Tag Archives: jones

Supreme Court Leaves ‘Actually Innocent’ In Prison – Update for June 22, 2023

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

‘SAY IT AIN’T SO!’

aintso230622The Supreme Court today kicked a leg out from under federal prisoners who have been convicted of an offense based on an interpretation that later is abandoned by the Supreme Court, holding in Jones v. Hendrix that § 2255(e) – the so-called saving clause – does not allow a prisoner asserting an intervening change in interpretation of a criminal statute to circumvent the law’s restrictions on filing a second or successive § 2255 motion by filing a § 2241 habeas petition.  

Back in 1998, the Supreme Court seemed to endorse the use of a § 2241 petition where the strict limitations of the new Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996 (AEDPA) limited second § 2255 motions to cases where a recent Supreme Court constitutional holding or newly-discovered evidence would convince a jury that the petitioner was innocent. The problem was that many landmark criminal decisions by the Supreme Court – such as the holding that a defendant must know that he or she is in a class of people prohibited from possessing a gun (Rehaif v. United States, 2019) – do not resolve constitutional questions at all, but rather just interpret the meaning and scope of criminal statutes.

The 6-3 decision written by Justice Thomas observes that Congress created § 2255 “as a remedial vehicle by which federal prisoners could collaterally attack their sentences by motion in the sentencing court, rather than by a petition for a writ of habeas corpus under § 2241 in the district of confinement. The ‘sole purpose’ of § 2255 was to address the “serious administrative problems” created by district courts collaterally reviewing one another’s proceedings without access to needed evidence and “aggravated” by the concentration of federal prisoners in certain judicial districts that therefore faced “an inordinate number of habeas corpus actions.”

However, § 2255 contained a subsection – § 2255(e) – now known as the saving clause – which many courts (including the Supreme Court) had generally interpreted as letting prisoners file a § 2241 petition in cases where “the remedy by [2255] motion is inadequate or ineffective to test the legality of [a prisoner’s] detention.”

innocent210504Today, SCOTUS held that just because a change in how a law is interpreted makes someone actually innocent of the offense he or she is doing time for, such a new interpretation does not help a prisoner who has already used up his or her § 2255 motion. The Court said:

Section 2255(e)’s saving clause does not authorize that end-run around AEDPA. The clause preserves recourse to § 2241 in cases where unusual circumstances make it impossible or impracticable to seek relief in the sentencing court, as well as for challenges to detention other than collateral attacks on a sentence. But § 2255(h) specifies the two limited conditions in which federal prisoners may bring second or successive collateral attacks on their sentences. The inability of a prisoner with a statutory claim to satisfy § 2255(h) does not mean that the prisoner may bring the claim in a § 2241 petition.

Justices Sotomayor and Kagan filed a dissenting opinion. In a separate dissenting opinion, Justice Jackson wrote,

I am also deeply troubled by the constitutional implications of the nothing-to-see-here approach that the majority takes with respect to the incarceration of potential legal innocents. Apparently, legally innocent or not, Jones must just carry on in prison regardless, since (as the majority reads § 2255) no path exists for him to ask a federal judge to consider his innocence assertion. But forever slamming the courtroom doors to a possibly innocent person who has never had a meaningful opportunity to get a new and retroactively applicable claim for release reviewed on the merits raises serious constitutional concerns.

Jones v. Hendrix, Case No. 21-857 (opinion, June 22, 2023)

– Thomas L. Root

‘Danger, Danger!’ – Courts Grapple With Prisoners’ ‘Danger to the Community’ on Compassionate release – Update for February 11, 2021

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

GUESS THEY MEANT WHAT THEY SAID…

saymean161103Part 1: About 80 days ago, the 6th Circuit ruled in United States v. Jones that because the Sentencing Commission – due to having too few members to even hold a meeting – had not been able to amend compassionate release policy statement § 1B1.13, district judges had no obligation to follow the old version of that Sentencing Guideline.

A little background: At the same time Congress enacted the Sentencing Reform Act of 1984, it established the Sentencing Commission. Among the Commission’s duties was a directive in 28 USC § 994(t) that it define in detail what constituted an “extraordinary and compelling reason” for a sentence reduction (what we commonly call compassionate release).

The Commission’s response was policy statement § 1B1.13, which faithfully adhered to the statute by – among other things – directing that a compassionate release could only be requested by the Director of the Federal Bureau of Prisons. After all, that was what 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A) said at the time. But in 2018, Congress change the statute in the First Step Act to permit prisoners to bring their own motions for compassionate release if the BOP turned down their request for the agency to do so.. Of course, the BOP turned everyone down: Mother Teresa herself could not have wrangled a compassionate release motion out of the Director.

motherteresa210211Normally, the Sentencing Commission would have amended § 1B1.13 in due course, updating it to reflect that compassionate release motions may be coming from inmates as well as the rare filing by the Director of the BOP. However, the Sentencing Commission was having its own crisis at the time. Three members left the Commission at the end of 2018 when their terms expired, and President Trump had not nominated any replacements. When he finally came up with a few names months later, the Senate never got around to confirming them. As a result, the Commission has lacked a quorum for two years now, and has been able to do absolutely nothing.

Thus, we have a revised compassionate release statute on the books, but an enabling policy statement that is still rooted in the Dark Ages.

That old policy statement set restrictive definitions as to what constitutes “extraordinary and compelling” reasons for a reduction, and said that any reason other than those listed in § 1B1.13 had to be approved by the Director. As well, § 1B1.13 required the judge – among other things – to determine that the prisoner “is not a danger to the safety of any other person or to the community, as provided in 18 U.S.C. § 3142(g).”

That brings you up to date. Now, for today’s case:

Jones described a three-step process for deciding compassionate release motions: First, a prisoner must show extraordinary and compelling reasons for a sentence reduction. If that showing is made, the movant must then show that the motion is consistent with any applicable policy statement issued by the Sentencing Commission. If he or she crosses that hurdle, the prisoner must finally show after considering the sentencing factors of 18 USC § 3553(a), the court ought to grant the motion. Jones’s three-step came with one big asterisk: where prisoners were moving for compassionate release on their own – instead of the motion being brought by the BOP Director – the courts should skip Step Two.

Paul Sherwood filed for compassionate release under 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A)(i), claiming that COVID-19, coupled with his age and medical condition, constituted extraordinary and compelling reasons for release. He claimed that the 18 USC § 3553(a) factors also weighed in favor of grant. The government admitted Paul’s medical conditions satisfied the “extraordinary and compelling” threshold, but it argued that his possession of prohibited sex images (read that as “kiddie porn”) meant he “remained a danger to the community, and that the § 3553(a) factors counseled against release.” The district court agreed in a two-line order that Paul “has failed to demonstrate that he is not a danger to the community. Not only was he convicted of possession… but he was convicted of transportation as well.”

pornC160829Last week, the 6th Circuit reversed the district court, telling everyone it meant what it said in Jones: § 1B1.13 is to be ignored. “While a brief order may well be sufficient for purposes of denying compassionate release,” the Circuit wrote, “where the order relies exclusively on an impermissible consideration, we must vacate the order and remand the case for further consideration.” The 6th admitted that the district judge could consider whether Paul had a “propensity to be a danger to the community upon release, as well as the nature and circumstances of his offense,” and it even presumed that “the district court’s initial balancing of the § 3553(a) factors during Paul’s sentencing remains an accurate assessment as to whether those factors justify a sentence reduction…”

In other words, the Circuit telegraphed to the district court that it didn’t expect the outcome to be any different after remand, only the process used to get there.

Despite its expectations, “because the district court relied on § 1B1.13(2) as the sole basis for denying Sherwood compassionate release,” the 6th remanded the so that the district court could decide whether the § 3553(a) factors alone weighed in favor of Sherwood’s release, without considering “danger to the community.”

Part 2: In early December, the 4th Circuit ruled in United States v. McCoy that § 1B1.13 should be ignored, and – additionally – that district courts could even consider disproportionately long sentences as reasons for compassionate release.

danger210211Paul Kratsas has spent nearly three decades in prison for a non-violent drug offense committed in Maryland. He moved for a sentence reduction, arguing that he would not get a mandatory life sentence if convicted today, and that his record of achievement in prison showed rehabilitation. The government, predictably enough, argued that there was nothing extraordinary or compelling in Paul’s showing, and anyway, he had not shown he would not be a danger to the community (even after 30 years in prison).

The district court noted that even under current law, Paul would qualify as a career offender, but “with good time credits, he has already served more than the bottom of those guidelines.” District Judge Deborah K. Chasanow obviously concluded that United States v. McCoy meant what it said. She held:

It is time to recognize that both the law and Mr. Kratsas have changed over the last three decades. His youthful refusal to acknowledge his guilt – or to accept punishment – has given way to reflective maturity. His positive attitude while in prison is demonstrated by the myriad courses, programs, and activities he has completed successfully, earning him transfer to a low security facility and the support of his mentor and family. He has demonstrated that he is not likely to be a danger to society due to his insights into his personal responsibility and the release plan he has offered. He is to be commended for his refusal to lose hope.

Paul went home last Friday… for the first time since 1992.

United States v. Sherwood, Case 20-4085, 2021 U.S. App. LEXIS 2806 (6th Cir., February 2, 2021)

United States v. Kratsas, Case No. DKC 92-208, 2021 U.S. List. LEXIS 13313 (D.Md., January 25, 2021)

– Thomas L. Root

4th Circuit Endorses Compassionate Release for Stacked 924(c) Sentences – Update for December 7, 2020

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

THE REAL MCCOY


mccoy201207The compassionate release statute, 18 USC § 3582(c)(1)(A)(i), requires that any sentence reduction be “consistent with applicable policy statements issued by the Sentencing Commission.” The policy statement implicated by the statute is set out in USSG § 1B1.13, a Guideline which lists three very specific reasons for granting compassionate release, and a fourth “catch-all” provision permitting grant of a compassionate release motion if “as determined by the Director of the Bureau of Prisons, there exists in the defendant’s case an extraordinary and compelling reason other than, or in combination with, the [other three] reasons.”

USSG § 1B1.13 was written before the First Step Act authorized inmates to file their own sentence reduction motions. The Guideline has never been changed, because the Sentencing Commission has lacked a quorum, and thus has been able to conduct no business, since 2018. But that has not stopped the government from arguing that compassionate release motions could not be granted because the Director of the BOP has not decided that possessing COVID-19 risk factor is an extraordinary and compelling reason for a sentence reduction.

Many judges decided that because § 1B1.13 was written back in the day when only the BOP could file the motion, it was a relic that could be ignored. But not all. The result has been a terrible disparity between district courts in granting compassionate release motions: the same set of facts that justify a sentence reduction in front of one judge would be rejected by another.

Last September, the 2nd Circuit laid down the law on compassionate release in United States v. Brooker (some are calling the case United States v. Zullo), ruling that district courts have broad discretion to consider “any extraordinary and compelling reason for release that a defendant might raise” to justify a sentence reduction under § 3582(c)(1)(A), and that Guideline § 1B1.13 only applies to compassionate release motions brought by the BOP (which would be virtually none of them). Then, two weeks ago, the 6th Circuit followed Brooker/Zullo in United States v. Jones, and the 7th agreed in United States v. Gunn.

Sentencestack170404It may be hard to remember that compassionate release motions get filed for reasons other than COVID-19. One reason advanced by some defendants has been that they received horrific sentences because of stacked § 924(c) convictions. Recall that before First Step, if you robbed a bank with a gun, you got maybe 87 months for the robbery and a mandatory 60 months more for the gun. But rob three banks on successive days, and you would get 87 months for the robbery, 60 more months for the gun used in the first robbery, 300 months more for the gun used the next day, and 300 more months for the gun used the third day. This was because § 924(c) specified that each subsequent § 924(c) conviction carried 300 months. First Step changed that, making clear that the 300-month sentence only applied if you committed a § 924(c) offense after being convicted of the first offense.

First Step did not make the § 924(c) changes retroactive. Nevertheless, after it passed some guys with stacked § 924(c) violations filed compassionate release motions, arguing that it was extraordinary and compelling to make them serve much longer sentences when the law had changed, and people being sentenced now did not face the same penalty.

One guy in Virginia, Thomas McCoy, and three others from Maryland filed such cases. Their respective district courts agreed with the motions, cutting their sentences to time served. But the government appealed, arguing that the sentence reduction did not fit § 1B1.13, and even if they did, the fact that the defendants had stacked § 924(c) sentences was not extraordinary and compelling because in First Step, Congress decided against retroactivity of the First Step changes to § 924(c). Last week, the 4th Circuit sided with the defendants, in the process pushing the bounds of compassionate release to new horizons.

The 4th Circuit agreed with Brooker, Gunn and Jones that § 1B1.13 – because it refers only to compassionate release motions filed by the BOP – is not an “applicable policy statement” within the meaning of the statute, and thus may be ignored.

draco201207Beyond that, the 4th rejected the Government’s argument that there was nothing wrong with holding the defendants to their draconian sentences, ruling instead that “the district courts in these cases appropriately exercised the discretion conferred by Congress… We see no error in their reliance on the length of the defendants’ sentences, and the dramatic degree to which they exceed what Congress now deems appropriate, in finding “extraordinary and compelling reasons” for potential sentence reductions…”

The appellate holding is huge, suggesting that sentence unfairness and rehabilitation gives sentencing judges the right to make sentence reductions under § 3582(c)(1)(A)(i).

United States v. McCoy, Case No 20-6821, 2020 U.S. App. LEXIS 37661 (4th Cir., Dec. 2, 2020)

– Thomas L. Root

Amid the Capitol Hill Ruckus, There’s Still FIRST STEP – Update for June 21, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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KUSHNER LOBBYING SENATE IN SUPPORT OF FIRST STEP ACT

It’s not like there isn’t any turmoil in Washington this week, with crying kids in cages all along the Rio Grande, Paul Manafort in a cage somewhere in Virginia, and a state supreme court chief justice being fitted for a cage by the Feds. But there remains legislative work to be done, and Jared Kushner – while not a legislator – has been doing it.

nascarwreck180622Kushner met with Senators on Capitol Hill last week to whip support for the White House-backed FIRST STEP Act (H.R. 5682) (an acronym for the unwieldy “Formerly Incarcerated Reenter Society Transformed Safely Transitioning Every Person Act“) that passed in the House last month. But despite his efforts (as well as editorial support for FIRST STEP and the Sentence Reform and Corrections Act [S.1917] appearing in both left- and right-leaning publications this week), Congress appears to be watching the unfolding immigration “family separation” situation like mesmerized NASCAR fans watching a five-car pileup.

Senators Charles Grassley (R-Iowa), Dick Durbin (D-Illinois), Kamala Harris (D-California) and Cory Booker (D-New Jersey) remain adamantly opposed to any bill that does not modify mandatory minimums. Nevertheless, the conservative Koch-backed group Freedom Partners announced last week that it was embarking on a spending pitch urging senators to support FIRST STEP despite Republican disagreement. The first round of mailings from Freedom Partners targets 15 Democratic senators and two Republicans: Grassley and Sen. Orrin Hatch (R-Utah).

CNN commentator Van Jones, a progressive who founded the criminal justice reform advocacy group #cut50, has been working closely with Kushner urging passage of prison reform. He told The Marshall Project this week:

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                              Van Jones

Where is this strong bipartisan coalition for sentencing reform [that some claim exists]? I know that they were able to get the Sentencing Reform and Corrections Act out of committee in judiciary, which is good on the Senate side, but there is zero chance that that bill is going to be brought for a vote by Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell in its present form, and there’s not even a strategy to get McConnell to check it out, that I can tell. A lot of the Republicans do want sentencing reform, but they can’t start there with a critical mass of their other colleagues.

An opinion piece in The Hill last week noted that “the problem of prison overcrowding and systemic biases against African Americans cannot be solved by presidential pardons alone. Nonetheless, Trump’s attention to these issues might help drive reforms through legislation and prosecutorial decisions. Significant criminal justice reforms are necessary, beginning with addressing the root causes of offending, which include mental illness and lack of family, education, employment and/or social opportunities.”

Axios, Kushner whipping support for prison reform in the Senate (Jun. 12, 2018)

The Hill, Criminal justice reform in the era of reality TV-style government (Jun. 13, 2018)

Politico, Koch group unveils six-figure prison reform campaign (June 11, 2018)

 – Thomas L. Root

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