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Saying It Doesn’t Make It So – Update for January 12, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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DADDY SAYS…

Because170112Serial college football coach Terry Bowden – who spent sojourns between his many coaching gigs as a TV sports analyst – delighted in quoting his father, legendary Florida State coach Bobby Bowden. “Daddy says…” Terry would start out, and then deliver a gem of football wisdom like Moses delivering the stone tablets.

We almost regret that Bobby’s been busy the past year coaching the University of Akron Zips to a lackluster 5-7 season, because we would like hearing him tell us “Daddy says… boys without fathers wear earrings to be like their mommas…” Yeah, really. Bobby said that.

Our point is that just because “Daddy says” it, it doesn’t mean it’s so. That’s the same point the 5th Circuit made in a decision handed down earlier this week.

fraud170112Euneisha Hearns was a mortgage loan officer involved in a rather plain vanilla conspiracy. She held customers lie to get mortgages, which was something of a sport in the halcyon days before the market collapsed in 2008. In Euneisha’s case, buyer interested in purchasing property on Brownstone Court in Dallas lacked the cash for a down payment. Hearns whipped up a loan application for him that puffed the value of the place and his ability to pay, netting enough for the buyer to close the deal and use some of the loan proceeds for the down payment (sort of like a snake eating itself).

Unsurprisingly, the buyer defaulted, the false statements came to light, and Euneisha was indicted. An old lawyer we used to work with liked to say, “no thief only steals once,” and this maxim apparently held here. There wasn’t just one bad loan at Euneisha’s. There were at least ten the government knew of.

Euneisha figured she was on the hook for about $180,000 (the amount of the Brownstone loan, an amount that will probably buy a storage shed in San Francisco). But the Sentencing Guidelines let a court set the loss based on the offense itself and related conduct. The presentence report prepared after trial said the conspiracy was responsible for total loss of $866,000, which included the Brownstone loan and “loss amounts related to nine other properties.”

“What other properties?” asked Euneisha. The PSR retorted that  “the Government has identified 10 properties [including the Brownstone Property] that involved fraud in the mortgage loan process. Government records reflect that with respect to these properties… Hearns [and her co-conspirators] were all involved in the scheme to defraud.”

Ah, the “Daddy says…” gambit. The PSR otherwise provided no information or evidence to support the loss amounts or Euneisha’s involvement in the other nine deals. The government presented evidence with respect to three of these properties at trial, but the remaining six properties were not mentioned either at trial or at sentencing. Nothing in the record showed when the six remaining transactions occurred, whether criminal activity was associated with the transactions, or whether Euneisha had even heard of them. Who bother? The government says, the PSR repeats. Game, set, match.

history170112Euneisha did not offer evidence to show that she was not involved with the other properties. It would have been hard to do so, to prove a negative. It’s especially tough in loss calculation, because loss amounts “need not be determined with precision” and “all that is necessary is that the finding be plausible in light of the record as a whole.” What’s more, PSRs – which, like history, are written by the winners – are generally considered “reliable evidence for sentencing purposes.” The district court concluded that “the information contained in the presentence report has sufficient indicia of reliability to support its probable accuracy.” It held Euneisha responsible for all $866,000.

Bcorso170112ut as another sportscasters, the equally legendary Lee Corso, likes to say, “Not so fast, my friend!” This week, the 5th Circuit vacated the sentence. Sure, the Court said, “a district court may adopt the findings of the PSR without additional inquiry if those facts have an evidentiary basis with sufficient indicia of reliability and the defendant does not present rebuttal evidence or otherwise demonstrate that the information is materially unreliable.” What’s more, a defendant has the burden of showing that the information in the PSR is materially unreliable.

However, the problem here is that the PSR contained no information to support the loss amounts and no evidence Euneisha had anything to do with the other transactions. The government only mentioned three of the nine properties at trial. As for the others, “the facts contained in the PSR regarding these six properties lack an evidentiary basis with sufficient indicia of reliability,” the Circuit said. “Although a PSR may be considered as evidence by the court when making sentencing determinations, bare assertions made therein are not evidence standing alone.”

negative170112The appellate panel made clear that Euneisha was not at fault for failing to disprove the PSR’s loss claim. “If the factual recitation in the PSR lacks sufficient indicia of reliability,” the Court held, “then it is error for the district court to consider it at sentencing — regardless of whether the defendant objects or offers rebuttal evidence.”

The case will go back for resentencing.

United States v. Hearns, Case No. 16-40222 (5th Cir., Jan. 9, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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Bootstrapping Your Way to Enhanced Sentences – Update for January 11, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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CHECK OUT THESE GUNS

About one out of ten federal offenders is charged with a firearms offense, and just about all of them are charged as felons-in-possession.

guns170111The shorthand is misleading, because literally, 18 USC 922 nowhere uses the word “felony.” But it does talk about a lot of other things. You can commit the offense colloquially called felon-in-possession if you own a firearm or ammunition that has traveled in interstate commerce after (1) being convicted of a crime punishable by more than a year in prison; (2) being under indictment for such a crime; (3) being convicted of any misdemeanor involving domestic violence; (4) being a fugitive from justice; (5) being a drug abuser; (6) being under a civil protection order; (7) being an illegal alien; (8) being dishonorably discharged from the armed forces; or (9) having renounced your citizenship.

The statute’s a hot mess, and its byzantine requirements would almost be laughable if the penalty – up to 10 years in prison – were not so serious. We just talked to a Navy veteran the other day who wanted to expunge a domestic violence misdemeanor he had gotten while on leave 22 years ago. He was shocked when we told him that he was committing a 10-year federal felony by owning the shotgun he hunted deer with every year.

Today’s case isn’t about the flaws in the statute, however, but rather the flaws in the system. Dasean Taylor was very much a felon-in-possession. In fact, he must have caught the authorities’ attention as a bona fide bad guy, because law enforcement sent an informant to buy guns from Dasean on three separate occasions.

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                            Not a business license…

Catching Desean the first time he sold a gun would have been plenty to hang him as a felon-in-possession. But the Sentencing Guidelines include an arsenal of enhancements that can jack up the sentencing range of a felon-in-possession, and the government pretty clearly wanted Dasean’s hide.

Dasean’s case centered around a 4-level enhancement for trafficking in firearms. The enhancement would apply to Desean if he sold two or more guns, and knew or had reason to know possession of the guns by the buyer was illegal or the buyer was going to use the guns illegally.

To be sure they could hammer Dasean, the authorities had their undercover buyer tell Dasean he was going to file the serial numbers off one of the guns. One of other guns sold was a sawed-off shotgun, illegal to own unless it was registered under 26 USC 5841. The district court held that the sale of those two guns satisfied the trafficking enhancement.

An unfortunate effect of the adoption of the federal sentencing guidelines was to institutionalize the practice of sentence manipulation. The drug guidelines increased according to the weight of the drugs sold, so law enforcement would not just make one buy, but rather a number of buys, until a weight threshold was reached. If the offense carried an enhancement for possession of a firearm, the undercover would beg the defendant to find a gun, any gun, that the undercover could buy. The worst examples are the “stash house” robberies, where the ATF agents running the sting would tell tales of a fictitious safe house stacked with kilos and kilos of cocaine. Why tell the perps they could knock over a place and get 4 kilos of coke when it was just as easy to promise 25 kilos?

§ 924 tacks a few years onto a sentence for carrying a gun during a violent or drug crime.
                                           Some guns you just know aren’t for plinking at cans…

In today’s case, Desean complained on appeal that there wasn’t enough evidence to apply the 4-level enhancement to his sentence (giving him 71 months instead of 46 months). Monday, the 1st Circuit affirmed the enhancement and sentence.

The district court found that “the cooperating witness [said] that he [was] going to take the serial number off” and that therefore “Mr. Taylor as a supplier would know [that the transfer] involved some unlawful possession or the use or disposal of the firearm unlawfully.” Dasean said the audio didn’t prove he heard the buyer say that, but the Circuit concluded otherwise., holding that because Taylor must have heard the statement,

then the District Court committed no clear or obvious error — or, for that matter, any error at all — in concluding that Taylor knew or should have known that the removal of a serial number is indicative of “anticipation that the gun will be used in criminal activity,” and thus that Taylor knew or should have known that CW-1 intended to use or dispose of the firearm unlawfully.

Now that’s a totem pole of inferences! The Court inferred from the audio that Dasean heard the buyer saw he’d remove the number, it inferred that Dasean knew that removing serial numbers indicates the buyer plans to be up to no good with the gun, and therefore it inferred that Dasean knew or should have known that the buyer intended to use or dispose of the firearm unlawfully.

Maybe so, but we think that begs the question. The cooperating witness did not intend to use the firearm unlawfully, or, for that matter, to remove the serial number. Instead, he was buying the firearm (and making the claim) at the behest of law enforcement, without any intention of carrying out his promise. It’s pretty obvious the buyer claimed he wanted to remove the serial number solely to trap Dasean with a higher guideline range. But can a defendant be said to know a b uyer will do something the buyer has no intention of doing when he claims to plan to do so?

It’s just unseemly to lie to someone, and then punish them because you assert they must have believed their lie.

boot170111Of course, there was a sawed-off shotgun, too. Under the National Firearms Act, one may not possess a sawed-off shotgun without registering it with the ATF. But the district court conceded that proper registration of the shotgun was possible, just unlikely. The Court of Appeals agreed, noting among other things that Dasean knew the buyer was up to no good because he “was on notice that CW-1 had expressed during the September transaction an intention to remove the serial number from a firearm.”

We don’t excuse selling guns to people who intend to misuse them, but the entire exercise in pumping up Dasean’s sentence struck us a serious case of bootstrapping.

United States v. Taylor, Case No. 15-1775 (1st Circuit, Jan. 9, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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7th Circuit Sanctifies Judicial “Hunches” as Sentencing Tool – Update for January 10, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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HUH?

pecks170110Ryan Gibbs was just one of those perennial bad boys, with a record as long as your arm and a demonstrated lack of interest in conforming his conduct to the strictures of the law. In front of a district court for possession with Ryan faced a Guidelines-suggested 151-188 month sentencing range. The government asked for 216 months. The most Ryan could have gotten was a 240-month term.

The district judge, rambling “none too clearly” (as the Court of Appeals lamented), decided that Ryan was incorrigible:

When I look at the 3553(a) factors apart from the “nature and circumstances of the offense,” your “history and characteristics” of you as a defendant does [sic] not indicate that there should be any leniency at all; that they [anteced‐ent unclear] “reflect the seriousness of the offense,” “promote respect for the law,” which your history and characteristics indicate that you have no respect for the law; “provide just punishment.” Nothing — No previous sentence that this Court has imposed or other Courts have deterred you from your criminal conduct.

With this gibberish constituting the sum and substance of the district court’s application of the sentencing factors of 18 USC 3553(a), the judge slapped Ryan with 216 months.

Last week, the 7th Circuit affirmed the sentence. No surprise there – the government wins over 92% of the time in criminal appeals to begin with.

But the Court of Appeals upheld the decision primarily because it sensed it could trust the judge’s (and, to a lesser extent, the prosecutor’s) gut.

hunch170111The Circuit admitted that no one in the case “attempted a sophisticated analysis of the likely consequences… of adding roughly two years to the sentence he would have been given had the judge stopped at the top of the guideline range… both the prosecution and the judge based the 216-month sentence (proposed by the government, imposed by the judge) on a hunch. As the prosecutors as well as the judge are highly experienced, their hunches are likely often to be reliable.”

The Court said that, after all, the government can suggest any sentence within the statutory range and the judge can impose any sentence within the statutory range. Plus, the panel argued, the “briefs and argument of defense counsel in this case bordered on the perfunctory.”

So the judge and the AUSA are “highly experienced” and their hunches are “reliable.” Defense counsel, on the other hand, is a legal klutz filing cookie-cutter motions and soulless briefs. It sounds as though imposition of a sentence after proper consideration of the Guidelines and sentencing factors in Sec. 3553(a) is a privilege reserved only for defendants who have good lawyers or face lousy prosecutors and a neophyte judge.

Judge Richard Posner, the author of the decision and an appellate jurist for whom we have great respect, said that “some consideration, however, should be given to the possibility of basing a prison sentence – at least a very long one (and an 18-year sentence is very long) – on something other than a hunch.” We agree wholeheartedly. But he then proceeded on a flight of impractical fancy by suggested that maybe the sentencing judge should have called the Sentencing Commission, which then would given the AUSA, court and defense counsel guidance on why it set the Guidelines where it did, and might even propose the right out-of-guidelines sentence in this particular case. The parties might find the Sentencing Commission “a valuable resource,” Judge Posner opined.

momscold170110What a capital idea! For that matter, the district courts might just want to call Congress for guidance on why the statutory penalties are as they are, or ring up the President for his view as to whether it should peremptorily commute the sentence, or even ask the defendant’s mother what punishment she found to be the most effective when Ryan was a mere lad. To be sure, the Sentencing Commission could not be so busy that it wouldn’t be willing to give a few minutes of time to arbitrate an individual sentence in Ryan’s case (or in any of the other 80,000 criminal sentences that occur in federal courts annually).

phonefriend170110In the days before the Guidelines, judges sentenced anywhere within the statutory range virtually without oversight or discretion. The Guidelines were to change all of that. In Gibbs, the 7th Circuit has handed down a decision that enshrines a judge’s “hunch” as a standard that trumps all others. What’s nearly as bad, the Court has suggested that maybe district courts should start using the U.S. Sentencing Commission as a “phone-a-friend” in troublesome sentencing cases, a development undoubtedly as unwelcome to the Commission is it would be for people like us who believe that judging is for judges.

United States v. Gibbs, Case No. 16-1747 (7th Cir., Jan. 6, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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Is There Big Clemency News Coming? – Update for January 9, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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CLEMENCY: SOMETHING’S HAPPENIN’ HERE

We’re down to 11 more days of President Obama to finish whatever he has planned on commutation of sentences, and we’re hearing a couple of things to suggest that something big is about to happen.

whatsgoingon170109A few weeks ago, we heard that the Obama Administration had asked the Dept. of Justice for an opinion as to whether Obama could commute sentences without naming individual names, more of a blanket commutation for those who met certain criteria on their sentences, prison conduct and the like. The rumor was second-hand, but we did confirm that the source was likely in a position to be aware of the information he was quoted as passing along.

We don’t know what advice the DOJ provided on the subject (or even if it did), but the question tantalizingly suggests White House interest in a large-scale across-the-board commutation.

Then last Thursday, we learned from a Clemency Project 2014 lawyer that one of the cases we had been working on with her – a guy who had been rejected for clemency by the Project last summer – had been reconsidered. The Project needed a formal application worked up and filed with the Pardon Attorney promptly. We made the Friday midnight deadline, and we were interested at the sudden flurry of interest and demand for an immediate filing.

We think something’s up.

The media still include the predictable skeptics – including the incoming Attorney General – criticizing the Obama clemency push. Jeffrey Sessions, a former U.S. attorney whom Trump has tapped to be the next AG, complains that “so-called ‘low-level, non-violent’ offenders” do not exist in the federal prison system. Other complain that with a recidivism rate of 75%, three out of four people getting commutations will commit new crimes. 

Another critic argued that with the commutations, “Obama has effectively undermined the justice systems of the states and… puts Americans’ lives and property at risk.”  (This, of course, is nonsense: Obama cannot pardon state inmates, only federal ones).

pardon160321But beyond the naysayers’ cants, report are increasingly speculating about clemencies to come. In a piece about commuting the sentencing of Obama’s old friend and Illinois governor Rod Blagojevich, Obama himself suggested that he planned to do more: “I study these cases on an individual basis. As you know, I have exercised my commutation powers very aggressively to make sure that we are not over sentencing people, particularly low-level drug crimes. Some of these higher-profiler cases, we’ll see what gets to my desk.”

P.S. Ruckman, a political science professor at Northern Illinois University and author of the PardonPower blog – which tracks clemency decisions by presidents and state governors – said he expects “commutations to a few hundred more drug offenders, and a handful of pardons,” mostly in drug cases, before Obama leaves office.” Douglas Berman, an Ohio State University law professor and sentencing expert, speculated that because Obama’s “shown a commitment to reduce sentences that he thinks are unjust or excessive, maybe his last few batches will include some high-profile folks.”

With 11 days to go, burning the midnight oil...
With 11 days to go, burning the midnight oil…

Margaret Colgate Love, the Pardon Attorney under President George W. Bush, told Slate magazine that the Obama administration has “already had perhaps the most prolific final year of any president. But that’s only when measured against his fairly barren first seven years. His administration has pledged to act on every one of the thousands of commutation applications filed pursuant to the 2014 initiative, which means that there will either be thousands of grants or thousands of denials in the final weeks. Either way, he will be subject to criticism—and the pardon power itself may be the main casualty.”

Slate, The George W. Bush Advice Obama Should Have Taken (Jan. 5, 2017)

Chicago Sun-Times, Patti Blagojevich on Obama commutation hope: ‘He didn’t say no’ (Jan. 6, 2017)

The Lens, Obama commutes sentences of hundreds of cocaine dealers who targeted kids (Jan. 4, 2017)

The Hill, Last gasps of Obama’s imperial presidency (Jan. 5, 2017)

San Francisco Chronicle, Prominent prisoners’ supporters pin pardon hopes on Obama (Jan. 7, 2017)

 –Thomas L. Root

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10th Circuit Reverses Sentence as Too Lenient – Update for January 6, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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A TOAST OF JOHNNY WALKER TO THE JUDGE

Doesn’t every guilty defendant long for a district judge like the one who sentenced Johnny Walker?

The defendant was well named...
                                      The defendant was well named…

Mr. Walker, who ironically enough was an alcoholic and drug user, had robbed a couple of banks. In fact, he had apparently robbed an even dozen in his past, and this offense was hardly his first rodeo. He pled guilty and faced a Guidelines advisory sentencing range of 151-188 months.

Nevertheless, his public defender – a guy whose chutzpah and persuasive skills should make him a thousand dollar-an-hour defense attorney – convinced the district court to hold off sentencing so Johnny could go to an in-patient rehab clinic for 12 weeks. Then, after Johnny successfully graduated from that program, the public defender talked the district court into sentencing his client to time served (which amounted to 33 days that Johnny had spent in jail before being bonded out). The judge was impressed that Johnny had overcome his addition, joined a church, gotten a job and lived with a supportive family.

soft170106Two days ago, the 10th Circuit reversed. Noting that the sentence was less than 1% of the bottom of the Guidelines range, the appellate panel held that the sentence was substantively unreasonable. The Court conceded that the district judge had tried to craft a fair sentence individualized to the defendant, but held that in so doing, ignored the seven sentencing factors listed in 18 U.S.C. 3553(a).

Of the seven sentencing factors, three factors weigh against a time-served sentence, one points both ways, and three are inapplicable. We recognize that these factors do not necessarily bear equal weight, and the district court bore the delicate task of balancing these factors.

* * *

In balancing these factors, the district court focused almost exclusively on Mr. Walker’s newfound sobriety. We do not question the materiality of this factor. But by declining to impose any prison time, the district court effectively failed to give any weight to the congressional values of punishment, general deterrence, incapacitation, respect for the law, and avoidance of unwarranted sentencing disparities…

The Court of Appeals was especially troubled by Johnny’s inability to cite a single bank robbery case nationwide where such a light sentence was imposed.

Of course every perp thinks he'll get away with it...
Of course every perp thinks he’ll get away with it…

It didn’t help matters that the district judge publicly expressed his disdain for the sentencing standard of general deterrence, where the court is to consider whether the sentence imposed will deter others from contemplating a similar crime. The district court reasonably thought this standard was nonsense, because hardly anyone sets out to commit a crime thinking he or she will be caught. If you figure you’re going to get away with it, you hardly contemplate the possible punishment if you do. And this, of course, presupposes that the criminal element reads the newspapers, consults the Guidelines, and generally knows what happens in the halls of justice.

The Court of Appeals was unswayed by the district court’s commonsense rejection of the deterrence value of a sentence. The 10th complained that the judge “gave inadequate attention to this purpose. The court reasonably concluded that no further prison time would be necessary to deter Mr. Walker, but did not ‘give much stock’ in the importance of general deterrence. Federal law required the court to put its skepticism aside.”

jump170106As our sainted mother would have asked, “if federal law told you to go jump off a bridge, would you do it?” Mom and the district court employed a little too much common sense to satisfy the 10th Circuit.

The 10th Circuit has thus held that all seven sentencing factors count, but only as much as the court wants them to count. Johnny could have gone 6-1 in favor of probation and a medal, and the Court of Appeals would have still said that the seventh factor tipped him into prison anyway.  

Johnny will now head back to court, where he’ll undoubtedly get the real prison time that the Court of Appeals wants him to have.

United States v. Walker, Case No. 15-4171 (10th Cir., Jan. 4, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root
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… And Throw Away the Key – Update for January 5, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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YOU HAVE NO FUNDAMENTAL RIGHT TO BE FREE

We have always been fans of the legal aphorism “hard cases make bad law,” but usually it is applied to an individual defendant. Need an excuse for even more draconian hate-crime laws? We give you Dylann Roof. Want to argue against modifying harsh mandatory minimum sentences for drug dealers? How about Wendell Callahan?

kitty170105But when it comes to sex crimes against kids, an entire class of defendant qualifies as a “hard case.” Who does not want to flog people like this? Even before hearing some of the justifications, such as “the 4-year old wanted it.” If any crime engenders a universal response of “lock ‘em up and throw away the key,” it’s child molestation.

That revulsion may explain this week’s U.S. Court of Appeals for the 8th Circuit reversal of a Minnesota district court decision declaring that state’s civil commitment law unconstitutional. After a sexual predator serves his time (and they’re almost always male), what do you do with him? If he’s still a predator, you subject him to civil commitment, which is nothing but a continuation of prison in mufti. The district court concluded that the Minnesita civil commitment statute was so bereft of reasonable procedures that would let a civil inmate petition for release that it was unconstitutional on its face.

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    How to keep them off the streets…

The Court of Appeals first, and maybe most significantly, disagreed that people “possess a fundamental liberty interest in freedom from physical restraint.” Because of this, the Court said, the Minnesota statute would be constitutional if it only bore a rational relationship to Minnesota’s legitimate interests in keeping people it deemed dangerous   off the streets.

The Court of Appeals quoted a prior Supreme Court decision that held

although freedom from physical restraint ‘has always been at the core of the liberty protected by the Due Process Clause from arbitrary governmental action,’ that liberty interest is not absolute. ‘The Court noted that many states provide for the involuntary civil commitment of people who are unable to control their behavior and pose a threat to public health and safety, and ‘it thus cannot be said that the involuntary civil confinement of a limited subclass of dangerous persons is contrary to our understanding of ordered liberty’. When considering the due process implications of a civil commitment case, the Supreme Court stated ‘at the least, due process requires that the nature and duration of commitment bear some reasonable relation to the purpose for which the individual is committed.’

The Circuit said the Minnesota statute provides “proper procedures and evidentiary standards’ for a committed person to petition for a reduction in his custody or his release from confinement. A committed person can file a petition for reduction in custody. The petition is considered by a special review board consisting of experts in mental illness and at least one attorney. That panel conducts a hearing and issues a report with recommendations to a judicial appeal panel consisting of Minnesota district judges appointed to the judicial appeal panel by the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. Through this process, the committed person “has the right to be represented by counsel” and the court “shall appoint a qualified attorney to represent the committed person if neither the committed person nor other provide counsel.” And the committed person may file a new petition six months after the prior petition is concluded.

confederate170105The U.S. government and the 50 states have concluded that child sex predators are dangerous to society. And no one would disagree. But these mutts are “hard cases.” Where do we stop? Guys with obvious anger issues like Wendell Callahan – not to mention a predisposition to resume a drug-dealing life – are likewise a threat. Certainly, people spewing racial hatred like Dylann Roof are a threat to society, too, whether they shoot up a church or just fly a Confederate saltire from the bed of their rusty pickup truck. Perhaps these people ought to be committed as well. As well as people who think Sharia law is peachy, or that gays are going to hell.

The point is that about the only thing that protects us from the tyranny of the majority view, and from being punished because our views are seen by the hoi polloi as being odious, is our fundamental rights. We’ve never been fans of the doctrine of substantive due process – mainly because we could never see any constitutional justification for claiming it exists – but substantive due process right have their utility. We are at a loss to understand how Obergefell v. Hodges could find that gay marriage is a fundamental right accorded 14th Amendment protection, but the right to be free of physical restraint is not.

tyranny170105If the right to be free of restraint is a fundamental one, that doesn’t mean that Peter Pervert can’t be civilly committed. Rather, it just means that the process by which he is locked up, treated and continually detained would be subject to strict scrutiny.

Karsjens v. Johnson Piper, Case No. 15-3485 (8th Cir. Jan. 3, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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New Congress, New Sentence Reform Efforts – Update for January 4, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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CRIMINAL JUSTICE AT THE DAWN OF A NEW CONGRESS

The 115th Congress opened yesterday, beginning another 2-year effort to pass some meaningful sentencing reform. And already, Sen. Charles Grassley (R-Iowa) has promised to renew his efforts to pass a bill.

corrections160314Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Grassley plans to take up legislation to revamp U.S. sentencing laws and reform prisons soon after his panel clears the high-profile nominations from Donald Trump. A similar measure passed his committee overwhelmingly last year before stalling out in the face of opposition from law-and-order conservatives.

 Grassley told Politico he will soon try again:
 

The committee will begin the year working through the attorney general and Supreme Court nominees, but criminal justice reform will be one of the legislative bills I plan to bring up early on,” he said in a statement. “It cleared the committee with a broad bipartisan majority in the last Congress, and I don’t expect that to change.

Grassley said he and Senate Minority Whip Dick Durbin (D-Illinois), will continue to try to line up support for a sentencing reform measure, while trying to convince the Trump administration of the need for the reforms.  Politico said the new legislation isn’t expected to be substantially different than last year’s version.

As the new Congress opens, here’s the status of federal criminal justice

The number of people in American prisons and jails at the end of 2015 fell by more than 2% after rising slightly in 2014, according to numbers released last week by the Bureau of Justice Statistics. The total is 2,173,800, the lowest since 2004.

The jail and prison population shrank by 51,300 last year. State prisons accounted for 42% of that drop, followed by local jails (31 %) and federal prisons (27%). Drug offenders accounted for half of federal prisoners and 16 percent of state prisoners in 2015. The decrease in the federal prison population was largely due to shorter crack sentences authorized by the Fair Sentencing Act. President Obama only granted 163 commutations in 2015, accounting for a tiny share of the decrease.

statistics170104Supreme Court Chief Justice John Roberts delivered his annual state of the judiciary report last Friday. He reported a 15% increase in appeals filings, driven by an 18% increase in pro se filings. Pro se appeals, almost all from prisoners, account for half of all appeals cases. In the district courts, Roberts said, cases with the government as defendant increased 55% as a result of 2255s filed in response to Welch v. United States and Johnson v. United States.

Also last week, Senator John Cornyn (R-Texas) took issue with Obama’s commutation program, arguing that presidential clemency makes it tougher to assemble a consensus for meaningful reform.

Politically, Cornyn may be right, but clemency and legislative reform shouldn’t be at odds. As the second most powerful man in the Senate with a Republican president about to take office, Cornyn has a chance to make sentencing reform a priority when the new 115th Congress convenes next month.

Cornyn has been a driving force behind recently-enacted laws to reduce nationwide rape kit backlog, improve crime victims’ rights, prosecute human trafficking and treat mental illness among inmates. Last week, the Dallas Morning News urged Cornyn to take the lead on sentencing reform again in the new Congress.

prosmis160627Yesterday, The Hill called for reform of the grand jury process to rein in prosecutorial overreach; changes in  mandatory minimum sentences and increased use of the “safety valve”;  increase prison rehabilitation efforts; make changes to remove the stigma of a felony conviction once an offender is released; and dramatically scale back the federal criminal code and ensure that all criminal laws have adequate criminal intent, also known as “mens rea.”

Chief Justice John Roberts, 2016 Year-End Report on the Federal Judiciary (Dec. 31, 2016)

Dallas Morning News, Cornyn has an opportunity to comprehensively reform the federal criminal justice system (Dec. 29, 2016)

Politico, Senators plan to revive sentencing reform push (Jan. 4, 2017)

The Hill, Criminal justice reform is ripe for bipartisan achievement (Jan. 3, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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A Couple of Year-End Decisions of Interest – Update for January 3, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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GOV’T APPEALS WIRETAP SUPPRESSION FOR AGENT’S LIE

Late last week, the Government appealed a remarkable Dec. 22 EDNY decision to suppress wiretap evidence because a federal agent perjured himself on the application.

liarliar171013In the case, a drug trafficking prosecution, the Government wanted to use recorded phone conversations, as well as GPS data taken from the ankle bracelet of a conspirator who was on state parole. Senior District Judge Jack Weinstein ruled, however, that a Homeland Security agent falsely swore in a 2015 affidavit supporting the there had been no previous wiretaps on the targets, when in fact there had been four in the last 12 years. 

“This was not a ‘misunderstanding.’ It was perjury,” the Judge wrote in United States v. Lambus. “Knowingly false statements cannot be tolerated, especially if those statements are made at proceedings where the courts have little choice but to take the government at its word.”

The government argued the agent made an inadvertent mistake, but admitted his representations were “absolutely wrong.” The appeal was filed last week in the 2nd Circuit, and will postpone a planned Jan. 9, 2017, trial.

The Judge also limited the use of GPS data pulled from Lambus’ ankle bracelet. Lambus’ parole officer began to suspect he was dealing drugs, and otherwise violating his parole, he made Lambus wear a bracelet. The PO kept the bracelet on for 2 years, and shared the date with the Feds.

gps170103“A state cannot use a parolee as a sort of fly paper, trailing him around the community for years, trolling for criminals,” the court held. “If the state wishes to search someone for the primary purpose of furthering a deliberate effort to gather evidence as part of a wide-ranging criminal prosecution, the “warrant and probable-cause requirement is not…‘impracticable’;” the search cannot be justified as a “special need,” even if the searchee is a parolee.

Memorandum Opinion and Order, United States v. Lambus, Case No. 15-CR-382 (E.D.N.Y. Dec. 22, 2016)

– Thomas L. Root

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NO SENTENCE ENHANCEMENT FOR LIST OF PRIOR ARRESTS

Maximo Mateo-Medina tried to do it right. He was thrown out of the U.S. after a conviction, but came back to care for his dying wife. After she passed away, he stayed to care for her special-needs grandson, whose parents were dopers. When he threw the kid’s father out for drug abuse, the dopehead dad turned him in for illegal reentry.

snitch161004The government agreed he should only get 6 months, but the district court gave him a year, because the Presentence Report listed 6 prior arrests that did not result in convictions. The PSR had no facts about the arrests, but that didn’t keep the court from hammering Maximo, holding he had “engaged in conduct which to the Court’s view belied and made ring hollow a little bit his desire to merely come to America to seek a better life.” The sentencing judge complained it was the reason Maximo “did not have any actual adult convictions is because of the breakdowns in the court—in the state court system—and not because of innocence.”

Last Friday, the 3rd Circuit said the district court violated Maximo’s due process rights by speculating about his criminal past with no evidence supporting its conclusions. The Court of Appeals cited recent studies that showed whites and blacks who commit the same minor offenses get treated very differently: “In early adulthood,” the Court said, “race disparities in drug arrests grew substantially; as early as age 22, African-Americans had 83% greater odds of a drug arrest than whites and at age 27 this disparity was 235%.” With respect to Hispanics, the study found that socioeconomic factors such as residing in an inner-city neighborhood accounted for much of the disparity in drug arrest rates.”

prohibition-arrests-blacks-thumbnailIn other words, it’s as likely that Maximo got arrested a lot because he was a Hispanic in a poor neighborhood, and not prosecuted because the charges were too bogus for a prosecutor to mess with. Without some facts showing he was guilty but lucky enough to beat the raps, the Circuit said, a sentencing court cannot consider arrests without convictions in increasing a defendant’s sentence.

United States v. Mateo-Medina, Case No. 15-2862 (3rd Cir., Dec. 30, 2016)

– Thomas L. Root

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There’s an App For That – Update for December 30, 2016

We’re still doing a weekly newsletter… we’re just posting pieces of it every day.  The news is fresher this way…

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YOU CAN’T TELL ME WHAT TO DO

It sounds like a teenager’s hormone-driven rant. Sadly enough, the story has a lot to do with a teenager. And, it turns out, the court can’t tell you what to do. But that doesn’t mean that someone else can’t.

A rather sketchy guy named Dave started a Facebook relationship with a 13-year old girl, Veronica Victim. Through some pretty textbook manipulation, he convinced Veronica he had been a talent scout for America’s Got Talent. He promised to could coach creep161230Veronica on “voice” lessons, sessions that included a sexual component.       Finally,
44-year Dave bedded the 13-year old girl. 

Veronica’s parents found out she had been lying about her whereabouts when she was really at Dave’s, and they grounded her. That was when Dave and Veronica hatched a plan for the two of them to flee the state together. They would live as though they were father and daughter – albeit with plenty of sex behind closed doors – until Veronica was 18. Then they would get married.

The pair made it to Arkansas before authorities – who figured out Dave’s involvement quickly when they examined Veronica’s social media – fingered him as the culprit. Dave went to trial, and was easily convicted of knowingly transporting 13-year old Veronica in interstate commerce with intent to engage in criminal sexual conduct (sex with a minor).

While he was awaiting sentencing, Dave wrote to Veronica, telling her “I took it to trial just so I could see you one last time… I don’t know if you understand I’m going to prison for over 20 years. You understand that right?… I’m going to try to get the prison in Kansas. Maybe when you’re old enough you would come visit me.” Of course, by now, Veronica understood Dave to be the middle-aged creep he was. Thus, the letter upset her, and her mother told the judge as much at sentencing.

The district court sentenced Dave to 420 months imprisonment followed by supervised release for the rest of his life (which won’t be that long after his release at age 74). As part of its sentence, the district court included: “I am going to order you not to ever have contact with the victims in this case again. Period.”

The court then explained, “I don’t know if I can use the word “order,” but I am going to send as strong of an admonition as I possibly can, both to the defendant but also to the Federal Bureau of Prisons… that they are to do what they can to ensure that there are no such communications, ever.”

This must be how Dave feels...
                                                                       This must be how Dave feels…

Dave appealed. Two days ago, the 8th Circuit Court of Appeals handed Dave a Pyrrhic victory.

The Court of Appeals struck the “no contact” order, ruling that “the district court does not have statutory authority to issue such an order,” but rather, may only order probation, a fine, or a term of imprisonment under 18 USC 3551.

However, the district court didn’t just order no contact. Because the trial judge had doubts about whether he could do so, the court also couched the order as a recommendation, suggesting to the Federal Bureau of Prisons that it do whatever it could to ensure that Dave not communicate with Veronica. While Dave’s lawyer complained about the recommendation as well, the appellate panel ignored his plaint, saying “we do not have jurisdiction to review the provision recommending the BOP monitor Dave’s communications.”

But what good is a mere recommendation? Pretty good, it turns out. No contact? The BOP has an app for that.

tapemouth161230The BOP maintains a rather draconian program known as the Communications Management Unit. In its dry bureaucratic speak, the BOP says the purpose of the program is to “provide an inmate housing unit environment that enables staff to more effectively monitor communication between inmates in CMUs and persons in the community. The ability to monitor such communication is necessary to ensure the safety, security, and orderly operation of correctional facilities, and protection of the public. The volume, frequency, and methods, of CMU inmate contact with persons in the community may be limited as necessary to achieve the goal of total monitoring…”

No, we're the BOP. Now shut up.
                  No, we’re the BOP. Now shut up.

CMU inmates may write one letter a week – no more than six pages – to an approved recipient. They may send two e-mails a week, all to the same person, and they get not more than three 15-minute phone calls a month, only to family members. Everything gets listened to or read. Given that one of the criteria for assignment to a CMU is that “the inmate has attempted, or indicates a substantial likelihood that the inmate will contact victims of the inmate’s current offense of conviction,” Dave can be confident that the Circuit’s reversal of the no-contact order is a hollow win for him. What the district court can’t order, the Bureau of Prisons sure can.

The BOP currently only has a few CMUs. A quick check of the BOP inmate locator shows, unsurprisingly, that Dave is at one of the prisons that has such a unit. Until his release in 2045, Dave probably should not be expecting a visit from Veronica.

United States v. Duffin, Case No. 16-1616 (8th Cir., Dec. 28, 2016)

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Drumbeats Still Pounding For White House Action – Update for December 29, 2016

We’re still doing a weekly newsletter… we’re just posting pieces of it every day.  The news is fresher this way…

LISAStatHeader2smallMERCY ME

Commentators are growing increasingly weary of the Obama Administration’s self-adulation over the President’s clemency efforts, even as advocates become more frantic over the fact that come January 20th, the guy who last summer called clemency recipients “bad dudes” and warned one audience that “they’re walking the streets – sleep tight, folks,” will become President of the United States.

fantasy161229One advocate wrote last week that

there’s something disingenuous in the now-familiar rhetoric peddled by the White House with every clemency announcement, which repeatedly tells us we are a ‘nation of second chances’. Even within the narrow scope of Obama’s clemency initiative — and putting aside his treatment of immigrants and whistleblowers — this is wishful thinking at best. As Obama himself has written in his congratulatory letters to clemency recipients, ‘thousands of individuals have applied for commutation, and only a fraction of these applications are approved.’ Before the latest round of pardons and commutations, Obama had rejected nearly 14,000 clemency applications. On the Department of Justice website, which tracks the rejections, the staggering list of names includes Ferrell Scott, whose application was denied on November 29. Scott is serving life with parole for pot offenses — precisely the kind of draconian sentence clemency exists to address.

We’ve previously complained that if an inmate fits into Obama’s clemency criteria – which themselves seem somewhat arbitrary – all he or she has done is to buy a lottery ticket. Consider the case of Alice Marie Johnson, a mother of five sentenced to life for a crack conspiracy in the 1990s. During her two decades in prison, she’s become an ordained minister and a mentor to young women. She has a job lined up upon release. Her daughter has collected over 100,000 signatures on a petition for clemency. Were she sentenced today for the same offense that got her life, her sentence would be substantially shorter. Yet she has been overlooked.

clemencyjack161229There’s no shortage of people on the potential pardon list. Besides the usual candidates – Edward Snowden, Hillary Clinton and Chelsea (nee Bradley) Manning – the efforts to obtain a pardon for Sholom Rubashkin, a Brooklyn-born rabbi who was sentenced to 27 years for bank fraud have increased. Last month, the Wall Street Journal editorialized for a pardon. This week, former deputy attorney general Phil Heymann joined the chorus in the Washington Post:

Rubashkin, a 57-year-old father of 10, has already served seven years for the crime, which ordinarily merits no more than three years. Worse, his sentence was based on perjured testimony and prosecutorial misconduct.

If even a few highly respected prosecutors think a particular case was handled unjustly, resulting in a vastly excessive sentence, the department’s representatives should be prepared at least to discuss the reasons. In Rubashkin’s case, 107 former Justice Department officials, including five former attorneys general, six former deputy attorneys general (myself included), two former FBI directors, 30 former federal judges and other leading jurists, have sought to meet with senior officials of the department we once served. The only response: a form letter from an assistant attorney general stating that no meeting could take place while Rubashkin was also pursuing his case in court.

The foregoing raises some troubling concerns. First, if 100,000 signatures on a petition, an exemplary prison record, and a sympathetic inmate aren’t enough to get the Obama administration to grant clemency, then the system is truly a crapshoot. Second, if a 57-year old rabbi whose conviction is so shaky that over a hundred cops and prosecutors call for executive clemency gets ignored, then it’s pretty clear that no one but a drug offender will ever qualify for commutation under this Administration.

time161229Still, the Administration promises more to come. One report predicted that we could “expect to see most pardons and the like in the month ahead focused on more non-violent drug offenders. There’s no shortage of such people incarcerated in U.S. prisons, so there are thousands of potential choices for Obama’s team to sift through by mid-January.”

As for Ms. Johnson, she believes that “the President has made an incredible push at helping to right the wrongs of our criminal justice system. I applaud him and hold out hope for me and thousands of others who face lifelong sentences for nonviolent crimes. But with the historic Obama administration coming to an end, this could be a last chance at freedom for me and for many others — so I also hope he moves quickly. I hope his administration will process all the applications for clemency currently waiting for the President’s review.”

The Intercept, Obama’s Clemency Problem – And Ours (Dec. 24, 2016)

Care2.com, Pardon Me? Who Obama May Pardon in His Last Month (Dec. 28, 2016)

Washington Post, 107 former Justice officials think this case was handled unjustly. DOJ must act. (Dec. 26, 2016)

Wall Street Journal, Obama Should Pardon This Iowa Kosher-Food Executive (Nov. 27, 2016)

CNN, Clemency seeker to Obama: please don’t forget us (Dec. 28, 2016)

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