Trump had later walked back his opposition, and told Grassley and Kushner that he was “willing to take up prison/sentencing reform” after the election.

The Free Beacon said “McConnell is famously skittish about dividing his caucus, and so is still unlikely to bring a bill to the floor if it does not have Republican caucus support. Trump’s backing—once held out, and now withdrawn—would almost certainly be vital to getting more Republicans on board.”

dontknow180828So the compromise may be voted on after the mid-term elections the first week of November. Or it may not. Trump may support it. Or he may not. The Democrats may support the compromise. Or they may not.

Of course, last week also brought the conviction of Paul Manafort, Trump’s former campaign chairman, on fraud charges unrelated to the Trump campaign, and the guilty plea (and probable cooperation agreement with the Feds) of Trump’s former lawyer, Michael Cohen. That is bad news for the defendants and for Trump, but to the extent it makes Trump angrier and more fearful of the Justice Department, it probably increases the chances Trump will support criminal justice reform.

The Hill, Democratic leader gives boost to criminal justice reform compromise (Aug. 21, 2018)

Axios, McConnell commits to moving forward on criminal justice bill after midterms (Aug. 23, 2018)

Washington Free Beacon, Trump Strongly Opposed to FIRST STEP (Aug. 24, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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3rd Circuit Goes for 2255 Petitioner in Remarkable Johnson Holding – Update for August 21, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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3RD CIRCUIT EASES JOHNSON BURDEN FOR 2255 CHALLENGES

Ronnie Peppers was sentenced to a 180-month mandatory minimum under the Armed Career Criminal Act for being a felon in possession of a firearm. But after the 2015 Johnson v. United States decision, which invalidated the “residual clause” of the ACCA as unconstitutionally vague, Ronnie challenged his sentence under 28 USC 2255.

BettyWhiteACCA180503But the 2255 motion was not his first, and 28 USC 2255(h) places limits on any effort to file a second or successive collateral attack on a criminal judgment. The District Court denied Ronnie’s second 2255 motion after determining that his prior convictions remained predicate offenses because they are covered by portions of the ACCA that survived Johnson.

Last week, the 3rd Circuit reinstated Ronnie’s motion in a pro-defendant decision that conflicts with a number of other circuits. First, the Circuit held that the jurisdictional gatekeeping inquiry for second or successive Johnson 2255 motions requires only that a defendant prove he might have been sentenced under the ACCA’s residual clause, not that he was in fact sentenced under that clause. Second, a guilty plea pursuant to Federal Rule of Criminal Procedure 11(c)(1)(C) does not preclude a defendant from collaterally attacking his sentence in a 2255 motion if his sentence would be unlawful once he proved that the ACCA no longer applies to him in light of Johnson. Third, a defendant seeking a sentence correction in a second or successive 2255 motion based on Johnson, and who has used Johnson to satisfy the gatekeeping requirements of 2255(h), may rely on post-sentencing cases (many of which hold other state crimes not to be ACCA predicates, either) to support a Johnson claim.

In Ronnie’s case, the 3rd Circuit found that his two state robbery convictions are no longer categorically violent felonies under the ACCA, and, consequently, it was error to treat them as such.

United States v. Peppers, Case No. 17-1029 (3rd Cir.  Aug. 13, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Rough Road Ahead in the Senate for Criminal Justice Reform? – Update for August 20, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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CRIMINAL JUSTICE REFORM: TRUMP WANTED TO LEAD, NOW IT’S TIME TO DO IT

Now that the Senate has resumed sessions after a shorter-than-normal August break, criminal justice reform advocates are escalating pressure on Majority Leader Sen. Mitch McConnell (R-Kentucky). They want him to schedule a vote on the revised FIRST STEP Act bill, which will include mandatory minimum relief, a bill backed by President Donald Trump.

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But there are worrisome signs that a long-running GOP rift on the issue has not healed. Politico reports that interviews with a dozen GOP senators show that the future of FIRST STEP, either amended or in its original form, remains precarious. That’s because the handful of Republicans who have long protested reducing mandatory-minimum sentences leave McConnell without any incentive to call up legislation that would split his conference.

One of the critics of adding sentencing reform to the House-passed FIRST STEP Act, Sen. John Kennedy (R-Louisiana) predicted last week that McConnell would not bring the bill to the floor any time soon. “I’m not sure that we can put together a deal,” Kennedy said in an interview. “I’m not sure we should.” 

White House officials and FIRST STEP supporters have been talking with Republican holdouts to convince them to back the compromise, which adds four sentencing reform provisions to the House bill. Trump senior adviser and son-in-law Jared Kushner “will be making the rounds on the Hill,” according to a veteran Kentucky Republican strategist who now leads the nonprofit Justice Action Network. “And once we have the requisite number of Republican votes, I think his father-in-law is going to lean in hard.”

sessions180215A lot of involvement from the President will be required for the GOP to unify over reducing mandatory minimum sentences as part of a prisons package. Sen. Charles Grassley (R-Iowa) has 15 Republican cosponsors on the Sentencing Reform and Corrections Act, which contains mandatory minimum reductions, but Attorney General Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III opposes SRCA, and is even against FIRST STEP. Another conservative who is vocal in opposing either bill, let alone a blend of them, is Sen. Tom Cotton (R-Arkansas). Cotton wrote an op-ed piece last week that was breathtaking in its falsehoods and shibboleths, calling FIRST STEP a “jailbreak” sentencing bill that would flood the streets with stone-killer ex-cons. Cotton’s opinion piece was roundly condemned, but McConnell is hypersensitive to any dissention in the Republican caucus. There is little doubt that Cotton’s intemperate complaints concern McConnell a lot.cotton171226

Besides Cotton, other reliable allies of the White House, including Senate Majority Whip John Cornyn (R-Texas), are opposing the administration’s approach, which would combine FIRST STEP with changes to some of SRCA’s sentencing and mandatory minimums. The proposal nevertheless has wide, bipartisan support in the Senate.

Supporters say completing the bill would give the administration a needed win heading into November’s midterm elections. Opponents say it would make Trump look soft on crime.

A senior White House official said the Administration has 30 to 32 locked down “yes” votes among Republican senators. He offered hope that the number of Republican supporters could eventually grow as many as 40 to 46.

Trump and McConnell, once implacable foes, have forged something of a partnership these days. That arrangement will be tested in the coming days.

The Hill, Sentencing reform heats up, pitting Trump against reliable allies (Aug. 17, 2018)

CBS News, Trump, McConnell forge partnership as mid-terms approach (Aug. 17, 2018)

Politico, Criminal justice deal faces steep Senate hurdles despite Trump’s push (Aug. 17, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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